Cold War Island: Quemoy on the Front Line
By editor. Published on March 30, 2021.
Author: Michael Szonyi
Translators: Min Hwan Kim and Young Sin Jeong
Publication Date: March / 2021
Publisher: Zininzin
Cold War Island: Quemoy on the Front Line, a historical monograph on the modern history of the last symbol of China’s confrontation with Taiwan, Quemoy Island, has been translated and published as the sixth book in SNUAC Modern Asian History Series. The original work was published in 2008 by Michael Szonyi, an expert of the late Chinese empire and modern Chinese history and professor at Harvard University, and was translated into Korean by professors Young Sin Jeong (Catholic University) and Min Hwan Kim (Hanshin University). Zininzin has published Rebirth of a Cold War Island, Jinmen (14th book in SNUAC Asian Studies in a Global Context Series) and Thinking Peace and Unity in the Two Shores (4th book in SNU IPUS’s Para Pacem Peace Series) related to the Quemoy Island and China’s relationship with Taiwan, and now has published a major study on the issue.Prof. Michael Szonyi, the author, is a scholar of China’s Ming and Qing Dynasties and studied the history of the island as he stayed there in 2001 for a conference and came in contact with the residents as well as experience the research achievements of the local scholars. He combined literature review with field research and oral history and utilized local history to seek the answer from a larger perspective as he wrote this work.
The book comprises fourteen chapters; excluding the introduction and conclusion, twelve chapters are divided into parts of three chapters each.
1. Introduction: ordinary life in an extraordinary place
Part I. Geopoliticization Ascendant:
2. The battle of Guningtou
3. Politics of the war zone, 1949–1960
4. The 1954–55 artillery war
5. Militarization and the Jinmen civilian self-defense forces, 1949-1960
6. The 1958 artillery war
Part II. Militarization and Geopoliticization Change Course:
7. The 1960s: creating a Model County of the Three Principles of the People
8. The 1970s: combat villages and underground Jinmen
Part III. Life in Cold War-Time:
9. Combat economy
10. Women’s lives: military brothels, parades and emblems of mobilized modernity
11. Ghosts and Gods of the Cold War
Part IV. Demilitarization and Post-militarization:
12. Demilitarization and post-militarization
13. Memory and politics
14. Conclusion: redoubled marginality.
Cold War Island: Quemoy on the Front Line is a historical work that provides detailed accounts of the island’s pain and recovery in the process of the Cold War and the post-militarization, along with the two previously published domestic works. This will serve as an example for the Korean peninsula in its task of building a peaceful system through improvement of the relationship between the North and the South.
Cold War Island: Quemoy on the Front Line
by Michael Szonyi (Author)
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Editorial Reviews
Review
"…a thought-provoking antidote to all the literature that focuses on the 'high politics' of the Cold War, while ignoring its impact on local communities. Informative, well-written, and entertaining, it approaches the Cold War through local eyes, thus making a significant contribution to our understanding of the impact of this conflict around the globe." - Beth A. Fischer, University of Toronto
"Michael Szonyi has found a whole new way to write the history of the Cold War, combining detailed local history with world politics. With immense skill, he links the stories of the islanders to a wider narrative of the conflict between east and west. This is one of the most powerful books yet written on Cold War culture in Asia." - Rana Mitter, Oxford University
"Impeccably researched and elegantly written, Szonyi's Cold War Island breaks new - and fertile -ground in the social history of the Cold War in East Asia, and at the same time delivers a sobering meditation on the consequences of militarization for all of us." - David Ownby, Université de Montréal
"Szonyi offers an extraordinary retelling of the history of the Cold War in Asia. This is the Cold War as few will recognize it - seen not from the intoxicating heights of state power, but from down in the villages of a few off-shore islands in the Taiwan Strait. The result is one of the most surprising and entertaining new books on 20th-century China." - Timothy Brook, University of British Columbia
"The reason Cold War Island is such a persuasive account is that the author is everywhere cautious but thorough. When he claims something, you believe him, and this is in essence not because of his academic credentials but because of his style. Michael Szonyi is neither a sensationalist nor a slave to modish nostrums in the history academy, and his well-researched book is as a result a very welcome addition to Taiwan’s story." - Taipei Times
"The author moves his study away from the usual international approach in Cold War history and instead focuses on the relatively neglected area of local society.... Asian specialists, military experts, social history teachers, and graduate students will find the stories interesting and important as they attempt to gain a better understanding of Cold War history." - History: Reviews of New Books
"...a fine work of scholarship." - The Journal of Military History
"Michael Szonyi … effectively uses the former to elucidate the latter in this first detailed account in English of Quemoy …Szonyi's book reminds us why the island mattered during the 1950s and 1960s, and offers a detailed description of the local impact of Cold War conflict."
