Wen Tiejun - Ecological Civilization and Rural Revitalization Strategy from a Comparative Perspective원톄쥔 - 생태문명과비교관점으로보는향촌진흥전략part 2 — Steemit

Wen Tiejun

|Ecological Civilization and Rural Revitalization Strategy from a Comparative Perspective
원톄쥔 - 생태문명과비교관점으로보는향촌진흥전략
part 2 — Steemit


Rural Revitalization Strategy from a Comparative Perspective원톄쥔 - 생태문명과비교관점으로보는향촌진흥전략part 2

Macondo2 ( 31 ) in wentiejun • last year


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4. Local low-cost village self-government in China has become the stable foundation of national politics.
중국농촌의저비용마을공동체자치가국 가정치안정의기초

As far as the rural governance of the lower society is concerned, there is a substantial difference from the upper system of centralized management of the central monarchy. The upper class mainly implements the state's control and coordination of the society through the counties and counties, while the villages below the county and county have long-term self-sufficient society of low-cost autonomy.

하층사회의향촌치리 는 는, 중앙의왕권집중관리의상층제도와실질적인차이가존재한다. 상층사회는군현제를통해국가사회의통제와조정을행하지만, 군현이하의향촌은장기적으로저비용의자급자족 Hey.

The upper class is official governance, and the lower society is autonomous, in order to build a low-cost and stable national dual system.

상층사회는관치, 하층사회는자치, 이런구조를갖는저비용안정국가의이원체제였다.

Because the village is an autonomous society, it can exist independently for a long time. Many cases from ancient times to today tell you that the realization of self-government in rural society is the most cost-effective way of governance in a country. If the official system must be arranged at the grassroots level in the countryside and the same governance as a formal city is to be carried out, then it is necessary to pay a high system cost. Even in developed countries, there is no such success model. Many countries have caused social unrest due to excessive governance costs. Some people are eager to establish a modern rule of law in rural areas. Is that correct? The key is who pays the system cost? Not to mention that two-thirds of the county-level finances are seriously losing money. In many places, 70% of the cash is used to fill The old loan is converted into the interest difference of the new loan. Otherwise, what is the cost of the huge system?

향촌은자치사회였기때문에, 장기적으로폐쇄된자주적존재였다. 많은고금의사례를보면, 향토사회의자치실현이국가의최저비용통치방식이다.
만일향촌기층까지국가관리가통제해야한다면, 시스템이잘갖추어 진도시의모델을따라야하고제도비용이지나치게높아지게된다. 선진국조차도이러한성공사례는없다. 이런시도를행한많은국가가과도한관리비용때문에사회동란을경험하게된다. 어떤이들은, 별생각없이, 농촌에현대 의법치사회를구축해야한다고이야기한다. 정말이게가능할까? 관건은누가제도비용을지불할것인가하는것이다. 현재현급재정의3분의2는심한적자를경험하고있다. 많은지역에서토지사용세로거둬 들인현금의70%를예전대출과이를막기위해새로얻은대출의이자차액에지불하고있는것이현실이다. 그도아니면무엇으로어마어마한제도비용을 불할 것인가?

The CCP's "Nineteenth National Congress" report no longer emphasizes the direct election of villagers, but emphasizes the effective governance of the combination of autonomy, the rule of law, and the rule of virtue.

중국공산당'19대대회'의보고에서더이상촌민직선제에대해서이야기하지않고, 자치와법치, 덕치가결합한치리의유효성에대해서강조했다.

The biggest difference between governance and management is that management is a top-down execution system; governance is a steady-state structure that multiple groups can achieve through multiple interactions. The full expression of information can constitute good governance. Today, most people study rural governance. In fact, the management concept is the core. The final implementation of the recommendations is nothing more than strengthening the normative legal system. Is it mandatory to have a mandatory legal system? Of course not. Governance is the diversity of social structure caused by the diversity of geography and climate. Through this natural diversity, economic and cultural activities based on diversified groups are formed to form a structured and benign interaction.

