2024-07-12

The Cleanest Race - Wikipedia

The Cleanest Race - Wikipedia


The Cleanest Race

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
The Cleanest Race: How North Koreans See Themselves—and Why It Matters
Cover
AuthorB. R. Myers
LanguageEnglish
SubjectNorth Korean history and propaganda
PublisherMelville House Publishing
Publication date
2010
Publication placeUnited States
Media typePrint
Pages169
ISBN1933633913

The Cleanest Race: How North Koreans See Themselves and Why it Matters is a 2010 book by Brian Reynolds Myers. Based on a study of the propaganda produced in North Korea for internal consumption, Myers argues that the guiding ideology of North Korea is a race-based far-right nationalism derived from Japanese fascism, rather than any form of communism. The book is based on author's study of the material in the Information Center on North Korea.

Author[edit]

Brian Reynolds Myers was born in the U.S. and was educated on the graduate level in Germany.[1] He is an editor of The Atlantic magazine and the author of A Reader's Manifesto,[2] as well as of Han Sorya and North Korea Literature (1994), which was the only book in English about North Korean literature until Tatiana Gabroussenko's literary history Soldiers on the Cultural Front (2010). Myers has studied North Korea for twenty years and is fluent in Korean.[3] He holds an assistant professorship in international studies at Dongseo University in South Korea.[2]

For the book, Myers studied North Korean mass culture with reference to domestically published novels, films, and serials available at the Ministry of Unification in Seoul.[3][4] Myers claims his analysis differs from that of conventional North Korea watchers, because he focuses on internal Korean-language propaganda, rather than on Korean Central News Agency (KCNA) external broadcasts and English-language reports from South Korea.[4][5]

Contents[edit]

The Cleanest Race is divided into two sections: the first covers North Korean history through its propaganda, from Korea under Japanese rule to the 2009 imprisonment of American journalists by North Korea.[6] The second section analyzes themes in the propaganda, including chapters such as "Mother Korea", Kim Il SungKim Jong Il, perceptions of foreigners, and South Korea.[5]

Techniques of propaganda analysis by Myers include translation of poems, discussion of metaphors and monumental architecture, and description of racist tropes.[6] The book also contains sixteen separate pages of color illustrations,[5] including reprints of posters that ethnically caricature Japanese and White Americans[7] and which portray the late leaders Kim Il Sung and Kim Jong Il as paternal figures.[8]

Racial identity[edit]

Pro-unification propaganda on the Korean Demilitarized Zone

The Cleanest Race argues that the overarching ideology of the North Korean government is founded on far-right politics rather than far-left politics. It notes that the North Korean government is xenophobic and militaristic. It cites a report of a mob attack on Afro-Cuban diplomats and the forcing of female North Koreans to abort mixed-ethnicity children.[4][7] It mentions that the 2009 North Korean constitution omits all mention of communism.[7] The author argues that Juche is not the leading ideology of North Korea. Rather, he surmises, it was designed in order to trick foreigners.[4]

Myers says North Korea's government does not base its ideology on Marxism–Leninism or Neo-Confucianism. He instead links it to Japanese fascism.[9] He states that the government's racist criteria for national identity paints its genetically Korean citizens as innocent and morally virtuous (as opposed to foreigners) but militarily weak,[6] requiring Kim Il Sung's charismatic guidance and protection.[3] The author supposes that this may be a strategy by the government to decrease the amount of repression and surveillance needed to control that public.[3]

Foreign policy implications[edit]

According to Myers, North Korean government propaganda portrays South Korea as a land polluted by foreign domination, particularly by the permanent presence of U.S. soldiers. Anti-Americanism is the cornerstone of North Korean foreign policy.[4]

Similarly, internal propaganda within North Korea portrays U.S. humanitarian efforts such as food aid as signs of U.S. cowardice and make no distinction "between 'good' American workers and 'bad' American capitalists" as the Soviet Union's regime in the Cold War did.[3] He laments that North Koreans openly flout the "dictates of an impure world" as inapplicable to the pure Korean race.[9]

Reception[edit]

Press reviews[edit]

