JUCHE: NORTH KOREA’S STATE RELIGION
Jordan Pearson Duke
University
THE PRINCETON JOURNAL OF EAST ASIAN STUDIES, VOL V , FALL 2013
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ABSTRACT
ABSTRACT
North Korean Juche is commonly viewed as a purely
political ideology. However, many of the practices and implementations of Juche
model that of a religious organization, making Juche an unofficial state
religion.
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1] INTRODUCTION
The Korean word Juche, meaning “self-reliance,” is the
political ideology that has shaped North Korean domestic and foreign policy for
the past 50 years. Far from affecting only the government leaders, Juche has
influenced people of all social classes in North Korea through its
implementation as a state religion.
While not officially classified as such, Juche has all of the defining
elements of a religion and thus plays a structuring role in the citizens’ lives
that a traditional religion plays in the lives of people outside the
state.
2] THE DEVELOPMENT OF JUCHE
The word “juche” (주체)
has not always been tied to a North Korean political ideology. This system of
thought has undergone a transformative process from an undeveloped ideal to a
fine tuned worldview that has shaped how North Korea functions as a nation and
interacts with the rest of the world. This evolutionary process has five
distinct steps, which mirror the country’s political situation and its
contemporary global positioni.
Princeton Journal of East Asian Studies
The first of these
steps is antiJapanism. Kim Il Sung was a prominent guerilla fighter who helped
lead Korea’s independence movement against Japanese imperialism. While Korea’s
independence was not recognized until Japan’s defeat in World War II in 1945,
Kim’s use of Juche allegedly dates back to this period, while he was advocating
for Korea’s independence. At this point, however, Juche was more of a slogan
than an existing belief system.
Juche further
developed into an anti-hegemonic ideology in the 1950s when North Korea found a
new enemy, the United States. North Korea’s animosity toward the United States
is understandable when considering its nearly despotic control over South Korea
during the early years, after a long fight for independence from Japan. North
Korea saw its values of independence and autonomy, of Juche, being challenged
by the US, with its manipulation and control over South Korean political
leaders, destruction it caused during the Korean War, and its continued
military presence in South Korea.
The third step was
the first time Juche was intentionally crafted to be the nation’s political
ideology. By the end of the 1960s, Kim’s concentration on heavy industry had
given North Korea a relative economic edge; this was when Juche was implemented
to show ideological superiority to the South. North Korea’s advocacy for Juche
had three objectives, which could be (and should have been) implemented in both
state and individual levels: political sovereignty, economic subsistence, and
military self-defense.
Indeed, Kim Il Sung himself said, “Juche in ideology,
independence in politics, selfreliance in the economy and self-defense in
national defense- this is the stand our Party has consistently adhered to.”ii
North Korea was to be politically independent and not reliant on countries for
trade, building its economy from the inside and focusing resources on domestic
goods, as well as a strong military to protect its interests. While this strategy did not help the country
continue to grow, it established a Juche economy and solidified the national
ideology, giving the people a concrete system with which to identify.
The next time
Juche was tied to the regime was particular to Kim Il Sung’s role as the
charismatic paternal leader and the establishment of a practice of hereditary
succession. In seeing the succession problems of other socialist states, North
Korea needed an alternative to a leader elected by the majority, especially
since this practice was unheard of in a monarch-dominated Korean history. Kim’s natural ascension to power gave him
regal status among the people. Thus the new goal of the regime was to extend
this status not just to Kim Il Sung but to his family. This led to myths and
stories about his birth, his childhood, and his “supernatural powers.” Similar
stories were told about his son, Kim Jong Il, in preparation for ascension as
leader of the country. It is such deification of the political leaders in which
Juche turns from merely being a political ideology to embodying religious
qualities.
Finally, Juche became a
Weltanschauung, a way of viewing the world that affects
everything in the country. The government uses socialization and political
education to instill Juche principles in all of its citizens. Music and media
are used to further promote the Great Leader and his family. State-run programs
and mandatory practices remarkably resemble common religious practices found in
Christianity and other religions across the world. It is at this point where
Juche is clearly more than a political ideology; it is a religion that colors
how North Korea and its citizens interact with the rest of the world.