치리와관리의가장큰차이는어디에있는가? 관리는탑다운집행시스템이고, 치리는다양한그룹이다원적인상호작용을통해서다다를수있는안정된구조이다. 정보를충분히공유할수있을때, 좋은치리를달성할수있다 지금, 많은이들이향촌치리를연구하고있지만, 실은관리개념을핵심으로해서, 최종결론은예외없이, 규범법제의강화를주문한다. 강제성의법제가정말치리인가? 그렇지않다. 치리는지리, 기후 등다양성을통해사회구조의다양성을추구하는것이다. 이러한자연의다양성을통해서형성된다원화그룹의기초위에건설된, 경제문화활동으로써구조화된좋은상호작용관계를만들어낸다.

The "Nineteenth National Congress" report proposes that the 20-word policy of rural revitalization is aimed at this.

19대대회보고에서제안된향촌진흥20자방침은바로이것을의미한다.

China's lower-class society has long-standing good-government autonomy, in which "wen" and "governance" are generally integrated, and the maintenance of civilization must be good governance. Can a good governance that does not engage in extensive social participation form a civilization? The "20-word policy" proposed by the "Nineteenth National Congress" can be understood as "three generations" (production, ecology, life) + "cultural governance" (civilization, governance). This is highly consistent with the ecological civilization experiment we have carried out and the long-term connotation of rural construction practice. According to this, how to understand the construction of our "three births + Wenzhi" with the endogenous diversity of ecological civilization should be of concern to everyone of us, especially those who engage in "three rural" research.

중국의하층사회는향신계급의자치사회를장기간유지해왔다. 그중에서문文과치治는특히일체가되어, 문명의양치良治를보장한다. 사회의폭넓은참여를통한양치없이문명을형성할수있을까? 19 대대회에서제시된20자방침은생산, 생태, 생활의'삼생'에문명과치리를더한'문치'로도이해할수있다. 이것과우리가전개해나가는생태문명의실험과향촌건설실천의함의는모두 깊은연관관계를맺고있다. 그러므로, 생태문명이태생적으로가지고있는다양성을통해우리가 '삼생+문치'를어떻게구축해나갈것인가하는주제는, 우리한사람한사람이특히, '삼농'을연구하는사람들이 반드시관심을가져야하는문제이다.

Since ancient times, when we formed the country, when the Qin and Han dynasties evolved from a feudal system to a county-state system, the village as a basic structure of a stable society, together with it formed a dual governance of the agricultural society, the upper class was called the official The management of the position, the lower society is called rural autonomy.

자고로, 우리가국가를형성했을때, 진한조시대에봉건제로부터하나의군현제국가로이행했을때, 향촌은안정된사회의기초를형성했다. 그리고농업사회의이원통치를만들었다. 상층사회는관본위관리, 하층사회는향촌자치이다.

V. Turning the crisis into investment and rebalance the three major differences

위기를기회로바꾸는투자와삼대차별의재평형

After the establishment of ecological civilization as a strategic transformation direction in the new century, the imbalance and inadequacy of development have become the main contradiction. The so-called imbalance and insufficiency are mainly manifested in three major differences in China, namely, the difference between the coastal and the inland, the difference between urban and rural areas and the difference between the rich and the poor.

생태문명을신세기전략으로삼아전환방향을확립한이후, 발전의불평형, 불충분이주요한갈등요인이되었다. 소위, 불평형, 불충분은중국에서주로이야기하는삼대차별, 즉연해와내륙, 도시와농촌, 그리고 Hey.

In 1985, the author used to travel along the Yellow River for more than four months to conduct field research. Because in 1985, part of the Chinese policy community emphasized the theory of gradient development, that means that the "difference" expansion is artificial in some sense. Prior to this, China's inland development actually had special conditions. For example, Chongqing, Guizhou, Sichuan, and Shaanxi were all key areas for national third-line construction investment, and a large amount of state capital flowed to the central and western regions. But in 1985, at the other extreme, it was artificially determined to advance the imbalance according to the gradient theory—first develop a coastal side.

