2017-10-11

JUCHE: NORTH KOREA’S STATE RELIGION

JUCHE: NORTH KOREA’S STATE RELIGION
 Jordan Pearson Duke University

THE PRINCETON JOURNAL OF EAST ASIAN STUDIES,  VOL V ,  FALL 2013
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ABSTRACT

North Korean Juche is commonly viewed as a purely political ideology. However, many of the practices and implementations of Juche model that of a religious organization, making Juche an unofficial state religion. 
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1] INTRODUCTION

The Korean word Juche, meaning “self-reliance,” is the political ideology that has shaped North Korean domestic and foreign policy for the past 50 years. Far from affecting only the government leaders, Juche has influenced people of all social classes in North Korea through its implementation as a state religion.  While not officially classified as such, Juche has all of the defining elements of a religion and thus plays a structuring role in the citizens’ lives that a traditional religion plays in the lives of people outside the state. 

2] THE DEVELOPMENT OF JUCHE

 The word “juche” (주체) has not always been tied to a North Korean political ideology. This system of thought has undergone a transformative process from an undeveloped ideal to a fine tuned worldview that has shaped how North Korea functions as a nation and interacts with the rest of the world. This evolutionary process has five distinct steps, which mirror the country’s political situation and its contemporary global positioni. 
Princeton Journal of East Asian Studies
 The first of these steps is antiJapanism. Kim Il Sung was a prominent guerilla fighter who helped lead Korea’s independence movement against Japanese imperialism. While Korea’s independence was not recognized until Japan’s defeat in World War II in 1945, Kim’s use of Juche allegedly dates back to this period, while he was advocating for Korea’s independence. At this point, however, Juche was more of a slogan than an existing belief system.
 Juche further developed into an anti-hegemonic ideology in the 1950s when North Korea found a new enemy, the United States. North Korea’s animosity toward the United States is understandable when considering its nearly despotic control over South Korea during the early years, after a long fight for independence from Japan. North Korea saw its values of independence and autonomy, of Juche, being challenged by the US, with its manipulation and control over South Korean political leaders, destruction it caused during the Korean War, and its continued military presence in South Korea. 
 The third step was the first time Juche was intentionally crafted to be the nation’s political ideology. By the end of the 1960s, Kim’s concentration on heavy industry had given North Korea a relative economic edge; this was when Juche was implemented to show ideological superiority to the South. North Korea’s advocacy for Juche had three objectives, which could be (and should have been) implemented in both state and individual levels: political sovereignty, economic subsistence, and military self-defense.
Indeed, Kim Il Sung himself said, “Juche in ideology, independence in politics, selfreliance in the economy and self-defense in national defense- this is the stand our Party has consistently adhered to.”ii North Korea was to be politically independent and not reliant on countries for trade, building its economy from the inside and focusing resources on domestic goods, as well as a strong military to protect its interests.  While this strategy did not help the country continue to grow, it established a Juche economy and solidified the national ideology, giving the people a concrete system with which to identify.
 The next time Juche was tied to the regime was particular to Kim Il Sung’s role as the charismatic paternal leader and the establishment of a practice of hereditary succession. In seeing the succession problems of other socialist states, North Korea needed an alternative to a leader elected by the majority, especially since this practice was unheard of in a monarch-dominated Korean history.  Kim’s natural ascension to power gave him regal status among the people. Thus the new goal of the regime was to extend this status not just to Kim Il Sung but to his family. This led to myths and stories about his birth, his childhood, and his “supernatural powers.” Similar stories were told about his son, Kim Jong Il, in preparation for ascension as leader of the country. It is such deification of the political leaders in which Juche turns from merely being a political ideology to embodying religious qualities.
          Finally,          Juche became         a
Weltanschauung, a way of viewing the world that affects everything in the country. The government uses socialization and political education to instill Juche principles in all of its citizens. Music and media are used to further promote the Great Leader and his family. State-run programs and mandatory practices remarkably resemble common religious practices found in Christianity and other religions across the world. It is at this point where Juche is clearly more than a political ideology; it is a religion that colors how North Korea and its citizens interact with the rest of the world.
           