3] DEFINING RELIGION ACCORDING
TO MANNER AND MATTER
In defining religion, both manner and matter of belief
must equally be considered. First is the way in which the belief is believed
and second is the content of the belief itself. In reference to the manner of
belief, Professor Frederick Ferré defined religion as “one's way of valuing
most intensively and comprehensively.” iii Ferré holds that in order for a
belief to be considered a religion, it must be of significant importance to the
believer to justify intense devotion. This is often manifested in personal
sacrifice or ritualistic observance. However, this intensity of value alone is
not enough. The believer must also hold that the object of valuing is extremely
important and relevant to the universe in order for it to be considered a
religion. For example, a person can be obsessed with playing video games to the
point where one might say that he “plays video games religiously.” However, as
long as the gamer does not assert that his game has relevance to the universe,
his obsession would not be considered as a religion. The combination of
intensity and comprehensiveness in Juche makes this qualification to be
classified as a religion. This will be described in detail in the next
section.iv
The matter or content of belief is also important in
defining a religion. Dr. Edward Westermark defines religion as “a regardful
attitude towards a supernatural being, on whom man feels himself dependent and
to whom he makes an appeal in his worship.”v According to this definition,
there are three key notions that must hold true within a belief system for it
to be considered a religion. First, there must be a supernatural being. Second, the believer must feel dependent or
indebted to this being. And third, there must be a form of worship or appealing
to this being. This worship can take many forms, such as prayer, veneration,
pilgrimage, commemoration of events, and the use of sacred texts. Juche
ideology satisfies this definition of religion, as I will explain in a
following section.
4] DEFINING JUCHE WITHIN THE
PARADIGM OF RELIGION
INTENSITY OF WORSHIP
Intense personal
valuing of a belief is shown in common forms of worship. In mainstream
Christianity, believers show this by attending church services on Sunday and
partaking in communion. Muslims make pilgrimages to Mecca and pray at regular
intervals throughout the day. Juche
followers are required to attend various indoctrination classes every week. The
atmosphere there was described as, “very solemn” and likened to a “divine
religious shrine.” vi Followers venerate pictures and statues of Kim Il Sung.
They show devotion by answering questions well in class, working hard in the
workplace, and singing songs of praise to the Great Leader.vii Every household
must have portraits of the Kim family in their household, hanging on their best
walls. They are instructed to clean these portraits daily.viii Juche is different from Christianity or Islam
in that much of Juche’s worship practices are compulsory. Indeed, North Korean
defectors have said that, “It is totally impossible not to follow Juche.”
ix This begs the question, how much of
this worship signifies true devotion? Philosopher Terry Eagleton notes that the
problem with studying ideology is that “the puzzle of how ideological beliefs
can be said to be both ‘lived’ and false.”x
It is possible to fully practice an ideology on the outside and ‘live’
it, but not believe in it. If the people
do not truly believe and are simply pretending to do so, much of the intensity
of valuing shown is false. However, one North Korean defector’s statement of
his personal beliefs is truly telling. After talking about the different study
halls he attended and the portrait veneration in
which he participated, he said,
“I never thought
that Juche or Kimilsungism was a closed or oppressive ideology, but I simply
believed it as truth. I thought it was
right to say that human beings should make the decisions on all things. I also thought Kim Il Sung is the greatest
man who created such a great ideology. I
believed that Kim Il Sung provides for all of our needs. Therefore, I could not even imagine being
disloyal to Kim Il Sung. When he died, I
was sad as much as when my father died.