The Journal of Asian Studies
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Book Description
A discussion of the history of the island of Quemoy during the Cold War.
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Product details
Publisher : Cambridge University Press (August 11, 2008)
Language : English
Paperback : 328 pages
Michael Szonyi
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Biography
Michael Szonyi is Director of the Fairbank Center for Chinese Studies and Professor of Chinese History at Harvard University. He is a social historian of late imperial and modern China who studies local society in southeast China using a combination of traditional textual sources and ethnographic-style fieldwork.
He has written, translated or edited seven books, including The Art of Being Governed: Everyday Politics in Late Imperial China (2017); A Companion to Chinese History (2017), Cold War Island: Quemoy on the Front Line (2008; Chinese edition 2016) and Practicing Kinship (2002). He is also co-editor, with Jennifer Rudolph, of The China Questions: Critical Insights on a Rising Power (2017).
A frequent commentator on Chinese affairs, Szonyi is a Fellow of the Public Intellectuals Program of the National Committee on US-China relations. He also serves as a member of the China and Inner Asia Council of the Association for Asian Studies, and is the English-language editor for the journal Lishi renleixue (Historical Anthropology).
Szonyi received his BA from the University of Toronto and his D.Phil from Oxford University, where he was a Rhodes Scholar. He has also studied at National Taiwan University and Xiamen University. Prior to coming to Harvard in 2005, Prof. Szonyi taught at McGill University and University of Toronto.
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gregory
5.0 out of 5 stars cold war island
Reviewed in the United States on June 16, 2014
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The best work on Quemoy in English. An insightful look on KMT War Zone Administration system. A must read for civil military officers.
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Daniel
4.0 out of 5 stars The "Low Politics" of Jinmen-- Engrossing book
Reviewed in the United States on May 23, 2012
Mao Zedong's decision to shell Jinmen (Quemoy) in 1954 and again in 1958 has inspired a wealth of literature analyzing the Taiwan Strait Crises through the prism of high politics, leadership elites, and great power relations. In Cold War Island: Quemoy on the Frontline, Michael Szonyi, a Ming-Qing social historian , breaks with this tradition by writing a history instead focused on the social and cultural aspects of the crises that made Jinmen the frontline of the Cold War in Asia.
Drawing upon oral history interviews and Jinmen archival documents, Szonyi narrates in generous detail how the local people of Jinmen -villagers, farmers, militiamen, and their families-- were affected by artillery wars between the Communists and Nationalists, and more widely, by the Cold War tensions between China, the United States, and Moscow. By doing so, Szonyi moves away from an international history approach focused on Mao Zedong, Chiang Kai-shek, and Nikita Khrushchev and adopts a social history approach more focused on the everyday men, women, and children of Jinmen. In brief, Cold War Island strives to capture the "low politics" of Jinmen during the "Cold War", which Szonyi defines as beginning during the Battle of Guningtou in 1949 and ending during the demilitarization of Jinmen in the early 1990s.