3] DEFINING RELIGION ACCORDING
TO MANNER AND MATTER

In defining religion, both manner and matter of belief must equally be considered. First is the way in which the belief is believed and second is the content of the belief itself. In reference to the manner of belief, Professor Frederick Ferré defined religion as “one's way of valuing most intensively and comprehensively.” iii Ferré holds that in order for a belief to be considered a religion, it must be of significant importance to the believer to justify intense devotion. This is often manifested in personal sacrifice or ritualistic observance. However, this intensity of value alone is not enough. The believer must also hold that the object of valuing is extremely important and relevant to the universe in order for it to be considered a religion. For example, a person can be obsessed with playing video games to the point where one might say that he “plays video games religiously.” However, as long as the gamer does not assert that his game has relevance to the universe, his obsession would not be considered as a religion. The combination of intensity and comprehensiveness in Juche makes this qualification to be classified as a religion. This will be described in detail in the next section.iv
The matter or content of belief is also important in defining a religion. Dr. Edward Westermark defines religion as “a regardful attitude towards a supernatural being, on whom man feels himself dependent and to whom he makes an appeal in his worship.”v According to this definition, there are three key notions that must hold true within a belief system for it to be considered a religion. First, there must be a supernatural being.  Second, the believer must feel dependent or indebted to this being. And third, there must be a form of worship or appealing to this being. This worship can take many forms, such as prayer, veneration, pilgrimage, commemoration of events, and the use of sacred texts. Juche ideology satisfies this definition of religion, as I will explain in a following section.

4] DEFINING JUCHE WITHIN THE
PARADIGM OF RELIGION

INTENSITY OF WORSHIP

 Intense personal valuing of a belief is shown in common forms of worship. In mainstream Christianity, believers show this by attending church services on Sunday and partaking in communion. Muslims make pilgrimages to Mecca and pray at regular intervals throughout the day.  Juche followers are required to attend various indoctrination classes every week. The atmosphere there was described as, “very solemn” and likened to a “divine religious shrine.” vi Followers venerate pictures and statues of Kim Il Sung. They show devotion by answering questions well in class, working hard in the workplace, and singing songs of praise to the Great Leader.vii Every household must have portraits of the Kim family in their household, hanging on their best walls. They are instructed to clean these portraits daily.viii  Juche is different from Christianity or Islam in that much of Juche’s worship practices are compulsory. Indeed, North Korean defectors have said that, “It is totally impossible not to follow Juche.” ix  This begs the question, how much of this worship signifies true devotion? Philosopher Terry Eagleton notes that the problem with studying ideology is that “the puzzle of how ideological beliefs can be said to be both ‘lived’ and false.”x  It is possible to fully practice an ideology on the outside and ‘live’ it, but not believe in it.  If the people do not truly believe and are simply pretending to do so, much of the intensity of valuing shown is false. However, one North Korean defector’s statement of his personal beliefs is truly telling. After talking about the different study halls he attended and the portrait veneration in
which he participated, he said,

 “I never thought that Juche or Kimilsungism was a closed or oppressive ideology, but I simply believed it as truth.  I thought it was right to say that human beings should make the decisions on all things.  I also thought Kim Il Sung is the greatest man who created such a great ideology.  I believed that Kim Il Sung provides for all of our needs.  Therefore, I could not even imagine being disloyal to Kim Il Sung.  When he died, I was sad as much as when my father died.  Maybe, most of the North Korean escapees in South Korea were also like me.  During all my life, I was brainwashed, believing that Kim Il Sung was the only reason I was happy.  I learned to say ‘Thank you father Kim Il Sung’ even when I was a baby.  Therefore it is impossible to think of anything else but Kimilsungism.” (34)xi

It is interesting that he calls his own indoctrination “brainwashing.”  The word has such a negative connotation in Western society, as we view it as depriving another of a clear, rational thinking process. However when talking about his beliefs, the interviewee was clearly devoted to Kim Il Sung and had a strong conviction and faithfulness to him. He was participating in worship rituals because he wanted to show respect for Kim Il Sung.  There were also accounts of people attending meetings and participating in clean ups when they were not required. xii In this sense, Juche worship is both compulsory and voluntary. The state forces everyone to participate through mandatory meetings, but the people are so thoroughly indoctrinated that they go above and beyond what is required of them in order to better serve the Great Leader. 

COMPREHENSIVENESS

According to Juche theorists, North Koreans have a sacred mission to spread Juche to the rest of the world. North Korea is the only genuinely socialist system left in the world, and as such, is the world’s only hope for overcoming the evils of capitalism, consumerism, and materialism.  They will face opposition because the world is afraid of being engulfed by such a perfect ideology.xiii  This universal application of Juche makes it a prime example of comprehensiveness. The belief must be spread to others, or everything will be lost. The followers support Juche in the short term to spread the ideology in the long term.