Upon its release, The Cleanest Race received significant media attention and "rave reviews" in the United States press.[10] The journalist Christopher Hitchens (who had visited North Korea at the beginning of the 21st century) recounted that after reading the book, he concluded that his earlier view of the country as Stalinist was simplistic and incorrect.[7] Some reviewers confirmed anecdotal instances of North Korean xenophobia and alarm at the rate of interracial marriage in South Korea.[7][9] Hitchens also found some "obscene corollaries" from Myers' conclusions, including that many South Koreans feel the North Korean regime to be more "'authentically' Korean" than their own government.[7]

The New York Times characterized the book as "often counterintuitive" and its arguments as "wily and complex".[2] Bradley K. Martin of The New Republic, however, warned that the book could "[play down] the Stalinist, Maoist, and traditional East Asian contributions" to North Korean ideology.[9] Martin argues that North Korean ideology can be understood in the terms of Japanese pre-fascist psychology, including amae (dependence on parents) and banzai (wishing long life for the ruler).[9]

Academic reception[edit]

Journals[edit]

Charles K. Armstrong in The Journal of Asian Studies states that the conclusions of the book are "not news".[10] He explains that historian Bruce Cumings, whom Myers excoriates, addresses the influence of "Japanese colonial militarism" on North Korea. Armstrong faults Myers for exaggerating the Japanese angle and suggests that North Korea is "actually closer to European fascism" than to Imperial Japanese fascism, because Imperial Japan lacked a charismatic leader and a mass-mobilizing party.[10]

Alzo David-West in Journal of Contemporary Asia claims Myers writes "in the tradition of 'axis of evil' cultural criticism", obscures the differences between Nazism and Stalinism, and overlooks the historical influence of Maoism in North Korea. He also says Myers does not cite the relevant North Korean studies scholarship of Han S. Park, most notably North Korea: The Politics of Unconventional Wisdom (2002); makes scarce treatment of the Songun military-first ideology; and claims Juche ideology is universalist-humanist rather than ethnic nationalist.[6]

Gerd Jendraschek in Studies on Asia says that Myers "downplays synchronic and diachronic variation"; he "does not explain"; he "ignores counter-evidence ... while exaggerating"; he "contradicts himself"; and he is "anecdotal ... biased and speculative".[11]

Suzy Kim in Critical Asian Studies explains that Myers reads North Korea through an “infantilizing Orientalist gaze”; he "lack[s] ... understanding of ... Confucian relations", "denies Confucian influence" and "chooses to ignore North Korean kinship metaphors"; he has "his own preconceptions"; he "conflat[es] North Korean solipsism and nationalism with racism" and "whitewash[es] American racism and Orientalism"; he "never interrogates ... representations and lived realities"; he "never contextualizes the different kinds of sources he is using" but "lumps together" a "Text" that "becomes a straw man ... to serve his own arguments"; and he "takes at face value" the "simple dichotomy between 'Koreans' and 'foreigners'.'"[12]

Craig MacKie in The Political Economy of Affect in East Asia says, "Myers' formulation of the 'child race' is deeply problematic as a result of the instrumental way he uses it in his text" even though the "work does correctly register ... filial and familial themes and the fixation on the dead father that characterizes propaganda in North Korea."[13]

Magazines[edit]

Andrei Lankov in Far Eastern Economic Review states Myers takes a "fresh approach" to North Korea.[14] Lankov also says Myers' work is "informative"[15] but is not sure whether his thesis has any relation to reality.[16]

Other[edit]

Felix Abt, a business affairs specialist who lived in North Korea for seven years, observes that Myers's book is "flawed"; makes "shaky," "absurd," and "questionable" claims; and takes North Korean "propaganda more seriously than North Koreans do themselves."[17]

See also[edit]

References[edit]