Szonyi explores "four inter-related phenomena" in his stimulating study on Cold War Jinmen: militarization, geopoliticization, modernization, and memory . Employing Cynthia Enloe's loose definition of `militarization' -that is, "the step-by-step process by which something becomes controlled by, dependent on, or derives its value from the military as an institution or militaristic criteria"-- Szonyi chronicles how everything in Jinmen in short time became mobilized or subordinated to meet the needs and interests of the ROC military.
The militarization of Jinmen began in the years following the Japanese surrender and intensified especially in the days leading up to the Battle of Guningtou. KMT soldiers, for example, extorted civilians from their belongings-- things like chopsticks and bowls were commonly stolen items. KMT soldiers also forcibly put men, women, and children to work, building up Jinmen's military defenses along the beaches with materials from torn down houses (such use of civilian labor for military support would later become routinized) . The militarization of Jinmen also meant the local people had to respect curfews and blackouts, the killing of rats and collection of their tails, and the rules of household registration. Farmers were forced to learn new farming techniques to sell food to soldiers, and women constantly had to live under the threat of being raped by KMT troops. In part because of this militarization and militia-build-up of Jinmen, the Nationalists were able to defeat the Communists in the Battle of Guningtou in 1949. The surprise victory would only catalyze the ROC leadership to further mobilize civilians to support the KMT military and their goals, in the hopes of one day retaking the mainland from the Communists.
Though Jinmen would continue to function as "a military base for the imminent counter-attack to recover the mainland" , in the early 1950s, the island also became an important political and propaganda symbol. In an effort to score a propaganda coup against the Communist political and economic system, the ROC government set up a quasi-democratic War Zone Administration (WZA) system, which held democratic village elections up to the mid-1950s and enabled local residents to lead their village in the spirit of national economic development . This civilian government existed almost exclusively to "demonstrate the contrast between the ROC and the...system of the mainland" . The Nationalist government furthermore "justified the WZA by explaining that it formed part of the plan for China's political development envisioned by Sun Yat-sen's Three Principles of the People".
But, as Szonyi documents, the WZA had only nominal and minimal powers over local decisions, with the first and last words resting on KMT military officials. "National development", Szonyi writes, "[was] taking place under the shadow of a military threat that was local" . Over time, the relationship between the army and civilians became blurred. The militarization of Jinmen had reached such great heights that during its peak in the 1980s, every civilian became a potential combatant and every enclave became a potential combat zone . Residents who refused to cooperate with Jinmen's policies of "militarized modernity" were subjected to intimidation and repression, sometimes by militiamen who were forcibly drawn from their own local communities . Some residents were kidnapped, beaten, or even killed for allegedly harboring ties with the Communists.
Szonyi generally concludes that Jinmen's military importance, in the narrow sense, declined after the 1958 Crisis. After 1958, Jinmen would not again suffer from massive artillery attacks from the mainland, except for a few small skirmishes. The leaders in Taiwan, China, Russia, and even the United States believed Jinmen was of no strategic or geopolitical importance. The PRC was not willing to risk US involvement by launching an invasion of Jinmen and the US had neutralized the Taiwan Strait, meaning Jinmen could not and would not launch a counter-attack on the mainland . Indeed, between October 1958 and December 1979, military conflict on the frontline was relatively subdued, save every odd numbered day when the Communists would fire several hundred rounds of "propaganda shells" into Jinmen. These shells would "explode in mid-air, scattering propaganda leaflets" . The military danger in Jinmen had largely eroded by the end of 1958.
Jinmen's militarization, in a broad sense, however, manifested itself up to the early 1990s as an aggressive political struggle between the PRC and ROC. The policies on Jinmen Island -economic, political, military, and otherwise-- were aimed at "demonstrating the superiority of the sovereign government of Jinmen over its sworn enemy and alternative [the Communist mainland]" . The ROC government engaged Jinmen's citizens in mass propaganda and cultural campaigns, some not unlike those on the Chinese mainland. The most notable campaigns were the Never Forget Our Time in Ju movement, which sought to "heighten the patriotism of the citizenry and strengthen their anti-Communist consciousness", and the Chinese Cultural Renaissance Movement, which sought to paint Chiang and the KMT as the defenders of the Chinese culture, and by extension, the Chinese nation (this movement occurred concomitantly with the Cultural Revolution in China).