1985년에필자는황하를따라서, 4개월넘게필드트립연구를수행했다. 1985년에중국의정책연구자들일부는단계적발전이론을강조했다. 이는즉인위적인'차별'을의미한다. 그전에, 중국내륙 의발전도사실은특수한조건에의한것이었다. 예를들어, 충칭, 꾸이저우, 쓰촨, 샨시등, 모두그당시, 국 가의삼선 의삼선 건설 (역자주- 64년이래국방, 과학기술등을중심으로내륙지역 에투자했던중국정부의정책)투자의중점지역이었고, 다량의국가자본이중서부로흘러갔다. 하지만, 1985년에는또다른극단으로투자와개발이진행되었다. 인위적으로단계적발전이론에따라불공평한개발 정책을펼쳤다. 즉, 우선연해를발전시킨다.

At that time, my criticism was still relatively strong. How could China develop only one side of the coast? The different opinion put forward at that time was that China should be a “π-shaped” strategy. In addition to the coastal side, there are also the Yangtze River Basin and the Yellow River Basin. . My original idea was to be able to run down the Yellow River in the Yangtze River. At that time, I organized a motorcycle team. From the Qinghai-Tibet Plateau, along the Yellow River, I ran more than 20,000 Huali in eight provinces. In fact, this is to explain to people that China’s vast land and resources are not just unilaterally unbalanced development!

당시에나는이런정책에상당히비판적이었다. 이렇게거대한나라인중국에서어떻게연해지역만발전시킨다는것인가? 당시대안으로제시한것은' π(파이)형태' 발전전략이었다. 연근해이외에도, 장강유역, 황하유역을함께 발전시켜야한다는것이다. 나는원래장강과황하유역을모두살펴보고싶었다. 그래서당시에모터사이클팀을조직했다. 칭장青고원에서출발해서황하를따라서, 8개성2만리(일만킬로미터)를달렸다. 이렇게해서사실 은사람들에게중국은나라가크고물산이풍부하므로단선적으로불평등한발전을해서는안된다는이야기를하고싶었던것이다 !

Of course our efforts did not work. China is pursuing short-term rapid growth along the unbalanced development model! Today, there is nothing wrong with it, and there is no right or wrong. Because it has become a thing of the past, regional rebalancing and urban-rural rebalancing are now basically achieved. This is also the support for China's adherence to the "four self-confidence" experience.

당연히내노력은별무소용이었다. 중국은불평등한발전모델로단기적으로빠른성장을추구했다. 그래서결과는지금과같다. 비판할수도없는일이고, 옳고그르고이야기할일도아니다. 이미지나간일이기때문 이다. 현재는지역간의평형과도시와농촌의재평형은어느정도달성한것같다. 런경험을통해서런경험을통해서, 중국은'4대자신감'을얻고있다.

In the 1980s, when I was engaged in policy research in the Rural Policy Research Office of the CPC Central Committee, I emphasized the peasants' right to independent development in the rural economy. It is true that at that time, the central policy also stated that farmers should be given the right to develop independently. Therefore, in that era, farmers' incomes grew faster than cities, mainly because rural industrialization and urbanization were faster than cities. In just ten years, rural industrialization completed the original accumulation of capital.

20세기80년대에내가중국공산당중앙서기처의농촌정책연구실에서정책연구를하고있을때, 특히농민이농촌경제에대한자주발전권을갖게해야한다고강조했다. 정말로, 당시, 중앙정책은농민에게그러한권리를 부여했다. 그래서, 농민의수입이도시의수입보다더빠르게증가했다. 이유는농촌공업화와읍면의현대화 镇化가도시보다더빠르게진행됐기때문이다. 그짧은10년간농촌은공업화를완성하고자본의 시초축적을이뤘다.

Our teachings write that the original accumulation of capital is full of blood. Is there blood in the rural industrialization in the 1980s? Is there anyone petitioning? No, there are few letters. Why is the accumulation of capital here quiet, because farmers get the right to self-development and solve non-agricultural employment themselves. In just ten years, farmers' independent industrialization solved the employment of more than 100 million peasants, which brought about the growth of peasants' income, and also brought about the expansion of peasants' domestic demand to stimulate urban economic growth. At that time, it can be said that there is no serious urban-rural difference. The policy adjustments from the late 1980s to the early 1990s actually meant that farmers lost their right to development.