Maybe, most of the North Korean escapees in South Korea were also like
me. During all my life, I was
brainwashed, believing that Kim Il Sung was the only reason I was happy. I learned to say ‘Thank you father Kim Il
Sung’ even when I was a baby. Therefore
it is impossible to think of anything else but Kimilsungism.” (34)xi
It is interesting that he calls his own indoctrination
“brainwashing.” The word has such a
negative connotation in Western society, as we view it as depriving another of a
clear, rational thinking process. However when talking about his beliefs, the
interviewee was clearly devoted to Kim Il Sung and had a strong conviction and
faithfulness to him. He was participating in worship rituals because he wanted
to show respect for Kim Il Sung. There
were also accounts of people attending meetings and participating in clean ups
when they were not required. xii In this sense, Juche worship is both
compulsory and voluntary. The state forces everyone to participate through
mandatory meetings, but the people are so thoroughly indoctrinated that they go
above and beyond what is required of them in order to better serve the Great
Leader.
COMPREHENSIVENESS
According to Juche theorists, North Koreans have a sacred
mission to spread Juche to the rest of the world. North Korea is the only
genuinely socialist system left in the world, and as such, is the world’s only
hope for overcoming the evils of capitalism, consumerism, and materialism. They will face opposition because the world
is afraid of being engulfed by such a perfect ideology.xiii This universal application of Juche makes it a prime example of comprehensiveness. The
belief must be spread to others, or everything will be lost. The followers
support Juche in the short term to spread the ideology in the long term.
DIETY AND DEPENDENCE
In order to demand
loyalty from its citizens, the regime has depicted a familial metaphor of the
state. Kim Il Sung is the father, the state or the Party is the mother, and the
citizens are the children. This becomes very effective since the Confucian
concept of filial piety is strong in Korea. Duty to one’s parents is important
to Koreans, and North Korea “has been unique in East Asia in literalising the
filial piety of nationalism in the family of the leader himself, in effect making
Kim Il Sung the universal patriarch.”xiv
Another metaphor
is drawn in the human body. The leader is the head, or the brain, and the
people are the body parts. The Party is considered the backbone. The brain
sends directions to the rest of the body directly and through the
backbone.xv,xvi
To extend this
devotion to the rest of the Kim family, Kim’s deification began. Myths of his
childhood and early revolutionary years were taught in primary schools. Stories
of his family being revolutionary heroes were well known. Soon came stories of
sailors singing praise to Kim Il Sung to calm stormy seas. Kim Jong Il was
allegedly born atop Mount Paektu under a double rainbow, a magical sign often
associated with Shamanism.xvii All of
these show the regime’s attempt to idealize the Kim family.
Once Kim Il Sung died in 1994, it became widespread that
though his physical body had died, his political body lived on in the spirit of
Juche. Kim Il Sung became immortal because of his perfect alignment with Juche
ideology, and this immortality became the goal for all citizens to achieve. A
giant obelisk was constructed and on it engraved, “’The Great Leader Comrade
Kim Il Sung Lives Forever in our Hearts.” Kim Il Sung was appointed the eternal
State President of DPRK. xviii This
immortalization further deified him, and the veneration practices described
earlier show that North Koreans worship him as a god. One defector said, “Kim
Il Sung is a god in North Korea,” xix while another, “ The pictures indicate
that Kim Il Sung is god, and we hang the pictures for the purpose of reminding
ourselves that we depend on him.”xx
Dependence on Kim
Il Sung is another evidence of his deification.
North Koreans are taught at a young age the phrase “Thank you, Father
Kim Il Sung.” The previously quoted
interviewee also said that he “believed that Kim Il Sung provides for all our
needs.”xxi This shows that Juche
teaches that Kim Il Sung is the provider for all and that North Koreans should
be grateful to him, as all are dependent on and indebted to him.
5] IMPLICATIONS OF JUCHE AS A
STATE RELIGION
North Korea has
made official statements to the United Nations guaranteeing freedom of
religion, among other human rights, to its citizens. xxii According to its constitution, citizens are
guaranteed “religious liberty and the freedom of anti-religious
propaganda.” However, in practice, the
state’s attitude seems more in line with this quote from
Kim Il-Sung:
“Whether one believes in Christ or Buddha, [religion] is
essentially all superstition. Religion has historically been [used] in the
service of the ruling class in deceiving, exploiting, and oppressing the
people; in recent times it has been used as an ideological tool of imperialists
for aggression against backwards peoples.”xxiii
Ironically enough, this could be viewed as the manner in
which North Korea has used Juche to “deceive, exploit, and oppress” its people.