Yet, even while the Communist threat of attack subsided in the strait and Jinmen lost its geopolitical import, Szonyi notes that the combat capabilities, discipline, and independence of the Jinmen militia began to grow appreciably . The militia shifted its role from simply providing support to the KMT army to carrying out its own operations against the Communist mainland. "Jinmen's villages were no longer civilian population centers to be protected", Szonyi writes, "but military installations in their own right" . Szonyi believes the militia by the late 1960s had become a sort of "national and international symbol of ROC anti-Communism" . Highly militarized propaganda campaigns -which spoke of the militiamen as heroic resisters of the Communist threat-- sought to further juxtapose the political differences between the PRC and ROC. These campaigns also shored up support for an increasingly unpopular and irrelevant KMT government, which had no interest in integrating Jinmen into the global capitalist markets.
The militia's importance had evolved to something largely political that the KMT could exploit for propaganda: by supporting an "indigenous" militia force that drew from Jinmen's own civilian population, the KMT could paint Jinmen as an island bravely resisting Communist aggression. This was not only of high propaganda value for the Nationalists (for domestic and international consumption), but it also prevented the island from being reduced to a military installation, wherein a Communist attack could more easily be legitimized as mere military action .
Michael Szonyi's book is primarily a study of the social and cultural influence of the Cold War on the local people and politics of Jinmen, and to a lesser degree, on the KMT soldiers deployed there. Szonyi's goal is not to divorce the international and the local, but to show that that local stories and histories are indeed embedded in international affairs . While Szonyi takes a micro view of Jinmen society, the author links his study to macro global frameworks, and shows how Jinmen can serve as a cautionary tale for societies around the world. Jinmen, according to Szonyi, demonstrates that militarization can occur for reasons that have "little to do with military threat or military ambition" . And oftentimes, emergency can be used to justify militarization, which can breed authoritarianism and repression. Szonyi concludes his book by writing:
"In genuine or claimed democracies emergency is always the justification for militarization, and the aporia of emergency, its self-representation as necessity, and its ambiguous position between law and absence of law, is what enables militarization to extend itself into so many domains of life and then to normalize its extension. "
Szonyi warns that militarization in different settings and times can produce similar policies and social outcomes, regardless of the rationale or ideologies underpinning that militarization. The book is not so much a book on Jinmen, and the author states this in the beginning, but more of a commentary on the dangers of militarization.
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ARTICLE
Cold War Island: Quemoy on the Front Line
Xi, Cao
Sungkyun journal of East Asian studies, 2009-04, Vol.9 (1), p.145-148
Cold War Island: Quemoy on the Front Line KCI Citation Count: 0
http://sjeas.skku.edu/upload/200905/+145-148%20Book%20Review.pdf
BOOK REVIEW
Michael Szonyi, Cold War Island: Quemoy on the Front Line. Cambridge:Cambridge University Press, 2008. 310 pages. ISBN
9780521726405(Paperback) 29.99 USD
An outstanding historian not only pays attention to major events, but, even more importantly, how human beings actually live. In Michael Szonyi’s(Associate Professor in Harvard’s Department of East Asian Languages and Civilizations) recent book, we can find a truly vivid world once smothered by the haze of the Cold War. Former scholarship has examined the conflict in the Taiwan Strait 臺灣海峽 as a matter of high politics and international diplomacy. Professors often cite the 1958 Quemoy(or “Jinmen 金門”, as it is called in Mandarin) bombings as a classic example of brinkmanship, a case study for high-pressure diplomacy in the face of escalating global tensions. This book does not contribute to the discussions about these traditional topics, but looks at Jinmen from a very different perspective, asking how its inhabitants experienced these dramatic events, and how they remember them today. It also focuses on the relation of the state to everyday life. In fact, for the 40,000 people living there at the height of the Taiwan Strait crisis, Jinmen was simply “home”.