우리교과서는자본의시초축적이항상피비린내난다고가르친다. 20세기80년대의농촌공업화시기에어디그런일이있었나? 농민들이베이징에몰려가서항의하는일이있었나? 없다. 항의성투서조차거의없었다. 왜이렇게 자본의축적이순탄하게이루어졌을까? 왜냐면농민들이자주적인발전권리를가지고있었기때문이다. 스스로, 비농업부문의취업문제를해결했다. 10년간, 농촌의자주적공업화는일억농민의일자리를마련해줬고, 농민 의수입을증가시켰다. 결과적으로농민들의내수가늘어나도시의경제도성장했다. 그때, 도농격차문제는지금처럼심각하지않았다. 하지만80년대말부터90년대초를거치면서정책이조정되었고, 실은농민 은스스로발전할권리를잃어버리는계기가됐다.

Today, everyone talks about the land system. There are also many people who study the land system. How many people have studied how the land system in the 1980s was conducive to the rapid growth of rural industrialization and rural urbanization? Because of these two high growth, the Central Document in 1998 Summarizing the experience of rural reform in the past 20 years, it is pointed out that rural reform is the three great creations of peasants under the leadership of the party: one is family contracting; the other is township enterprises; the third is urbanization. Today, many people who study reforms have consciously summarized the 1998 "Three Plenary Sessions" document as a reform experience. In the minds of people, it seems that only the Western system has changed -- privatization, marketization, liberalization, globalization. Is it really a successful development of industrialized developing countries in accordance with this "four modernizations"? As a policy officer of the year, it is actually very Know exactly what we are doing.

오늘날모두가이야기하는토지제도에대해서많은사람들이연구를해왔다. 그런데, 80년대토지제도가왜농촌공업화와농촌읍면현대화의고속성장에유리했는지연구해본이가있나? 이두방면의고속성장이있었기때문에 , 98년도의중앙문건에서20년농촌개혁경험을결론지으면서농촌개혁이당의영도하에이룩한농민의3대창조라고이야기했다; 그첫째가, 농가별토지책임경영제, 둘째가향진기업, 그리고마지막이 읍면현대화이다. 오늘날개혁을연구하는이들중1998년의삼중전회문건이개혁경험을귀납적으로정리한것을눈치챈이가있나? 별로없다. 사람들의기억속에남은것은, 오로지서방제도의도입뿐이다. 사유화 , 시장화, 자유화, 세계화, 그런데세계적으로이네가지흐름을타고공업화의발전도상국궤도에진입한국가가있기나한가? 당시의정책제안자라면, 사실우리가무엇 Hey.

Here is just to explain that we have indeed experienced domestic demand-led growth and have developed urban-rural balance.

여기서말해두고싶은것은, 우리는확실히내수진작을통한성장을이루었다는것이다. 도시와농촌의평형도취했다.

The serious imbalance between urban and rural areas is a problem that has occurred under the policy orientation of the 1990s. Therefore, I am very helpless to emphasize that this is not an agricultural issue, but a "three rural issues". The core is the peasant issue, and the core of the peasant problem is the rights of farmers. This proposal is different from the mainstream thinking of the 1990s. I will transform into an in-service degree in a timely manner, do academic research and international projects, strive to publish articles, and create academic accumulation for myself.

도시와농촌의극심한불평등은90년대정책이발생시킨문제이다. 그래서하릴없이강조한다. 이것은농업의문제가아니라'삼농'의문제인것이다. 핵심은농민문제이고농민문제의핵심은농민의권리이다. 나의이러한건의와90년대의주류사상은일치하지않았다. 나는당시업무에임하면서학위연구를했고, 학술연구와국제연구프로젝트를진행했다. 논문을발표했고, 스스로를위한학술업적을쌓기에바빴다.

There have been regional imbalances that were raised in the 1980s and realized in the 1990s. There have also been regional balance developments before the 1980s, but this is not only objective but also subjective, so there is a difficult adjustment behind.
Therefore, the "Nineteenth National Congress" said that imbalance and inadequate development are the main contradictions, and they are highly targeted.
The development of policy has been constantly adjusted with the continuous evolution of the objective contradictory nature of things, which is in line with the historical view of materialism. The latest thinking of the "Nineteenth National Congress" report is related to whether China can lead the development orientation of the 21st century and further fulfill our international responsibilities.