  1. ^ Kotkin, Stephen (28 February 2012). "Book review of "Nothing to Envy," by Barbara Demick, and "The Cleanest Race," by B.R. Myers"The Wall Street Journal. Retrieved 23 December 2012.
  2. Jump up to:a b c Garner, Dwight (26 January 2010). "North Korea Keeps Hiding, and Fascinating"Books of the TimesThe New York Times. Retrieved 23 December 2012.
  3. Jump up to:a b c d e Lankov, Andrei (4 December 2009). "The Cleanest Race: How North Koreans See Themselves-And Why It Matters"Far Eastern Economic Review. Archived from the original on 4 May 2010.
  4. Jump up to:a b c d e Rank, Michael (10 April 2012). "Lifting the cloak on North Korean secrecy: The Cleanest Race, How North Koreans See Themselves by B R Myers". Asia Times. Archived from the original on 12 April 2010. Retrieved 23 December 2012.
  5. Jump up to:a b c Robinson, Blake (Spring 2012). "Review of the book The Cleanest Race" (PDF)Asian, African, and Middle Eastern Section Newsletter. World Beat. 9 (2).
  6. Jump up to:a b c d David-West, Alzo (February 2011). "North Korea, Fascism, and Stalinism: On B. R. Myers' The Cleanest Race". Journal of Contemporary Asia41 (1): 146–156. doi:10.1080/00472336.2011.530043S2CID 153484256.
  7. Jump up to:a b c d e f Hitchens, Christopher (1 February 2010). "A Nation of Racist Dwarfs"Fighting WordsSlate. Retrieved 23 December 2012.
  8. ^ Bunch, Sonny (1 June 2010). "North Korea's Cultural Shackes. The Cleanest Race by B.R. Myers"Policy Review. Books (161). Archived from the original on 7 September 2010. Retrieved 24 December 2012.
  9. Jump up to:a b c d e Martin, Bradley K. (8 April 2010). "Maternalism"The Book. Retrieved 23 December 2012.
  10. Jump up to:a b c Armstrong, Charles K (May 2011). "Trends in the Study of North Korea". The Journal of Asian Studies70 (2): 357–371. doi:10.1017/s0021911811000027S2CID 162656969.
  11. ^ Jendraschek, Gerd (March 2013). "Book Review: B. R. Myers, The Cleanest Race: How North Koreans See Themselves and Why It Matters". Studies on Asia3 (1): 261–266.
  12. ^ Kim, Suzy (2010). "(Dis)Orienting North Korea". Critical Asian Studies42 (3): 481–495. doi:10.1080/14672715.2010.507397S2CID 145246911.
  13. ^ MacKie, Craig. "Familial Communism and Cartoons: An Affective Political Economy of North Korea", The Political Economy of Affect and Emotion in East Asia. Jie Yang, ed. New York: Routledge, 2014. 219–239; 222–223.
  14. ^ Andrei Lankov (4 December 2009). "Review of The Cleanest Race"Far Eastern Economic Review. Archived from the original on 4 January 2010. Retrieved 5 June 2015.
  15. ^ Lankov, Andrei (2013). The Real North Korea. Oxford University Press. pp. 104ISBN 978-0-19-996429-1.
  16. ^ Andrei Lankov (30 November 2017). "От защиты к нападению. Может ли ядерная программа Северной Кореи стать наступательной" (in Russian). Carnegie.ru. Retrieved 3 December 2017.
  17. ^ Abt, Felix. A Capitalist in North Korea: My Seven Years in the Hermit Kingdom. Rutland, VT: Tuttle Publishing, 2014.

External links[edit]

External videos
video icon C-SPAN Video - Book Discussion on The Cleanest Race
===

가장 고결한 인종

출처 : 무료 백과 사전 "Wikipedia (Wikipedia)"
The Cleanest Race: How North Koreans See Themselves—and Why It Matters
저자브라이언 레이놀즈 마이어스
국가미국
언어영어
소재북한의 역사와 선전
출판사멜빌 하우스 퍼블리싱
출판일2010년
출판 형식인쇄
페이지 수169
ISBN1933633913
OCLC368021548

가장 고결한 인종 ――북한 사람들의 자기 인식과 그 문제점』( The Cleanest Race: How North Koreans See Themselves and Why it Matters )은 국내 소비를 위한 북한 의 선 전자 분석함으로써 북한이 자국민을 지도하는 이데올로기 에 대해 논한 연구서이다. 저자는 브라이언 레이놀즈 마이어스 영어판 ) , 영어로 쓰고 2010년에 간행되었다. 북한의 지도 이데올로기가 공산주의 라는 일반적인 이해와는 달리 실제로는 자민족 우월사상 에 입각하는 국가주의 ( race-baced nationalism )라는 것이 본서를 통해 논의되는 마이어스의 주장으로 있다. 또 본서에서는, 그 기원이 일본형의 파시즘 에 있다고도 주장되고 있다. 저자 마이어스는 본서 집필 이전에 북한자료센터 영어판 ) 의 수집자료를 연구하고 있으며, 본서는 그 연구결과에 근거한다.