This book is comprised of four parts and an introduction. Each part has several chapters, fourteen in all. In the introduction, entitled “Ordinary Life in an Extraordinary Place”, Szonyi illustrates Jinmen as an island located just one mile off the southeast coast of China, on the edge of the Taiwan Strait. The island-which covers barely 70 square miles-became a symbol of resistance to Communism after 1949, when Mao Zedong 毛澤東 established the People’s Republic of China(PRC) and drove Chiang Kai-shek’s 蔣介石 Nationalist forces out of the mainland into Taiwan 臺灣, Jinmen, and a few other neighboring islands.
Afterwards, the lifestyle of Jinmen’s residents became transformed immediately.
The first part, “Geopoliticization Ascendant”, points out that in August 1958, the PRC began to carpet-bomb Jinmen for reasons that are still disputed. More than 500,000 shells were dropped over a period of 44 days. Island residents spent their days in and out of bomb shelters, and Chiang Kai-shek deployed nearly 120,000 Taiwanese troops to protect the shorelines and return fire. The US government, which already had Army advisers on the island, sent naval vessels and air support to bolster Jinmen’s defenses. As tensions increased, the chairman of the United States Army Joint Chiefs of Staff began to lay out plans for a nuclear attack. On Oct. 6, a ceasefire was finally called-but for the residents there, life had been permanently altered. The island essentially became a military base, and the lives of residents were completely militarized.
The second part, “Militarization and Geopoliticization Change Course”, tells us that Jinmen’s military importance became less significant due to the US’s neutralization of the Taiwan Strait. The huge troop presence on the island resulted from Chiang’s efforts to force the US to commit the island’s defense. Even though Taiwan underwent dramatic economic growth during 1960s to 1970s, Jinmen had no industrialization to speak of. To the residents, there was the incessant noise of
propaganda, a constant background to the rhythms of daily life. Enormous speakers would blare out Nationalist ideology toward the mainland, and both sides continued to drop shells containing propaganda leaflets on alternate days of the week despite the cease-fire. The paper bombardment continued for 21 years, until 1979. These shells, as well as those from the initial conflict, still dot the landscape of Jinmen-and their casings are now used to make cooking knives.
Part three, “Life in Cold War-time”, consists of three chapters that explore different aspects of social life from 1960s to 1980s, focusing on how the people of the island experienced and negotiated with the War Zone Administrations(Zhandi zhengwu 戰地政務) regime. These three chapters deal separately with topics on economy, religion and gender. They show how the project and experience of militarization were inflected by the specific expression of geopolitics on Jinmen.
Szonyi examines a range of themes to paint a picture of life on Jinmen during that period, including how residents negotiated curfews, turned to market gardening to produce food to sell to the soldiers, etc.
They even suffered from severe social problems-in particular, the threat of rape and the creation of a system of army-run brothels. The distorted sex ratios and assumption that soldiers needed sexual outlets to be kept in fighting shape meant that even women’s bodies became militarized, dependent upon military concerns and criteria.
Temples to the soldiers who lost their lives on the island are found everywhere. Not merely evidence of the persistence of tradition in the face of modernization, they also reflect state efforts to use the power of memory and religion to shape society.
Part four, “Demilitarization and Postmilitarization”, from which we can know that at the end of the Cold War, the conflict over Jinmen became simply an issue between China and Taiwan, and was largely ignored or forgotten by the Western world. Although the island was demilitarized after cross-Strait relations improved, the Jinmen’s economy collapsed in the process. It is still struggling to recover. As in many other places around the world, the experience of militarization was highly traumatic, but subsequent demilitarization was also very disruptive to local society. Smuggling and tourism are now the main economic activities on Jinmen, further redoubling its marginality.