80년대에제안하여90년대에실현한지역간의불평등발전, 80년대전에도지역간평형발전은있었지만, 객관적일뿐아니라, 주관적인요소도가지고있었다. 그래서나중에조정이무척힘들다. 19대대회에서불평형과불충분발전이주요 모순이고, 그대책이매우강력한목표라고이야기했다.
정책의발전은사물에대한객관적모순성격이끊임없이변화하면서조정되는것이다. 이것이유물주의역사관에부합한다. 19대보고의최신사상은중국이 21세기 발전방향을향도할수있느냐하는것이고, 더나아가서우리가세계에서책임있는역할을맡을수있느냐는것이다.

Therefore, strategic adjustment and structural rectification should be the inevitable choice for the new era. Because today's China's problems, in addition to the debts that people often say are too high and the pollution is serious, they actually face the second round of overproduction.

그래서전략의조정과구조의정돈은신시대의필연적선택이되어야한다. 왜냐하면현재중국의문제는늘이야기하는과도한부채, 환경오염이외에도실제로는제2차생산과잉의문제가있기때문이다.

The first round of overproduction has passed. The policy suggestion was Professor Lin Yifu of Peking University. He clearly stated that when the East Asian economic crisis broke out in 1997, the main problem we faced was “a vicious circle under the condition of double surplus (production and labor surplus)”. Therefore, the collapse of 400,000 state-owned enterprises and the layoff of 40 million state-owned enterprises are the price of the over-production surplus. Who is responsible for this price? Urban industrial workers and rural farmers.

일차생산과잉은이미과거에지나갔다. 그때, 베이징대학의린이푸林毅夫교수가정책제안을했다. 1997년동아시아경제위기가일어났을때, 명확하게지적했다: 우리가직면한문제는'이중의과잉 (생산 과노동력)조건하의악순환'이다라고. 그래서40만국유기업이도산했고, 4천만명의직원들이해고됐다. 당시생산과잉의대가였다. 이대가를치룬것은누구인가? 도시의노동자와농촌의농민이었다 .

The crisis response was mainly based on the policy recommendations of the older generation of economists such as Lin Yifu and Ma Hong and Lu Baiqi. Chinese officials in charge of economic policy are also aware of the seriousness of the problem. Therefore, from the strong regulation and control that began in 1998, the central government directly used the government to issue additional national debts, used national debt to stimulate investment, and invested to stabilize China's economic growth.

당시일차위기에대응할때린이푸와마홍, 루바이푸등원로경제학자들의정책건의를수용했다. 중국의경제정책부문관리들도문제의엄중함을인식했다. 그래서98년부터통제를시작해서, 중앙정부 가직접국채를발행하고, 재정을사용해서, 투자를일으켰다. 투자로중국경제의성장을안정되게견인했다.

The response to the first round of overproduction was not only effective, but also adjusted for regional development imbalances. The total investment in the development of the western region started in 1999 was 3.6 trillion yuan, and the total investment in the northeast revitalization started in 2001 was 2.4 trillion yuan. Former State Council Premier Wen Jiabao succeeded in launching the Central China Rise Policy in 2003, and government investment was a major adjustment to regional imbalances.

일차생산과잉에대한대응책은효과도있었고, 동시에지역발전의불평등문제도어느정도해결하는성과를이뤄냈다. 1999년에개시된서부대개발총투자액은3만6천억위안에이르렀고, 2001년부터동북진흥에들어간총투자액 은2만4천억위안에이른다. 전총리원쟈바오는2003년에계속해서중부굴기정책을취해서, 정부투자는모두지역발전불평등의대조정에투입되게된다.

However, in 1998 China was promoting the commercialization of financial institutions. At this time, there were more than one-third of the bad debts in the four major banks of China, agriculture, industry and construction. What should the bank do without money? The central government directly issued additional government bonds to support infrastructure investment. For example, of the 3.6 trillion invested in the development of the western region, two-thirds are investment in national debt.

하지만, 98년중국은금융기구의시장개혁을추진하게된다. 이때, 중국은행, 농업은행, 공상은행, 건설은행등사대은행자산의1/3이상이불량자산이라는것을파악하게된다. 은행에돈이 없으면어떻게하나? 그때중앙정부가직접국채를발행해서기본투자를지원하게된다.

