2021-10-12

장휘 COMFORT WOMEN MOVEMENT IN POST-DEMOC KOREA, 1988-2007 , 2017 BY Whi Chang 장휘

SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND NATIONALISM: COMFORT WOMEN MOVEMENT AND NARRATIVES OF NATION IN POST-DEMOCRATIZATION KOREA, 1988-2007 

PhD POLITICAL SCIENCE UNIVERSITY OF HAWAI

MAY 2017, BY Whi Chang 장휘 

 

Dissertation Committee: 

Sankaran Krishna, Chairperson 

Manfred Henningsen 

Jonathan Goldberg-Hiller 

Jungmin Seo 

Edward J. Shultz 

======================

TABLE OF CONTENTS 

 

ABSTRACT 

CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION 

1.1 The “Final and Irreversible” Agreement on the Comfort Women Issue

1.2 ‘Comfort Women’ Issue and the Process of Korean Nationalism 

1.3 Nationalism as Discourse and Political Process

1.4 Myths of Korean Nationalism 

1.4.1 Historical continuity 

1.4.2 Korean nationalism is formed by the state and elites 

1.4.3 Korean nationalism has not changed in essence 

1.4.4 Korean nationalism is an obstacle in creating rational citizens 

1.5 History and Nationhood after Globalization and Democratization 

1.6 Case 

1.6.1 Emergence of history-related social movements 

1.6.2 History related movements 

1.7 Structure of the Chapters

CHAPTER 2. Communitarian Nationalism and the Role of Social Movements 

2.1 Conundrum of Korean Nationalism: Is Korean Nationalism Civic or Ethnic?  

2.2 Beyond Civic vs. Ethnic Nationalism

2.2.1 Civic vs. Ethnic Nationalism 

2.2.2 State-framed vs. Counter-state nationalism

2.2.3 Community-oriented and value-oriented nationalism

2.2.4 Alternative typology

2.3 Theoretical Framework for Studying Korean Nationalism

2.4 Framework for Korean Nationalism

2.4.1 Social movements and nationalism

2.4.2 Culture, Identity, and Social Movements

2.4.3 Centrality of History in Social Movements in South Korea

2.4.4 Conformist or dissident nationalism?

2.5 Theories of Social Movements: How to Analyze the Impact of Social Movements on Larger Society?

2.6 Reading Korean Nationalism in Korea 

2.6.1 Reification of Korean nationalism

2.6.2 Origins of the Korean Nation 

2.6.3 What Do Contentious Nations Mean?8 

2.6.4 Context of usage of language in Contents Analysis

2.6.5 Korean nationalism as projects

2.7 Conclusion

CHAPTER 3. METHODS

3.1 Methods in Nationalism and Social Movement Studies

3.1.1 Nationalism studies

3.1.2 Social movements studies1 

3.2 Understanding Changes of Korean Nationalism

3.3 Data 

3.4 Sampling and Coding

3.4.1 Sampling Data

3.4.2 Coding

3.4.3 What is the article: editorials/columns/opinions vs. reports?

3.4.4 News from the News Agency

3.5 Three Core Framing Tasks: Diagnostic, Prognostic, and Motivational Frames 

CHAPTER 4. PROTO-NARRATIVE OF KOREAN NATIONALISM AND COUNTER-

NATIONALISM IN THE PARK CHUNG-HEE REGIME

4.1 The problem with the term “nation” in the Korean context

4.2 Nations Sharing History and Destiny: Park Chung-hee’s Nationalist Discourse before the 

Korea-Japan Treaty (1960-1964)

4.3 Challenge for Dominant Discourse on the Nation: Anti Korea-Japan Talk Movements (1964)

4.4 Narrative of State/Nation: Nationalist Discourse of Park Chung-hee after the Korea-Japan 

Treaty (1964-1979)

4.5 Conclusion

CHAPTER 5. VOLUNTEER CORPS AND COMFORT WOMEN

5.1 A story of Ikeda Masae: former elementary school teacher in colonial Joseon 

5.2 Naming Matters

5.3 Debate on the confusion about the terms 

5.4 Definitions and Usages

5.4.1 Jeongsindae or volunteer corps

5.4.2 Wianbu as (military) prostitutes: threats to paternalist society

5.4.3 Collective Memory on ‘Comfort Women’

5.4.4 Confusion: jeongsindae as wianbu

5.5 Defining the victim: how the victims of sexual slavery in the military are called  

5.6 Conclusion

CHAPTER 6. WEDNESDAY DEMONSTRATION AND DISCURSIVE STRATEGIES: 