저자 편집 ]

브라이언 레이놀즈 마이어스는 미국에서 태어나 대학 졸업까지 독일에서 교육을 받았다 [1] . 월간지 The Atlantic 의 에디터 중 한 명이며 대중용 문예 의 텍스트 크리티크에 관한 잡지의 연재 칼럼을 재편집한 저서 A Reader's Manifesto 영어판 ) (2002)가 있다 [2] . 또, 1994년의 저서 Han Sorya and North Korea Literature (1994)는 북한 문학 영어판 ) 의 연구서이다(당시는 북한 문학을 다룬, 영어로 읽을 수 있는 유일한 연구서였지만, 2010년에 Tatiana Gabroussenko의 Solders on the Cultural Front (2010)라는 문학사의 연구서가 간행되어 유일하게는 없어졌다) [3] . 마이어스는 20년간 북한에 대해 연구하여 조선어에 유창하다 [3] . 또한 부산 동서 대학교 에서 국제관계론을 가르치고 있다 .

이 책을 쓰기 위해 마이어스는 대한민국 통 일부 에서 입수할 수 있는 한 북한 국내에서 소비되는 의도된 소설, 영화, 정기간행물을 참조하여 북한의 대중문화  대해 조사 했다 [3] [4] . 마이어스 자신이 주장하는 바에 의하면, 이 어프로치의 시점에서, 본서의 분석은 종래의 북한 워처에 의한 분석과 달리 새롭다고 한다 [4] . 기존의 분석은 북한의 국영미디어 조선중앙통신 (KCNA)이 외부용으로 발신한 정보나 한국 내에서 영어로 발신되는 리포트에 근거한 것일 뿐이며, 한국어에 의한 내부용 프로파간다에 초점 을 맞춘 것은 없었기 때문이다 [4] .

내용 편집 ]

이 책 '가장 고결한 인종'( The Cleanest Race )은 2부 구성으로 되어 있다 [5] . 전반은 프로파간다를 통해 고찰한 북한의 역사 로, 일본 통치 시대 부터 미국인 저널리스트 구속사건 영어판 ) 이 발생한 2009년까지를 다룬다 [5] . 후반은 프로파간다에 표현되는 테마별 장장이 되어 있어 「어머니 조선」, 김일성, 김정일, 외국인 관 ,「남조선」 등의 테마마다 북한의 국내용 프로파간다를 분석한다 [6] .

이 책에서 채택된 선전 분석의 기법은 조선어 시나 기념건조물에 담긴 메타파 를 논하고, 그러한 메타파에 담긴 자민족 우월사상(=인종차별주의)적 뉘앙스를 언어화 한다는 것이다 [5] . 이 책에는 칼라 입 그림이 16 페이지 포함된다 [7] . 컬러 페이지에 인용된 포스터는 일본인과 미국인의 인종차별 주의적 칼리카츄어 나 [7] , 죽은 지도자 김일성 과 김정일 을 자부와 같은 이미지로 그린 것으로 이다 [8] .

인종차별주의적 정체성 편집 ]

한반도 군사 경계선 에 가까운 비무장지대에 놓인 통일추진 선전.

이 책 '가장 고결한 인종'은 북한 정부의 가장 중요한 이데올로기가 극좌 사상 에 근거하지 않고 오히려 극우 사상  근거하고 있다고 말한다 [4] [7] . 2009년의 개정에 의해 조선민주주의인민공화국 사회주의헌법 에는 더 이상 공산주의 에 대한 언급조차 없어졌다 [4] [7] . 저자 마이어스에 따르면 주체사상 은 북한의 주요 이데올로기가 아니다 [4] . 오히려 외국인을 속이기 위해서, 의도적으로 「주체사상이야말로 지도원칙이다」라고 말하고 있는 것이 아닌가, 라는 것이 증거에 근거한 저자의 추측이다 [4] .

또한 이 책은 북한 국내에서 흑인의 쿠바인 외교관이 폭도에 습격당한 사건이나 타민족과의 혼혈아를 입은 북한 여성에게 낙태가 강해진 사건의 조사보고를 인용하고, 북 조선 체제의 본질이 배외감정과 군국주의 에 있는 점을 지적한다 [4] [7] . 이 책이 논한 바에 따르면 북한 체제를 지지하는 이데올로기는 마르크스-레닌주의 가 아니라 주자학적 유교 사상 도 아닌 오히려 일본형 파시즘 과  관계를 발견할 수 있다고 한다 .