Many people in the West are dissatisfied with the Chinese system. Many people in the country are also singing and singing; however, without such a relatively concentrated ability, we cannot survive that crisis. Many people have said that the East Asian financial turmoil crisis directly affects China. How can China survive? In fact, it should not be spared because the whole country was mainly export-oriented economic development and external demand-driven growth in the 1990s. Suddenly, external demand suddenly dropped. Immediately fell into the crisis. The so-called Chinese experience is nothing more than the government's counter-cyclical regulation and control. A similar approach to the crisis was used by US President Roosevelt in the 1930s, and the effect after adoption was very significant. In that great crisis of the world, all countries in Europe that adhered to the free market economy were completely paralyzed. Roosevelt's macroeconomic regulation and control, directly using the national debt to invest in inland capital construction, private capital stopped, private banks stopped, the government directly intervened. When Roosevelt saved the United States, he defined himself as "new nationalism."

많은서구인들이중국체제에불만을표시한다. 국내의많은인사들도여기에동의한다. 하지만, 집중된권력이없었다면, 중국은이런위기를극복하지못했을것이다. 많은이들이말하길, 동아시아금융위기가직접중국에 영향을끼칠것이라고했다. 중국은어떻게운좋게위기를모면했는가? 사실은극복할방법이없었다. 왜냐하면, 20세기90년대에중국은주로외부에의존하는방식으로경제를발전시켰다. 외부의수요가성장을 견인했다. 그런데돌연외국의수요가감소했다. 즉시, 위기에직면했다. 소위중국의경험은예외없이정부가직접개입해서시장원칙에반하는방향으로많은문제를처리한것이다. 이런위기대처법은20세기 30년대미국의루스벨트대통령이사용한후에, 그효과가매우현저한것으로알려졌다. 당시세계대공황에직면하여, 자유시장정책을고집하던유럽의모든국가는파 산을면치못했다. 미국은루스벨트의거시적조정으로직접국채를발행하고내륙의인프라건설투자에사용함으로써, 개인의자본은중단되었고, 사기업은행도문을닫았다. 모두정부가직접손을대서처리한것이다. 당시루즈벨트가이런식으로미국을구원한후에, 스스로이름짓기를'신국가주의'라고했다.

In the first round of the crisis of overproduction, we turned to crisis and rely on large-scale government investment. As a result, China has formed a rebalancing trend in regional development. For example, the rise of Chongqing--if Chongqing does not have a large-scale investment in the basic construction of mountainous areas, how can Chongqing's economy take off? Now Chongqing is not only the western region but also the leader of the country's GDP growth rate, relying on the investment of the country's western development.

제1차생산과잉위기에서우리는위기를기회로삼아, 대규모정부투자를단행했고, 결과적으로중국은지역발전재균형을달성했다. 예를들어충칭이다시일어섰다. 만일국가의대규모투자를통해 , 산간지역의인프라를건설하지않았다면, 충칭의경제는일어설수없었을것이다. 현재충칭은서부뿐아니라전국에서GDP성장속도가가장빠른곳이다. 이는대부분국가의서부대개발투자에힘입은것이다.


Chongqing

On the other hand, since the central government emphasized in 2003 that the issue of “agriculture, rural areas and farmers” was the top priority of national economic work, the state started the construction of new countryside in 2005, and has invested more than ten trillion yuan, mainly for urban and rural development. Unbalanced. In addition to many poverty problems such as the large reservoir area and the mountainous area in Chongqing, the local administrative villages in the rural areas have achieved five links (road, electricity, water, gas, and Broadband). SMEs are now on the rise. He might be happy if he turned the farmer away from the rural hukou into an urban hukou. Now, it is difficult to persuade him to abandon the rural hukou. The new situation in many areas is that a large number of people in the city have returned to the village to ask for the status of returning farmers and obtain rural hukou.