FRAMING ANALYSIS AND CONTENT ANALYSIS ON THE STATEMENTS

6.1 Wednesday Demonstration

6.2 Civil Society Initiative

6.3 Time Frame

6.4 Statements and Analysis 

6.4.1 Atypical Period: Before the Wednesday Demonstration (Jan 1988-Jan 1992) .

6.4.2 Formative Period: The 1st –The 148th Wednesday Demonstration (Jan/8/1992-Dec/28/1994)

6.4.3 Failed Normalized period: The 149th – the 391st Wednesday Demonstration (1995 – 1999)

6.4.4 Normalization period: The 392nd – The 590th Wednesday Demonstration (2000 – 2003) 

6.4.5 Reactionary period: The 591st – the 793rd Wednesday Demonstration (2004 – 2007)

6.4.6 The Recent Changes.

 6.5 Conclusion

CHAPTER 7. ‘COMFORT WOMEN’ MOVEMENTS AND NATIONALISM IN SOUTH KOREA

7.1 Defining the victim: What are the victims of military sexual slavery called? .

7.2 Before the 1990s: confusion between jeongsindae and wianbu

7.3 Atypical Period: Before the first testimony (1988- 1991)

7.3.1 Background

7.3.2 The Beginning of the Beginning

7.3.3 Introduction of cultural project: embrace ‘comfort women’ into minjung narrative .... 

7.4 Formative Period: August 15, 1991 – December 31, 1994

7.4.1 Nationalist Fiction: All Comfort Women Were Initially Recruited as Voluntary Corps .

7.5 Failed Normalization of ‘comfort women’ issue: 1995-1999

7.5.1 AWF and Korean Council

7.5.2 Grannie Hun Story

7.6 Normalization: Women’s Tribunal and Japanese history textbook (2000-2003) 

7.7 Reactionary Period: Bifurcation and the US House of Representative’s ‘Comfort Women’ Resolution

7.8 Conclusion

CHAPTER 8 REACTIONARY MOVEMENTS AND STATE-CENTERED NATIONALISM

8.1 Textbook War

8.1.1 Backlash from the Conservative

8.2 Pride of State, Victory of Development

CONCLUSION

APPENDIX: Coding Sheet

BIBLIOGRAPHY

 ================================

CONCLUSION

 

Nationalism of the Republic of Korea has been criticized for being one of the most exclusive and discriminative nationalisms. The ethnic nationalism of Korea became widespread throughout society in the 1960s and 70s. Because Korean nation is relatively homogenous and the content of nationalism is exclusive and hostile to former colonizer, the conflict over history issue in East Asia often understood as one of the dangerous non-Western type nationalisms that is encouraged by the state and political elites. With the theoretical tools to understand the ethnic conflicts among the different nation-states or in the multi-ethnic nation, it is difficult to understand the process of nationalism in a relatively homogeneous nation-state, like Korea. Those are rarely understood as “challenge” and “(re)construction” of new forms of identity.

         Alternative typology that can understand the different nationalist discourses emerged in a relatively homogeneous nation-state shed a new light to the process of nationalist discourse in Korean society around the comfort women issue. With the alternative typology, we can think about the nationalism based on the voluntary social organization and appeal to universal values rather than the values set by the community. The official narrative of Korean nation, which is state-centered, patriarchal and prioritizes the economic values and efficiency, has constantly modified as various social movements, especially the comfort women movement, after the democratization, engaged in (re)constructing the nationalist identity with a communitarian nationalist discursive strategy, which are based more on the universal value and can be expanded to transnational sympathy. 

         The comfort women movement has transformed its discursive strategies from ethnic nationalism to universal values, such as human rights, women’s rights, and peace. Though it began with nationalist resentment towards former colonial power and the patriarchal sympathy for the victims, it disseminated the idea that the comfort women victims are not only the victims of the colonial rule but also the victims of violence against women during the war and the victims of patriarchy and militarism. This turn enabled movement groups to expand the Korean nationalist discourse to the sympathetic not only to the victims of own patriarchal state but also victims abroad suffered from the atrocities done by Korean state. The alliance with the prostitution around the US bases in Korea and with the victims of the Vietnamese war suffered by the Korean military. So far, ethnic identity or national identity are believed to be the only driving forces to challenge and (re)construct existing nation state, but as is shown in Korean case, aspiration to some universal values mixed with ethnic nationalist sentiment is also one of the important driving forces that gives pressure to existing nationalism to change. 