Prof. Szonyi holds the opinion that Jinmen has frequently been represented through metaphor for half a century, which he uses as a case study to explore four interrelated phenomena: militarization, geopoliticization, modernization, and memory. These four form the keywords of the book. The militarization of Jinmen from 1949 to 1992 caused it to be under a condition of national emergency and martial law. By geopoliticization, Szonyi means not only the ways in which life on Jinmen became connected to global politics, but also the formal and explicit construction of it as a symbol in a larger international struggle. For such a long time, Jinmen was affected by outside events tied to international politics, by decisions made in Beijing 北京, Washington, Moscow, and elsewhere. It represented a beacon of freedom for the enslaved masses of Asia, or the springboard for the coming war to free them. It was also used as a metaphor for the determination of the Republic of China(ROC) to resist the PRC, the commitment of the US-led Cold War alliance to resist Communism, and even the course of human progress. Meanwhile, the author
uses the term “modernization” to describe not a specific set of conditions and values derived from Western experience, but also a complex of desired changes. The meaning of modernization is always negotiated and even contested, shaped both by global discourses and their local inflections. The link between militarization and modernity, itself a form of mass utopia, produced distinctive modes of governmentality.
Referring to the memory of the local people, Szonyi finds that the Cold War is remembered today less as an ideological confrontation than in terms of the minutiae of struggles of daily life. International conflict became immanent in fields such as domestic life, religious practice, and economic exchange, while personal experiences under martial law also regard themselves as heroic defenders of freedom. Under a militarized economy, rat tails, women’s bodies, basketballs appeared as symbolic items in collective memory. As an extreme example, a cult to the spirit of a drowned woman named Wang Yulan 王玉蘭 constructed her as a symbol of anti-communism.
In regard to methodology, the book is based primarily on oral history and archival documents. Indeed, the different ways in which local people interpret the past is itself an important theme of the book. Between 2002 and 2007, Szonyi visited the island repeatedly and conducted interviews with more than 70 residents who lived through the Cold War years. According to him, the exciting thing about being a historian is to give people the chance to tell the story in their own words. He also obtained a great deal of information from the archives of the ROC’s Ministry of Defense in Taipei 臺北 and gained access to documents from the Jinmen villages.
Szonyi’s book contributes greatly to the scholarship of cross-Strait relations and Cold War research. First of all, a new tendency in Cold War research is how culture and society were shaped by in recent years. The legacy of the Cold War continues to be important in many parts of the world. In some places, the challenge is to deal with the material consequences of the Cold War-environmental degradation, economic disruption, and social dislocation. Personal lives were mercilessly sacrificed in favor of public events. We should acquire valuable lessons from their sufferings to avoid similar disasters from happening again. Jinmen offers a localized example of a much broader phenomenon, the geopoliticization of everyday life during the great ideological conflict of the latter twentieth century. Secondly, the militarization of Jinmen meant that policies there often exaggerated those implemented on Taiwan. Until the lifting of martial law in 1987, the entire ROC was under a state and Jinmen became an exception within an exception. Many Jinmen people speak about a division of labor between Jinmen and Taiwan, wherein Jinmen was responsible for military defense, enabling Taiwan to concentrate on and later enjoy the fruits of economic development. The study of Jinmen qualifies the wellknown story of the rapid economic growth and eventual political pluralization of ROC on Taiwan since 1949. As we know, the Cold War was intertwined with the Chinese civil war. Jinmen offers a useful case study with which to reflect on the similarities and differences between post-1949 China under Mao Zedong and Taiwan under Chiang Kai-shek. Finally, Jinmen also invites comparison with other highly militarized societies around the world. The processes of mirror-imaging can
also be detected elsewhere, but particularly evident in the other divided states of the Cold War-Korea, Vietnam, and Germany. In the Third World, where the Cold War was often wrapped up in anti-colonial struggles, it was vis-｀a-vis one expression of broader debates about the meaning of modernity. The perception that modernization was essential to national security in the face of pressing danger, and the consequences of this perception for the articulation of modernization was widespread in Asia and beyond. Szonyi expresses his consuming humane care for Jinmen, these research methods also applicable to other Cold War areas. As a researcher, who specialized in the Taiwan issue and modern Chinese history, it was a rewarding experience to read such splendid analysis and synthesis.