다른한편으로는2003년부터중앙정부가3농문제를전국경제사업의가장중요한문제라고표명한이후, 국가는2005년부터신농촌건설을시작했고, 현재이미십수만억원을투입했다. 도농간의격차 를줄이기위한노력이었다. 충칭과같은거대한저수지역, 산간지역등지의빈곤문제가아직해결되지않은곳을제외하고, 전국농촌의98%~99%의지방행정촌은5통을(길, 전기, 상수도 , 가스, 인터넷) 실현했다. 중소기업이여기저기서생겨나고있다. 많은지역에서대량의도시인구가농촌으로돌아가서농민신분을회복하고, 농촌호구를확보하는새로운흐름이나타나고있다.

When China suffered the first round of overproduction in the late 1990s, it adopted the investment of national debt to drive growth and achieved a regional development balance strategy. That is to say, for the crisis of overproduction, China's direct means of regulation is that the government will take more, rather than letting the market go short. In a sense, this is the Chinese version of the Roosevelt New Deal.

중국은90년대말기에직면한첫번째생산과잉시기에, 국채를발행해서성장을견인하고, 지역간재균형전략을실현했다. 다시말해서, 생산과잉위기에직면해서, 중국은시장에맡겨두지않고, 직접 정부가문제를처리했다. 중국판뉴딜정책을취한것이다.

The consequence of large-scale investment in national infrastructure is the substantial increase in all physical assets. In the same way, the country has a large number of large-scale access to rural areas, electricity, water, gas, and broadband. In the past, all resource-type assets that were not valued in the countryside have risen and risen, and all prices have appreciated. For example, in the past, a good tree grew up on the mountain. There was a good rapeseed in the field. Just a few backpackers wading through the mountains, is there a price? No. Nowadays, the “five links” have been realized in rural areas. Consumers in the city drive to consume beautiful scenery, so landscape agriculture is worth the money! But in the past, villages have huge potential value resources, not valued assets. If people in the city come to the countryside to drink mountain spring water, the water in the countryside is worth the money; the fresh air in the mountains, the air in the mountains is worth the money; on the farmhouse accommodation and consumption, the peasant houses are worth the money. What is really a large-scale value-added investment infrastructure in China is the physical property. Before the large-scale investment began in the late 1990s, the real estate of farmers was only about 10 trillion, and now it is more than 100 trillion. The large-scale appreciation of assets makes every person who owns assets, including farmers in the lower-level society, have room for value-added resources.

국가기본건설의대규모투자가가져온결과를보면, 모든실물자산의가격이오르게된다. 마찬가지로, 국가가대량으로농촌에투자해서5통정책을실현시키니, 과거값이나가지않던자원형자산의가격이모두올라 갔다. 물이들어오자배가뜨는형국이다. 예를들어, 과거산속의나무한그루, 밭에자라난유채꽃한송이는배낭매고산으로강으로놀러온등산객에게금전적으로값나가는것이었을까? 현재농촌이5 통을이루고나니, 도시의소비자들이차를몰고경관을보러와서소비하기시작한다. 그래서농촌생태관광Agritourism이금전적값어치를획득했다. 과거의향촌은막대한잠재적가치를지닌자원을가지고있었지만이들자원은가격 으로표시된자산이아니었다. 도시민들이농촌에와서맑은물을마시니, 산천수가값이나가게된다. 산중의맑은공기를호흡하니, 공기도값어치를갖게된다. 가에와서숙식을제공받으니, 농가주택도값어치를갖게된다. 정부가농촌에투자해서인프라를구축하게되니, 대규모의실물성자산이생겨났다. 20세기90년대말에시작한대규모투자이전에, 농민 의토지자산가치는겨우10만억위안정도밖에되지않았다. 지금은100만억도넘는다. 자산의대규모가치상승으로하층사회의농민을포함해서자산을가진이들수중의자산이모두값어치를갖게될여유가생겨 Hey.


농촌관광

The appreciation of physical assets brings another opportunity, that is, the central government will issue large amounts of money accordingly: on the one hand, with the increase of international trade and foreign investment, it will promote hedging; on the other hand, there will be a large number of transactions in the process of asset appreciation and appreciation. Occurrence, in fact, is also driving monetization, and the coinage tax revenue generated by monetization belongs to the central government. Because China is a country where its currency is not open to the outside world, unless foreign exchange is a production investment, it must not directly enter to speculate on China's money market and capital market.