         Faced with the comfort women issue, which is important parts of the Korean identity, various groups in society including the state, compete over the idea of how they “make sense of and structure the reality that surrounds” them. There have been many attempts for different social groups to incorporate the comfort women issue in their narrative of Korean nation or alternative identities. Democratic movement groups began to embrace the issue to their minjung narrative, women’s movement also tried to create history of Korean women including the agonies of ‘comfort women’. Patriarchal patriots took the comfort women issue aside since they thought it disgrace the honor of their male patriots. New Right scholars tried to show that how much flaw the nationalist historians have had, using the comfort women issue. 

I have examined what kind of theoretical framework is needed to look at the comfort women movement and its impact on Korean social nationalism. If I summarize roughly the works of the scholars who studied Korean nationalism, it is a strong ethnic nationalism; at the very least, it has not only maintained as a state of one nation since the Goryeo Dynasty but also had a narrative of the origin of the nation; foundation of modern nationalism was built by the intellectuals at the end of Joseon dynasty; and such nationalism has been maintained through various ideological state apparatuses since the establishment of the Republic of Korea. From these points of views, the most common presupposition is that Korean nationalism is viewed as a strong ethnic nationalism with primordial point of view and a nationalism conveyed from top to bottom, and a nationalism with little change after its formation. 


 

State-framed nationalism

 

Counter-state nationalism

Community-oriented nationalism

State-centered nationalism (militarism,      fascism, right movements)

wing

Substate nationalism

(national minorities, 

Indigenous)

Value-oriented nationalism

Institutional nationalism

(liberal nationalism)

 

Communitarian nationalism

(Movement groups based on 

 

With this new typology, we can understand that both the conservative nationalism, which gives highest priority to the state as community and denounce ethnic nationalism, and the nationalism, which does not give unconditional loyalty to the national community and regard it as more of a source for sympathy for victims of crimes committed by state and focus more on universal values, such as human rights, liberty and equality are all different kinds of nationalism.

In this dissertation, I maintained the view of nationalism as a discourse, and after the state established state apparatus to control the entire society after the 1960s, official nationalism, which was effectively shared by all citizens. It showed that after the democratization, nationalist discourse itself became a field of ideological struggle as the Korean nationalism became the part of different world view of various social forces.

I also argued that Park Chung-hee’s nationalist world view provides the roots of various nationalist discourses after the democratization of Korean society and analyzed what it was. After he succeeded in the coup in 1961, Park made the mobilization system, reaching out until the far end of the Korean society, almost as if Japan was developing as a militarist state since the Meiji era. Thus, official Korean nationalism created by him and his brains spread throughout society through such a system, repeatedly reproduced through diverse disciplines, and transformed in different ways through individual organizations within society. In the 80s, the workers in the labor movement were organized and managed under these rules, and the students in the student movement were the hardest learners and memorize doctrines of these countries.

         Park Chung-hee served as a teacher in the province during the Japanese occupation and went to Manchuria to enter the Manchu Military Academy at a relatively old age and became a Japanese military officer. It is evident that his nationalistic worldview was greatly influenced by Japan's imperialist worldview. Many social organizations and disciplines of the Park Chung-hee era, such as the National Education Charter, the patriotist morning assembly at school, the Saemaeul Movement, etc., also existed in the age of Japanese imperialism.

Park 's worldview, the view of thorough ethnic nationalism, explains both his coup, the restoration, and economic development in the narrative of nationalist historical development. To Park, Chung-hee, the Korean nation is the community of destiny divided by blood. And for him, the republic of Korea, the state, is the Korean nation itself. Therefore, it becomes possible to make the logic that all Koreans should sacrifice to the state for the rebirth of the Korean nation.

The narrative, which became the basic framework of the history of the Korean nation, is also found in the works of Park Chung-hee. Park sees the world as a state in which the nations compete for wealth and territory, a typical Hobbesian “the struggle of all against all.” Joseon, defeated in such competition – the emergence of imperialism – is depicted as the most lazy and corrupt era by Park Chung-hee. The Korean people, who had been plunged with their large territories in the past, became weak, lazy and corrupt after the Joseon Dynasty. Through the Japanese imperialism, the independence of the nation was damaged. Through the Korean War, the land was ruined. After the war, under the name of freedom, political groups that think only of interest of their own have had more difficult times. Only through his revolution - the coup d'etat - the October Yusin – the constitutional amendment that enabled him permanent presidency – the Korean people were rejuvenated for the first time.

