Poland’s role in Ukraine war offers lessons for Japan, top envoy says
People rest inside the sports hall of an elementary school that was transformed into temporary accommodations for people fleeing the Russian invasion of Ukraine, in Przemysl, Poland, in March 2022. Geography and geopolitical interests mean that Japan could find itself assuming a supporting role similar to Poland's should China ever attack Taiwan. | REUTERS
By Gabriel Dominguez
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Mar 10, 2025
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As Japan draws lessons from the Ukraine war and prepares for a potential similar crisis closer to home, it is also taking a page from Poland's critical role in the conflict, Warsaw's envoy to Tokyo said in a recent interview.
“Japanese officials have been keen to learn from our experience, particularly in terms of how Poland has managed to not only accommodate large numbers of refugees, but also serve as a critical international resupply hub for a neighbor in need,” Ambassador Pawel Milewski told The Japan Times.
“This is something both Japanese officials and policymakers have been following closely, analyzing and trying to accommodate in their own contingency plans, saying that our experience may provide valuable lessons should Japan ever be confronted with a similar scenario in Asia,” he added.
Geography and geopolitical interests mean that Tokyo could find itself assuming a supporting role similar to Warsaw’s should China launch a military attack against Taiwan, particularly as the Self-Defense Forces — just like the Polish military — are unlikely to put boots on the ground.
Since Moscow’s February 2022 invasion, Tokyo’s main concern has been that a Russian victory in Ukraine could embolden China to carry out its long-standing threat to forcibly unify the mainland with Taiwan, triggering a security crisis that could further tilt the regional balance of power in Beijing’s favor.
Japan’s proximity to Taiwan — the self-ruled island sits just 110 kilometers from Okinawa’s Yonaguni island — makes it a potential strategic gateway not only for evacuations, including a potential influx of Taiwanese refugees, but also for the provision of critical supplies should conflict erupt.
Polish Ambassador to Japan Pawel Milewski | Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Poland
Poland, which shares a 535-km land border with Ukraine, currently hosts nearly 1 million Ukrainian refugees, second in Europe only to Germany, putting in place systems to ensure their legal stay, access to employment, education, health care and other social welfare systems.
As a percentage of gross domestic product, Poland ranks first among all countries in terms of total support for Ukraine, earmarking 4.91% of its GDP for direct and indirect Ukraine assistance, with 0.71% allocated to supporting Kyiv and 4.2% to covering the cost of assisting Ukrainian refugees.
Poland, which has also provided large numbers of military assets to Ukraine such as tanks, self-propelled guns and infantry fighting vehicles, has also played an essential logistical role, with 95% of all international military and humanitarian assistance passing through the country.
Warsaw has also helped arrange the logistics of many foreign dignitaries' travels to the war-torn country, including Foreign Minister Takeshi Iwaya's surprise visit to Kyiv last November.
“We have a huge military hub at the border town of Rzeszow, and the Japanese have been keen to learn about the logistics behind such large resupply operations,” Milewski said.
Poland has also been supporting Japan’s plans for Ukraine’s postwar reconstruction and economic recovery, with the diplomat saying that Japanese companies often ask for Polish expertise and experience in doing business with Kyiv.
This type of engagement could also be useful for Japanese companies in other ways, as the war-torn country’s reconstruction and modernization priorities are well in sync with the European Union’s ambition to promote Ukraine’s transformation into an EU member state.
“We want Ukraine to become a fully fledged EU member state one day,” Milewski said. “We don't know when, but it will happen, so that means that new buildings and other key infrastructure would have to follow EU norms and standards,” he said, adding that Poland, which itself had to adapt to these standards some 20 years ago when it joined the EU, “can help Japan with these efforts.”
Cooperation between Tokyo and Warsaw will also go beyond Ukraine.
Polish Foreign Minister Radoslaw Sikorski recently signed a five-year “action plan” with his Japanese counterpart, Takeshi Iwaya, designed to deepen the countries’ strategic partnership.
The move outlines greater cultural, economic, political and security cooperation, including increased dialogue between senior diplomats and defense officials, as well as exploring possible multilateral exercises.
A K2 tank, delivered in the first batch of arms from South Korea under contracts signed in recent months, fires during a drill at a military range in Wierzbiny near Orzysz, Poland, in March 2023. | REUTERS
The signing comes as Poland has been using its six-month Council of the European Union chairmanship to prioritize energy, defense and economic security, with a particular focus on ramping up European defense spending and the production of key military equipment amid growing U.S. pressure on allies to do so amid Washington’s dramatic shift in its Ukraine policy.
Warsaw’s efforts seem to have paid off as EU leaders last week signed off on a plan that would ease budget restrictions for defense spending, redirect some unused funds toward security priorities and provide €150 billion ($162 billion) in loans for military acquisitions. The EU estimates that if fully utilized, the removal of certain spending restrictions could free up to €650 billion in defense expenditures over four years.
Warsaw, which has supported the idea of creating a "rearmament" bank to help Europe pay for the huge defense investment, has long kept military spending high, with the budget set at 4.7% of GDP this year.
The latest developments come at a time of growing geopolitical alignment between Tokyo and Brussels, with the two sides launching a defense and security partnership last November designed to lay the groundwork for closer cooperation on maritime security and defense industry tie-ups.
“As EU Council chair Poland is willing to do more to promote such security cooperation, including through EU-Japan consultations and exploring greater possibilities for defense-industrial engagement,” Milewski said.
Europe’s defense industry has said it sees "significant potential" in deepening cooperation with Japanese firms in areas ranging from space tech to advanced electronics and unmanned weapons systems.
Recent examples of their burgeoning cooperation include a deal last May between Japan, France and Germany to explore collaborating on electromagnetic railguns, as well as the 2022 launch of the Global Combat Air Program, a trilateral project between Rome, London and Tokyo to develop a sixth-generation fighter jet.
While not yet occurring on a large scale, defense-industrial cooperation between European and Asian countries is not unprecedented. Indeed, Poland itself has procured large numbers of South Korean-made combat aircraft, tanks and howitzers in a move that has helped the country diversify defense suppliers.
“Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, the involvement of North Korean troops in the conflict, and Europe's realization of its security overreliance on Washington have made many European countries aware of the need to strengthen cooperation with its Asian partners on all levels,” Milewski said.
KEYWORDSPoland, Poland-Japan relations, Taiwan, Russia, Ukraine, Russia-Ukraine war, China, PLA, defense
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