본서는 정부가 자민족을 인종차별주의적으로 규정하고 있기 때문에 '조선민족'이 (외국인과는 대조적으로) 더러움이 없고 도덕적으로 뛰어난 존재이지만 군사적으로 는 취약하고 [5] , 따라서 김일성의 카리스마적 지도와 보호를 필요로 하는 존재라고 한다 [3] , 우생학적 내셔널 아이덴티티가 초래되고 있다고 논의한다 [5] ] . 그러나 저자 마이어스에 따르면 이는 대중을 통제하는 데 필요한 억압과 감시의 총량을 북한 정부 대로 줄이려는 전략의 하나일지도 모른다 [3] .

외교정책과의 관계 편집 ]

이 책이 분석한 바에 따르면 북한 정부의 선전에서 한국은 외국인 지배세력(특히 주 한미병 )에 의해 오염된 땅으로 묘사된다 [4] . 반미주의 는 북한의 외교정책의 요석이다 [4] . 북한 국민이 ‘부정의 세계로부터의 명령’은 깨끗한 조선인종에는 적용해서는 안 되므로 공공연히 무시해도 좋다고 생각하게 되어 있다는 것을 저자는 우려한다 [9] .

북한의 국내용 프로파간다에서는 식량지원 등 미국에 의한 인도적 지원이 미국의 겁쟁이의 나타난 것처럼 묘사된다 [3] . 거기에는, 미국의 「선량한」노동자와 「사악한」자본가의 구별조차 없다 [3] . 이 점은 한때 냉전기 소련의 프로파간다도 마찬가지였다 [3] .

수용 편집 ]

신문 보도 편집 ]

이 책 '가장 고결한 인종'은 2010년 간행 당시 매우 언론에 주목을 받고 미국 내 각종 신문에서 '서평란이 거칠었다' [10] . 일부 서평에서는 북한 국민에 의한 제노포비아(배외감정)의 실례가 소개되어 한국의 국제결혼률의 높이가 걱정되었다 [7] [9] .

21세기 초반에 북한 방문 경험이 있는 기자인 크리스토퍼 히첸 스는 한때 방문했을 때 '북한은 스탈린주의 체제 국가'라는 인식이 피상적이며 실수로 있었다고 결론을 내리는 긴 서평을 썼다 [7] . 히첸스는 또한 이 책의 분석에서 도출되는 '혐오할 수밖에 없는 귀결'로서 많은 한국인들이 자신들의 정부보다 북한 체제 쪽을 '정통성 있는'코리아라고 생각해 버린다 가능성을 지적했다 [7] .

잡지 '뉴욕 타임즈 '는 본서의 특징을 '직감에 반하는' 사실이 차례차례로 제시되어 논의가 '준비주도 그리고 복잡'으로 전개된다고 평가했다 [2] . 그러나 The New Republic 종이의 브래들리 마틴(Bradley K. Martin)은 스탈린주의 , 모택동주의 , 동아시아의 전통사상이 북한의 이데올로기 형성에 부여한 역할을 본서에 근거하여 경시해 버렸다 해서는 안된다고 말한다 [9] . 마틴은 파시즘 체제 이전 일본의 '달콤함'( amae, dependence on parents), '만세'( banzai , wishing long life for the ruler) 등의 일본어 단어에 의해 북한 이데올로기의 심리학적 이해가 가능하다고 논했다 [9] .

학술적 수용 편집 ]

논문 편집 ]

역사학자의 찰스 암스트롱 영어판 ) 이 연구잡지 The Journal of Asian Studies 에서 주장한 바에 따르면, 본서 『가장 고결한 인종』이 제시한 각 결론은 「새로운 것이 아니다」[10] . 암스트롱에 의하면, 북한에 대한 「일본의 식민지주의적 군국주의」의 영향에 대해서는, 마이어스의 전 동료의 역사학자, 블루스 커밍스 가 이미 취급하고 있다 [10] . 암스트롱은 마이어스가 일본의 영향을 과대 평가하고 있다고 대 일본 제국 에는 카리스마적 리더 와 대중동원당이 부족하기 때문에 실제로 북한에 가까운 것은 일본형이 아닌 유럽형 파시즘 체제가 아닌가라고 말했다 [10] .