DIETY AND DEPENDENCE

 In order to demand loyalty from its citizens, the regime has depicted a familial metaphor of the state. Kim Il Sung is the father, the state or the Party is the mother, and the citizens are the children. This becomes very effective since the Confucian concept of filial piety is strong in Korea. Duty to one’s parents is important to Koreans, and North Korea “has been unique in East Asia in literalising the filial piety of nationalism in the family of the leader himself, in effect making Kim Il Sung the universal patriarch.”xiv 
 Another metaphor is drawn in the human body. The leader is the head, or the brain, and the people are the body parts. The Party is considered the backbone. The brain sends directions to the rest of the body directly and through the backbone.xv,xvi 
 To extend this devotion to the rest of the Kim family, Kim’s deification began. Myths of his childhood and early revolutionary years were taught in primary schools. Stories of his family being revolutionary heroes were well known. Soon came stories of sailors singing praise to Kim Il Sung to calm stormy seas. Kim Jong Il was allegedly born atop Mount Paektu under a double rainbow, a magical sign often associated with Shamanism.xvii  All of these show the regime’s attempt to idealize the Kim family.  
Once Kim Il Sung died in 1994, it became widespread that though his physical body had died, his political body lived on in the spirit of Juche. Kim Il Sung became immortal because of his perfect alignment with Juche ideology, and this immortality became the goal for all citizens to achieve. A giant obelisk was constructed and on it engraved, “’The Great Leader Comrade Kim Il Sung Lives Forever in our Hearts.” Kim Il Sung was appointed the eternal State President of DPRK. xviii  This immortalization further deified him, and the veneration practices described earlier show that North Koreans worship him as a god. One defector said, “Kim Il Sung is a god in North Korea,” xix while another, “ The pictures indicate that Kim Il Sung is god, and we hang the pictures for the purpose of reminding ourselves that we depend on him.”xx 
 Dependence on Kim Il Sung is another evidence of his deification.  North Koreans are taught at a young age the phrase “Thank you, Father Kim Il Sung.”  The previously quoted interviewee also said that he “believed that Kim Il Sung provides for all our needs.”xxi   This shows that Juche teaches that Kim Il Sung is the provider for all and that North Koreans should be grateful to him, as all are dependent on and indebted to him.

5] IMPLICATIONS OF JUCHE AS A
STATE RELIGION

 North Korea has made official statements to the United Nations guaranteeing freedom of religion, among other human rights, to its citizens. xxii  According to its constitution, citizens are guaranteed “religious liberty and the freedom of anti-religious propaganda.”  However, in practice, the state’s attitude seems more in line with this quote from
Kim     Il-Sung: 

“Whether one believes in Christ or Buddha, [religion] is essentially all superstition. Religion has historically been [used] in the service of the ruling class in deceiving, exploiting, and oppressing the people; in recent times it has been used as an ideological tool of imperialists for aggression against backwards peoples.”xxiii

Ironically enough, this could be viewed as the manner in which North Korea has used Juche to “deceive, exploit, and oppress” its people. North Korean defectors agree with this, saying that North Korea views religion as ”an opium” and that, “If you have a religion, you will be persecuted, even executed.  Juche is the only religion North Korean people can have.”xxiv  It is clear that the state does not approve of any thought that is not directly in line with the Juche ideology. When reports were made of religious movements within the North Korean military, it was a policy that the religion must be “eradicated without delay since it comes from [their] enemies from around the world.”xxv  This “eradication” takes the form of public executions or the disappearance of people, presumably taken as political prisoners.xxvi 
 State-run churches do exist, but there is much speculation about them. Many believe that they are there simply for show to foreign visitors. While worship services are held, one cannot be sure as to whether those in the congregation are true believers, or sent there by the state. This is impossible to tell without interviewing people in the congregation; but scholars and North Korean defectors both believe that these churches are set up and run by the state.xxvii
 Thus, it seems that freedom of religion and belief are not so free in North Korea. North Korea’s state ideology is the only religion that is allowed. The government is strictly opposed to any other beliefs that are not in direct correlation with its ideology. In order to keep political power, Juche developed from a purely political ideology into a political religion, in which the Great Leader and the Kim family are deified and venerated in order to retain political legitimacy. Any other religious belief would be in opposition to Kim’s power and is not allowed. North Koreans are free to believe whatever they want- as long as it is Juche.