Some of the interesting things in these narratives are found, which are repeated themes in both the state-centered and communitarian nationalism of Korea. In this narrative, the history of Korean people's freedom is also considered important, as the he bravely conducted a revolution for freedom and rights, Korean people revolutionized the corrupt democratic and political forces.

People showed the power to restore the rights and freedoms that were damaged through the Donghak movement or the 4.19 revolution. Though 5.16 is absent, but the narrative of the democratization movement, starting with Donghak, through 4.19 and 5.18, leading to the 1987’s civil revolution, is similar. 

The basic frame of thought of national-centered nationalism is also found in Park's view of nationalism. In Park 's nationalistic narrative, the rise and fall of a nation is mainly determined by the most economic poverty and prosperity. When people are poor and unable to eat, the nation is not doing well. These patter of thought is repeated in the same way in the history of the New Right, and they also make the element of economic development as a top priority in the development of Kora. Therefore, all that contributed to such development is good and all that did not contribute to such development or everything that interferes is evil.

In Park 's view of the nationalist world, many of Korea' s conservative thinking and progressive thinking can somehow be viewed as both sides of the coin. Although progressive nationalism recognizes itself as nationalist, it has diversified and developed or stagnated since democratization. However, conservative nationalists are turning all groups and individuals that are disturbed by it as the sole measure of the economy without being aware of themselves as nationalists.

In chapter 5, I have looked at how the words jeongsindae and wianbu were used in Korean media before the 1990s. There have been many controversies over the use and meaning of this term, but it was a very simple matter to look at the usage in Korean society before the 1990s. In its simplest terms, jeongsindae was used to mean almost historical comfort women after liberation, and wianbu meant almost a prostitute, especially a prostitute working around the army.

         The use of these terms seems to have been used in the Korean society without any doubt until the comfort women issue became politicized and socially known. Wianbu has been used as a general noun since the time of Japanese imperialism, which means prostitutes around the military. And when the comfort women were recruited and after the war was over, those who were taken to ‘comfort women’ were called jeongsindae among Koreans partly because some of them drafted to voluntary corps were actually became comfort women and partly because such rumors may have been made as a way of resistance to the recruitment of young school girls. Whatever the reason, the use of jeongsindae to refer to comfort women was not contrived by some of the movement groups for their national agendas, but only reflecting the usage that has been used from the very short period after the end of colonization.

         The discursive strategy of the movements for comfort women has changed dramatically in a couple of decades. The most changes occurred in motivational frames, which is closely related to the formation of the identity. In the initial stage, there were no motivational frames. First, it called upon to the Japanese government, expanded to the Korean government, to participants and finally to every people in the world who shares the desire for justice and peace.

The changes and expansion of the motivational frames affect the change of diagnostic frames. 

         Criticism towards the movement groups that nationalist agenda haunts them may be right.[1] In the initial period of the movement and faced with the threat of the AWF, the movement groups depended upon nationalist discourses and concealed the complex nature of comfort women issue. 

         Which is more responsible for the dominant nationalist interpretation on the comfort women issue in Korea? Is it the movement groups for comfort women or is it the strong nationalist sentiment already powerful and provided very little room for the members of the society to think outside it? The hegemonic nature of Korean nationalism has prevented many actors in the society from thinking outside of it. There is the window that we can see what the comfort women movements have done to Korean nationalism. For example, Lee (2015, 48) argues that “whereas ‘comfort women’ or ‘voluntary corps’ issue had been the issue of violated women’s chastity which should not be socially discussed so far, as the laws, policies, and movements related to ‘comfort women’ issue is getting shaped, the recognition of has changed to the issue of war, human rights, and historical responsibility.” Only through the process of its movement, it can go beyond the nationalist hegemony. 

         During the long reign of dictatorship, the Korean state constructed a strong social organization of reproductive system not only for the state-led economic system but also for the state led ideological system, modeled by the Japanese militarism. All society – village, school, factory, company, and even the religious institutions – was organized as military organization.261 Not only the organizational structure but also the disciplinary tools were taken from the military organizations.262 Even the dissident groups were also organized in similar logic. In the developing of everything era in the 1970s and 1980s, those military mimicking institutions are most advanced and effective one for most of the people. No other ways of organizing social institution were known to people and were almost impossible to impose even though one knew the different ways. 