North Korean defectors agree with this, saying that North Korea views religion
as ”an opium” and that, “If you have a religion, you will be persecuted, even
executed. Juche is the only religion
North Korean people can have.”xxiv It is
clear that the state does not approve of any thought that is not directly in
line with the Juche ideology. When reports were made of religious movements
within the North Korean military, it was a policy that the religion must be
“eradicated without delay since it comes from [their] enemies from around the
world.”xxv This “eradication” takes the
form of public executions or the disappearance of people, presumably taken as
political prisoners.xxvi
State-run churches
do exist, but there is much speculation about them. Many believe that they are
there simply for show to foreign visitors. While worship services are held, one
cannot be sure as to whether those in the congregation are true believers, or
sent there by the state. This is impossible to tell without interviewing people
in the congregation; but scholars and North Korean defectors both believe that
these churches are set up and run by the state.xxvii
Thus, it seems
that freedom of religion and belief are not so free in North Korea. North
Korea’s state ideology is the only religion that is allowed. The government is
strictly opposed to any other beliefs that are not in direct correlation with
its ideology. In order to keep political power, Juche developed from a purely
political ideology into a political religion, in which the Great Leader and the
Kim family are deified and venerated in order to retain political legitimacy.
Any other religious belief would be in opposition to Kim’s power and is not
allowed. North Koreans are free to believe whatever they want- as long as it is
Juche.
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i Han S. Park, North Korea: The Politics of
Unconventional Wisdom, (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers, Inc., 2002), 20
– 29.
ii Kim Il Sung, Revolution and Socialist Construction in Korea, (New York, NY: International Publishers, CO., Inc., 1971), 88, URL.
iii Frederick Ferré, “The Definition of Religion,” Journal of the American
ii Kim Il Sung, Revolution and Socialist Construction in Korea, (New York, NY: International Publishers, CO., Inc., 1971), 88, URL.
iii Frederick Ferré, “The Definition of Religion,” Journal of the American
iv Beginning on page 5.
v Thomas A.
Idinopulos, “What is Religion?” Cross Currents 48, no. 3 (Fall 1998): 370.
vi David
Hawk, Thank You Father Kim Il Sung: Eyewitness Accounts of Severe Violations of
Freedom of Thought, Conscience, and Religion in North Korea, Nov. 2005, 33,
URL. vii Ibid., 35. viii Ibid., 37. ix Ibid.
x Terry Eagleton, Ideology: An Introduction, (London,
United Kingdom: Verso, 2007), 24, URL. xi Hawk, Thank You Father Kim Il Sung,
34. xii Ibid., 36. xiii Park, North Korea: The Politics of Unconventional
Wisdom, 47.
xiv Armstrong,
“Familism, Socialism and Political Religion in North Korea,” Totalitarian
Movements and Political Religions 6, no. 3 (Dec. 2005): 389.
xv Thomas
Stock, “Dissecting Juche: A Fresh Look at North Korea’s Total Quest” (MA
thesis, Indiana
University, 2012).
xvi Hawk, Thank
You Father Kim Il Sung, 79. xvii Ibid., 76.
xviii Armstrong,
““Familism, Socialism and Political Religion in North Korea,” 384.
xix Hawk, Thank
You Father Kim Il Sung, 26. xx Ibid., 36. xxi Ibid., 34. xxii Ibid., 19.
xxiiixxiii Anne Himmelfarb, “Christianity in North Korea: Politics by Other
Means,” America 166, no. 16 (May 9, 1992): 411. xxiv Hawk, Thank You Father Kim
Il Sung, 27.
xxv “Religion ‘spreading like cancer’ in North Korea,”
National Catholic Reporter, 43, no. 39 (Sept. 28, 2007): 4. xxvi Hawk, Thank
You Father Kim Il Sung, 29-32. xxvii
Ibid., 50.
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