오르조 데이비드 웨스트(Alzo David-West)가 연구 잡지 Journal of Contemporary Asia 에서 주장한 바에 따르면, 이 책은 “어리석은 ' 악의 추축 ' 논법에 의한 문화론”이며, 나치즘 과 스탈리니즘의 차이 역시 애매하며 북한에 대한 모택동주의 역사적 영향을 간과하고 있다고 한다. 데이비드 웨스트는 마이어스가 관련한 북한학의 선행연구, 박한식 영어판 ) 의 연구(예: North Korea: The Politics of Unconventional Wisdom (2002))를 인용하지 않은 점, 선군사상 에 관한 언급이 적은 점을 본서의 미비로 꼽고, 또한 주체사상이 민족 주의적 사상 이라는 주장은 잘못되어 보편적 인권사상 이라고 주장했다. [5]

가드 젠드라셰크(Gerd Jendraschek)가 연구 잡지 Studies on Asia 에서 쓴 바에 따르면, 마이어스는 “언설의 공시적인 차이와 통시적인 차이를 경시하고 있다”고 말했다. 설명 부족”이고 “반증을 무시”하고 있어 “자기 모순에 빠져” 있어 “바이어스가 걸린 소문에 근거한 분석”을 실시하고 있다고 했다. [11]

수지김(Suzy Kim)이 연구 잡지 Critical Asian Studies 에서 쓴 곳에 따르면 마이어스는 '어린이 동양 동양 으로 가득 찬 모습'을 통해 북한을 해독하려고 했으며 ' 조선의 전통 유교 와 관계를 이해하지 않고 "유교의 영향을 부정하고" "북한에서는 부모와 자식 관계가 일상적으로 비유로 사용되는 것을 의도적으로 무시"하고 있다고 한다. 또 마이어스가 “선입주에 의해 북한의 유아론과 내셔널리즘으로부터 인종차별주의를 합성했다”며 “[이에 따라] 미국의 인종차별주의와 오리엔탈리즘을 면죄하려고 하고 있다”고 했다. 또, 마이어스가 「한 번도 [북한을]대표하는 사람이나 주민에게의 청취 조사를 실시하고 있지 않고」 「사용한 자료를 문맥에 따라 [유연하게] 해석을 바꾸는 일을 하지 않는다」 한편, "텍스트를 자신의 형편이 좋게 한데 모으는 스트로맨 논법 "을 이용하고 있다고 했다. 또 마이어스가 “‘조선민족’과 ‘다른 민족’의 단순한 이분법”을 “액면대로 받고 있다”고 했다. [12]

크레이그 맥키(Craig MacKie)는 연구 잡지 The Political Economy of Affect in East Asia 에서 "마이어스의 '아이 인종'이라는 개념 정의에는 그가 의거한 텍스트를 선택하는 방법에 문제가 있기 때문에 비상 에 의심스러운 점이 있다”고 썼지만, “본서 전체는 북한의 선전을 특징짓는 죽을 수 있는 부조에 대한 병적인 조건과 그 자손이라는 주제에 대해 실로 정확하게 기술하고 있다”고 했다. [13]

잡지류 편집 ]

안드레이 랑코프 는 잡지 Far Eastern Economic Review 에서 마이어스의 북한에 대한 접근은 "참신하다"고 썼다 [14] .

기타 편집 ]

북한에 7년간 살았던 비즈니스 문제 전문가인 펠릭스 앱트 영어판 ) 는 이 책에는 '결함이 있다' 라고 주장했다. 그리고 본서가 “북한인 자신보다 북한의 선전을 진지하게 받아들이고 있다”고 말했다. [15]

출처 편집 ]