CAO Xi
University of California at Berkeley
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냉전의 섬, 전선의 금문도
중국 양안 대치의 마지막 상징인 금문도의 현대사를 총괄 기술한 역사서 『냉전의 섬, 전선의 금문도』가 서울대학교 아시아연구소 아시아근현대사 총서 6권으로 번역 출간되었습니다. 중국제국 말기와 근대 중국 현대사 전문 연구자인 마이클 스조니 하바드 대학 교수가 2008년 출판한 Cold War Island : Quemoy on The Front Line 이 원본이고, 정영신 카톨릭대학교 교수와 김민환 한신대학교 교수가 공동 번역했습니다.
중국 양안 대치의 마지막 상징인 금문도의 현대사를 총괄 기술한 역사서 『냉전의 섬, 전선의 금문도』가 서울대학교 아시아연구소 아시아근현대사 총서 6권으로 번역 출간되었습니다.
중국제국 말기와 근대 중국 현대사 전문 연구자인 마이클 스조니 하바드 대학 교수가 2008년 출판한 Cold War Island : Quemoy on The Front Line 이 원본이고, 정영신 카톨릭대학교 교수와 김민환 한신대학교 교수가 공동 번역했습니다. 진인진은 금문도 및 양안관계 관련해서 2016년 『냉전의 섬 금문도의 재탄생』 (서울대학교 아시아연구소 ‘세계 속의 아시아연구 총서’ 제14권)과 『양안에서 평화와 통일을 생각하다』 (서울대학교 통일평화연구원의 파라파쳄 평화시리즈 4권)를 발간한 바 있으며, 금문도 관련 주요 연구 사례인 『냉전의 섬, 전선의 금문도』를 발간하게 되었습니다.
저자인 마이클 수조니 교수는 중국 명, 청 시대를 연구한 역사학자로서 2001년 학술회의차 방문을 계기로 금문도에 머물면서 주민들과 접촉하고 지역학자들의 연구 성과를 경험하면서 금문도 역사에 관심을 가지게 되었습니다. 저자는 문헌연구를 현장 조사 및 구술사와 결합하고, 지방사를 활용하여 더 넓은 범위의 답을 모색하는 고유의 방법론을 적용해서 『냉전의 섬, 전선의 금문도』를 저술했습니다.
『냉전의 섬, 전선의 금문도』 모두 14개의 장으로 구성되었는데, 서론과 결론을 제외한 12개 장이 각각 3장으로 구성된 파트로 구분되어 있습니다.
서론인 1장은 1958년 8.23포격이 시작되는 시점의 금문도 주민들의 경험을 첫 문장으로 시작하여 이 책의 문제의식과 논의의 배경을 제시합니다.
1부 ‘부상하는 지정학화’에서는 모두 5개의 장을 할애하여 금문도가 2개의 중국 정권이 대치하는 최전선의 군사요새로 변모하는 과정과 양상을 소개합니다. 주요한 군사 분쟁 사건들과 함께 금문도의 전시 지배체제의 양 축인 ‘전지정무’와 ‘진먼 민방자위대’가 구축되어 가는 과정이 상세하게 기술됩니다.
2부 ‘군사화와 지정학화의 변화 과정’에서는 군사화가 심화되는 과정에서 변모되는 금문도의 일상을 60년대 삼민주의모범현 만들기 정책과 70년대 전투촌과 지하 진먼을 중심으로 기술합니다.
3부는 냉전시대의 일상이라는 범주에서 전시경제, 여성의 삶, 토속신앙과 결합된 심리전 등이 소개됩니다. 우리나라에도 알려진 금문고량주나 포탄 탄두로 제작된 부엌칼, 특약다실 등을 비롯하여 냉전 상황에서 특수하게 전개된 일상의 모습들이 흥미롭게 소개되어 있습니다. 특기할 만한 것은 전통무속신앙과 결합한 심리전에 대한 내용인데, 무당들을 매개로 한 원혼들에 대한 내용을 객관적인 사료로 활용한 점이 이채롭습니다.