                                                 

argument in earlier chapter. Japanese conservatives also in the similar position. Korean feminists have somewhat different position that “in the representation of ‘comfort women’ issue, nationalist logic deprived and appropriated the violence against women in colony/war” (Lee 2015, 50). For these position, see Kim (2006); Kang and Yamasida (1993).

261 This reorganization of whole society happened in both Koreas. See Armstrong (2003); Moon (2005) 262 Some call it ‘molding minds’ (Garon 1997), others call it ‘mass dictatorship’ (Lim 2004).

Longing for democratization was not diminished under those environments. People iearned to find out new ways to build institutions, rules, and society. Faced with the massive nation omnipresent even in everyday lives, the dissents successively created counter identity to fight the overpowering nation-state.[2] Before people tasted the fruit of democratization, many found that the reflections of themselves appeared in the mirror looked very like the figure that they have hated so much.[3] The comfort women movement, in spite of many of its trials and errors, can be a start point to discuss how a social movement organization can deal with the hegemonic discourse. The analysis in this chapter and whole dissertation is an attempt to articulate those processes.  

         During the time when ‘comfort women’ survivors couldn’t tell anyone what they had experienced during the war, the collective memory in South Korea thought voluntary corps were the historic ‘comfort women’. The investigation of the usage of two terms confirms that not long after the liberation and until the democratization in Korea, the term ‘comfort women’ had referred to prostitutes more often working around military bases, and the term ‘voluntary corps’ had referred to the historic ‘comfort women’. 

         As democratic movements progressed not only various organizations emerged but also different individual and collective identities that were not allowed and even not realized turned up. Though minjung has played a central role in creating a counter hegemonic identity during the democratization in Korea, there grew other types of identities around the minjung identity: students, workers, Christians, women, Marxists, nationalists, and even liberals. In the initial period of comfort women movements, even before the Korean Council was established, the first testimony of comfort women survivor was delivered, the Wednesday Demonstration started and even before the difference between voluntary corps and comfort women is not a common sense, we saw that there were many attempts to embrace ‘comfort women’ in the various narratives of different collective identities by diverse artists, novelist, dancers, poets and movie directors. In the initial period of the movements, we can find the both nationalist and feminist description and definition of the issue on the statements. 

         As media began to show interest in the comfort women issue after the former comfort women delivered testimony what she experienced during the war, the movement for comfort women finally launched. 

Another change is reactionary. Of course, this reactionary state-centered nationalism was not created by directly responding to the comfort women's movement, but the comfort women issue became the most difficult and sensitive issue to deal with for this reactionary groups. It is worthwhile to point out that the time when the New Right's view on history has begun to matter was begun with a commenting on comfort women that they were prostitutes by a renowned economist of New Right on a TV debate. Of course, if we look at such a process, the issue of comfort women is one of the most important strains that weave the Korean society and it can be seen as an ideology like religious belief. However, on the one hand, when Korean politicians and the media were in a disadvantageous situation, these historical issues were also used as means of escaping the crisis.     

.       In conclusion, if we look at the relationship between the comfort women movement and the Korean nationalism discourse, even in Korean society, which is known to be composed of a relatively single nation and is believed by the members of the community that has a very strong exclusive and racial nationalism, nationalism is constantly reexamined and evolving in various directions. Therefore, various issues that constitute nationalism, including the issue of comfort women, are central to the identity of Koreans, and it is therefore very difficult to use them for political reasons.

         The changes and impacts of the comfort women 's discourse in Korean society have the advantage of being extended to other studies. For example, how the Japanese, Chinese, and American media deal with these historical issues and how discourse strategies of historical movement organizations in Korea are introduced and accepted when translated into other languages and if it is analyzed, it could provide a more useful analysis of how the United States, which is deeply involved in East Asia and East Asia, has dealt with historical problems and how they can develop.          



[1] Most well-known critic in this position is Soh (2008). She argues that the Korean movement groups and media created the fiction of all the comfort women were initially recruited as voluntary corps. I disputed this

[2] See Abelmann (1996); Lee (2007a); Koo (2001).

[3] For this line of criticism on the dissidents, see Lim (2000)

=====

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