  1. ↑ Kotkin, Stephen (2012년 2월 28일). “ Book review of "Nothing to Envy," by Barbara Demick, and "The Cleanest Race," by BR Myers ”. The Wall Street Journal . 2012년 12월 23일 브라우징.
  2. c Garner, Dwight (2010년 1월 26일). “North Korea Keeps Hiding, and Fascinating” . Books of the Times ( The New York Times ) 2012년 12월 23일에 확인함.
  3. h Lankov, Andrei (2009-12-04). The Cleanest Race: How North Koreans See Themselves-And Why It Matters .
  4. j Rank, Michael (2012년 4월 10일). “Lifting the cloak on North Korean secrecy: The Cleanest Race, How North Koreans See Themselves by BR Myers” . Asia Times 2012년 12월 23일 열람.
  5. f David-West, Alzo (February 2011). “North Korea, Fascism, and Stalinism: On BR Myers' The Cleanest Race ”. Journal of Contemporary Asia 41 (1): 146–156. doi : 10.1080/00472336.2011.530043 .
  6. ↑ Robinson, Blake (Spring 2012). "Review of the book The Cleanest Race" (PDF) . Asian, African, and Middle Eastern Section newsletter . World Beat. Association of College and Research Libraries . 2021년 3월 25일에 확인함 .
  7. h Hitchens, Christopher (2010년 2월 1일). “A Nation of Racist Dwarfs” . Fighting Words ( Slate ) 2012년 12월 23일에 확인함.
  8.  2021-3-25 Bunch, Sonny (1 June 2010). "North Korea's Cultural Shackes. The Cleanest Race by BR Myers" . Policy Review . Books . 2021년 3월 25일에 확인함 .
  9. ↑ e Martin, Bradley K. (2010-04-08). “Maternalism” . The Book (The New Republic) 2012년 12월 23일에 확인함. .
  10. d Armstrong, Charles K (May 2011). “Trends in the Study of North Korea”. The Journal of Asian Studies 70 (2): 357–371. doi : 10.1017/s0021911811000027 .
  11. ↑ Jendraschek, Gerd (March 2013). “Book Review: BR Myers, The Cleanest Race: How North Koreans See Themselves and Why It Matters ” . Studies on Asia 3 (1): 261–266 2018년 5월 13일에 확인함. .
  12. ↑ Kim, Suzy (2010). “(Dis)Orienting North Korea”. Critical Asian Studies 42 ( 3) 481–495 .
  13.  MacKie, Craig. "Familial Communism and Cartoons: An Affective Political Economy of North Korea", The Political Economy of Affect and Emotion in East Asia . Jie Yang, ed. New York: Routledge, 2014. 219–239; 22 .
  14. ↑ Andrei Lankov (4 December 2009). "Review of The Cleanest Race " . Far Eastern Economic Review . 2010년 1월 4일 시점의 오리지널 보다 아카이브 . 2015년 6월 5일에 확인함 .
  15.  Abt, Felix. A Capitalist in North Korea: My Seven Years in the Hermit Kingdom . Rutland, VT: Tuttle Publishing, 2014.

외부 링크 편집 ]


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December 2009
The Cleanest Race: How North Koreans See Themselves-And Why It Matters
Reviewed by Andrei Lankov
Posted on December 4, 2009

Most books on North Korea focus on the nuclear issue, that never-ending soap opera of the international diplomacy. In the rare cases when North Korean domestic dynamics are taken into account, the authors (most of whom do not speak or read Korean) concentrate on the official pronouncements of the regime.

Brian Myers takes a fresh approach. He largely ignores what the regime tells the outside world about itself, but concentrates instead on what North Koreans themselves are supposed to believe, paying special attention to the North Korean narratives and mass culture, including movies and television shows. North of the DMZ, mass culture is not about entertainment. Rather it is a lighter version of propaganda whose task is to deliver the same message, but in more palatable form.

As in the case in the Soviet Union, Pyongyang uses works of fiction to send signals which cannot be transmitted otherwise due to current political considerations. For example, when North Korean media found a few kind words for South Korean President Kim Dae Jung who visited North Korea in 2000 with impressive amounts of giveaway cash, North Korean novels still ridiculed him as a pathetic double-dealer.

Few people have the training and expertise (and willpower) needed to peruse boring and voluminous North Korean novels, or spend days watching equally dull North Korean movies and serials. Fortunately Mr. Myers, a student of North Korea for 20 years who is fluent in Korean and a professor at a Korean university, has all these qualities.

The author challenges some established views of North Korean regime. For instance, he believes that the regime is based neither on Stalinism nor Confucianism but rather an extreme nationalism that developed under the influence of Japanese fascism of the 1930s.

North Koreans are taught to see themselves as a unique race bestowed with an unparalleled spiritual purity. This sets them apart from the evil and inherently immoral outsiders, but also makes all contact with the outside world dangerous. Being uniquely pure, spontaneous and naïve-overgrown children, essentially—Koreans have to be guided and protected by a leader.