4부는 양안관계의 개방이후 탈군사화와 후군사화의 전개과정에 맞추어 변화를 모색해가는 금문도의 모습이 그려집니다.
『냉전의 섬, 전선의 금문도』은 앞서 발간된 2권의 국내 연구서와 더불어 냉전시기에서 후군사화에 이르는 과정에서 최전선 지역인 금문도가 감내할 수밖에 없었던 고통과 일상의 회복 양상을 상세하게 기술한 역사서로서 향후 남북관계 개선을 통해 평화체제를 구축해야 하는 한반도의 과제에 타산지석이 될 것입니다.
목차는 다음과 같습니다.
머리말 7
일러두기 13
역자서문 15
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제1장 서론 : 비일상적 장소에서의 일상적인 삶 25
·세계 속의 진먼 35
·책의 자료와 개요 40
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PART I 부상하는 지정학화 45
제2장 구닝터우 전투 47
·구닝터우 이전의 진먼 50
·진먼과 구닝터우 52
제3장 전쟁지구의 정치, 1949-1960 63
·임시 군사화(Ad hoc militarization) 64
·전지정무에 대한 이론과 실행 68
·마을 정치 72
·감시와 억압 83
·결론 87
제4장 1954-55년 포격전 89
·전투의 기억 93
제5장 군사화와 진먼 민방자위대, 1949-1960 103
·천둥 훈련(Thunder Exercise) 111
·민방자위대 노동 114
·결론 121
제6장 1958년 포격전 125
·전투의 기억 131
·운반 137
·소개(疏開) 140
·결론 146
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PART II 군사화와 지정학화의 변화 과정 149
제7장 1960년대: 삼민주의모범현(三民主義模範縣) 만들기 153
·발전 계획 155
·쥐꼬리와 위생 159
·군사화된 근대 시민을 대상으로 한 생정치(biopolitics) 168
·경계 넘기 171
·결론 181
제8장 1970년대: 전투촌과 지하 진먼 185
·전투촌의 이론과 실제 187
·전투촌 모델의 기원 194
·전투촌의 지정학 197
·이념 교육과 대중 캠페인 202
·결론 208
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PART III 냉전 시대의 일상 211
제9장 전시 경제 213
·전통 경제 216
·군사화된 발전국가 217
·산업화, 국유기업과 농업의 확대 222
·지·아이·조(G. I. Joe) 사업 231
·두 기업가 236
·지·아이·조 사업의 문제들 243
·결론 250
제10장 여성의 삶: 군영 내 공창, 행진, 동원된 근대의 상징들 255
·매춘부로서의 여성 258
·군인의 아내 270
·아내와 어머니로서의 여성 282
·군인으로서의 여성 286
·진먼의 여성 군인들 295
·결론 299
제11장 냉전의 귀신과 신 303
·애국 장군의 사당 304
·민간 신앙의 통제와 감시 306
·왕유란(王玉蘭) 숭배 308
·군인, 마을 사람, 그리고 도교 314
·지정학과 해석 양식: 유동하는 기표로서의 왕유란 322
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PART IV 탈군사화와 후군사화 327
제12장 탈군사화와 후군사화 329
·진먼 민주화 운동 331
·비상사태의 종식 336
·새로운 진먼의 831 345
·밀수업자, 관광객, 소삼통(小三通) 350
·왕유란과 정체성의 정치 353
·결론 359
제13장 기억과 정치 361
·고통(suffering)의 담론 366
·행위성의 담론 370
·향수의 담론 376
·세 가지 담론의 해석 378
·결론 385
제14장 결론: 배가된 주변성 387
·세계 속의 진먼 396
부록 411
일러두기 41
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