실물자산의가치증가는새로운기회를낳는다. 즉중앙정부가대규모로화폐를발행할수있게된다. 한편으로는국제무역과국외투자의증가에따라서, 다시발행할수있다. 또한편으로는자산증식과증식과정중에발생 하는대규모거래가있다. 이거래를뒷받침하기위한화폐발행이있고, 화폐발행에따른시뇨리지수익이중앙정부에귀속된다. 중국은금융시장을대외에개방하지않고있기때문에, 외화는생산투자에만들어간다. 직접중국화폐시장과자본시장에진입해서조작하는것은용납되지않는다.
This is worth noting: precisely because it does not open its own currency and does not open up the capital market, which has caused China's own financial capital to rise. China's financial aggregate has reached the top in the world. Among the world's largest banks, China, agriculture, industry and construction are among the top five.
이점을주의해야한다. 바로화폐시장을대외에개방하지않았기때문에, 자본시장을개방하지않은것이고, 중국은자신의금융자본을세워나갈수있다. 중국의금융총량은이미세계제일의규모이다. 세계의대은행 순위에서중, 농, 공, 건사대은행이 5위안에들어간다.

As long as it is Chinese, who believes that the major guilds of China, agriculture, industry and construction will go bankrupt? The vast majority do not believe it. Why? Because more than 80% of the capital of China, Agriculture, Industry and Construction, which ranks among the top five banks in the world, is given by the state. The four major banks are behind the national credibility and can therefore bear long-term liabilities. National financial capital has a lot to criticize, but there is one, it is stable. If it goes bankrupt, it means that the country's credit goes bankrupt.
중국인이라면누가4대은행이파산하리라고생각하겠는가? 중국의4대은행은자본금의80%이상을국가가소유하고있고, 국가의신용이이들은행의신용을담보하고있다. 그렇게이들은행의장기부채를 보증하고있는것이다. 국가금융자본소유구조문제는비판할지점이많다. 하지만, 한가지, 안정이라는장점은인정할수밖에없다. 만일이들은행이파산한다면, 국가가파산하는것을의미한다.
1998 East Asian Financial Crisis At the time of the outbreak, China's four major banks of China, agriculture, industry and construction all accounted for more than one third of bad debts, which is said to exceed the 8% of the Basel Accord. This must be bankrupt in any Western country, but there is no bankruptcy in China. The central government has all the non-performing assets to be set up to form four major asset companies to dispose of, so that the bank debts will be zeroed. The central Huijin subordinate to the Ministry of Finance will reinvest in Barcelona. The requirements of the agreement, and then promote it to the stock market to finance, this is China's response to the crisis.
98년동아시아금융위기가닥쳐왔을때, 이들4대은행모두보유한자산의1/3이상이불량자산이었고, 바젤II가요구하는자기자본비율8%를엄청나게초과하고있었다. 이러한상황이라면어떠한서방국가에서도파산했을것이다 하지만, 중국에서는파산하지않았고, 주식시장에서상장해서, 자본금을다시확보했다. 이것이, 중국이위기에대응하는방법이다.


바젤II의중국은행에대한영향

In short, when China joins globalization, how can we make this largest developing country invincible? The key lies in the counter-cyclical comprehensive coordination capacity of the central government and the ability of grass-roots governments to consolidate the local base to deal with soft landing. Therefore, we must now fill the shortcomings and rebalance, from the industrial supply side reform and the agricultural supply side reform, to a further transition to a comprehensive implementation of the important strategies of ecological civilization and rural revitalization. This is an important spiritual manifestation of the "19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China".

결론적으로, 중국이세계화에참여하면서, 어떻게개발도상국가로서불패의위치에서게되었는가? 관건은중앙정부의시장에역행하면서종합적으로통제하는능력, 그리고기층정부의농촌인프라건설을통한연착륙능력이었다. 그래서 우리는현재재평형을이뤄야한다. 공업공급측의개혁에서시작하여, 농업공급측의개혁, 더나아가서전면적으로생태문명과향촌진흥의국가중대전략을관철해야한다. 이것이중국공산당19대정신의요체이다.