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i Han S. Park, North Korea: The Politics of Unconventional Wisdom, (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers, Inc., 2002), 20 – 29. 
ii Kim Il Sung, Revolution and Socialist Construction in Korea, (New York, NY: International Publishers, CO., Inc., 1971), 88, URL. 
iii Frederick Ferré, “The Definition of Religion,” Journal of the American

iv Beginning on page 5.
v         Thomas A. Idinopulos, “What is Religion?” Cross Currents 48, no. 3 (Fall 1998): 370.
vi        David Hawk, Thank You Father Kim Il Sung: Eyewitness Accounts of Severe Violations of Freedom of Thought, Conscience, and Religion in North Korea, Nov. 2005, 33, URL. vii Ibid., 35. viii Ibid., 37. ix Ibid.
x Terry Eagleton, Ideology: An Introduction, (London, United Kingdom: Verso, 2007), 24, URL. xi Hawk, Thank You Father Kim Il Sung, 34. xii Ibid., 36. xiii Park, North Korea: The Politics of Unconventional Wisdom, 47.
xiv      Armstrong, “Familism, Socialism and Political Religion in North Korea,” Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions 6, no. 3 (Dec. 2005): 389.
xv       Thomas Stock, “Dissecting Juche: A Fresh Look at North Korea’s Total Quest” (MA thesis, Indiana
University, 2012).
xvi      Hawk, Thank You Father Kim Il Sung, 79. xvii Ibid., 76.
xviii     Armstrong, ““Familism, Socialism and Political Religion in North Korea,” 384.
xix      Hawk, Thank You Father Kim Il Sung, 26. xx Ibid., 36. xxi Ibid., 34. xxii Ibid., 19. xxiiixxiii Anne Himmelfarb, “Christianity in North Korea: Politics by Other Means,” America 166, no. 16 (May 9, 1992): 411. xxiv Hawk, Thank You Father Kim Il Sung, 27.
xxv “Religion ‘spreading like cancer’ in North Korea,” National Catholic Reporter, 43, no. 39 (Sept. 28, 2007): 4. xxvi Hawk, Thank You Father Kim Il Sung, 29-32. xxvii     Ibid., 50.
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REFERENCES

Armstrong, Charles K. “Familism, Socialism and Political Religion in North Korea.” Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions 6, no. 3 (Dec. 2005): 383-94. 

Belke, Thomas J. Juche: A Christian Study of North Korea’s State Religion. Bartlesville, OK: Living Sacrifice Book Company, 1999. 

Cumings, Bruce. Korea’s Place in the Sun: A Modern History. New York, NY: W. W. Noton & Company, Inc., 1997. 

Eagleton, Terry. Ideology: An Introduction. London, United Kingdom: Verso, 2007. 

Ferré, Frederick. “The Definition of Religion.” Journal of the American Academy of Religion 38, no. 1 (Mar., 1970): 3-16. URL.

Hawk, David. United           States Commission    on
International Religious Freedom. Thank You Father Kim Il Sung: Eyewitness Accounts of Severe Violations of Freedom of Thought, Conscience, and Religion in North Korea. Nov. 2005. 

Himmelfarb, Anne. “Christianity in North Korea: Politics by Other Means.” America 166, no. 16 (May 9, 1992): 411-13. ProQuest (AAT: 01084039).

Idinopulos, Thomas A. “What is Religion?” Cross Currents 48, no. 3 (Fall 1998). 366-80. ProQuest (AAT 03975485)

Kim, Il Sung. Revolution and Socialist Construction in Korea. New York, NY: International Publishers, CO., Inc., 1971. 

Kwon, Heonik, and Byung-Ho Chung. North Korea:
Beyond Charismatic Politics. Plymouth, United Kingdom: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 2012. 

Park, Han S. North Korea: The Politics of Unconventional Wisdom. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Pulbishers, Inc., 2002. 

“Religion ‘spreading like cancer’ in North Korea.” National Catholic Reporter 43, no. 39 (Sept. 28, 2007): 4. ProQuest (ISSN 00278939).

Stock, Thomas. “Dissecting Juche: A Fresh Look at North Korea’s Total Quest.” MA thesis, Indiana University, 2012. ProQuest (ISSN 1510894). 

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