It is sometimes assumed that the power of the Kim family is based on police brutality and surveillance alone. For those who believe this simplistic picture, it is important to absorb the evidence presented in this book. It makes clear, "the personality cult proceeds from myths about race and its history that cannot but exert strong appeal on the North Korean masses." Indeed, as I know from my own experience with the North Koreans, this worldview seems to be widely accepted and has a direct impact on North Korean politics.

In the official narrative a special role is played by the United States. The Yankees are an eternal enemy of Korea, never to be redeemed (unlike their Soviet colleagues, the North Korean propagandists never make a distinction between "good" American workers and "bad" American capitalists). It is important that Mr. Myers attracts attention to a fact which is well known to a tiny group of North Korean watchers, but remains widely misperceived outside this small community: American goodwill gestures are always presented by North Korean propaganda as tributes that terrified Yankees pay to North Korea and its mighty leader. This was the way U.S. food aid was explained in the 1990s, when America was the major provider of aid to the North. The Cleanest Race has an impressive number of quotes from the North Korean media and fiction which clearly show that actions which Americans saw as a way to show their good will and generosity are invariably interpreted by the North Korean media as yet another sights of Americans' cowardice and weakness. At all probability, North Korean people accept this explanation.

The same worldview makes it possible to deal with a new challenge: the spread of dangerous knowledge about life in South Korea. For decades, the North Koreans were told that the South was a destitute American colony, but in recent decades information about South Korean prosperity began to filter in, largely because of large illegal migration to China and also because of the spread of the South Korean DVDs, smuggled from China. The old myth of a destitute South, populated by beggars and prostitutes, became unsustainable. But the North Korean propagandists quickly cooked up another story which fits nicely into the official myth. Incidentally, Brian Myers was probably first to notice this change of the official narrative, which is not widely known even among North Korea watchers.

According to the new myth, South Korea is doing relatively well, but its people are deeply unhappy. Being true Koreans, pure and spiritual creatures, they see that their land has been polluted by the foreign dominating presence. So, they dream of being re-united with their brethren in the North who maintain the quintessential Korean spirit—thanks to the presence of the wise leader, of course. South Koreans might be eating pure rice every day, but they should not be envied, since they live in a land which, to quote a North Korean novel, "degenerated into a whore of America, covered in bruises from where it was kicked black and blue by the American soldiers boots, or decaying from where the American sewage has seeped in." According to this official narrative, only the presence of the countless U.S. soldiers, assisted by a handful of villainous collaborators, prevents South Koreans from realizing their dream of a happy and pure life under the care of the Dear Leader.

Mr. Myers is skeptical about the hope that goodwill gestures will soften the regime or change its negative view of outsiders. He also believes that the new picture of South Korea inoculates the northern populace against the temptations of South Korean consumer culture. However, he points at another potential problem which could make North Koreans restive: the growing understanding that South Koreans do not look at Kim Jong Il's regime with admiration and hope (in most cases, they cannot care less about their unlucky North Korean brethren). As many dictators have learned to their dismay, ideologies of all kinds, including nationalism, are no good substitute for economic success. However, the right propaganda mix can be helpful in postponing the inevitable.

There are few books that can give the world a peek into the Hermit Kingdom. The Cleanest Race provides a reason to care about how those in North Korea see themselves and the West. It is possibly the best addition to that small library

Andrei Lankov, author of numerous books on the North Korean history and society, is teaching history in Kookmin University, South Korea.

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(DIS)ORIENTING NORTH KOREA
Suzy Kim
Published 18 August 2010
History, Political Science
Critical Asian Studies
Since the publication in 1978 of Orientalism, Edward Said’s seminal work and the form of postcolonial theory it spawned have been powerful tools in criticizing the way the West essentializes and orientalizes the non-West. This critique notwithstanding, places like North Korea continue to be refracted through the Orientalist lens in the West today. The image reflected by the Western mirror is a decidedly distorted one. Of course, all mirrors distort to some degree, but the bigger problem is that the Orientalist mirror is often the only one used or even acknowledged to exist. The prime effect is the perennial creation of an Other and the consequence is occlusion rather than clarity. The difficult task is to encompass multiple angles to allow for a diversity of perspectives that combined may provide a fuller picture. Without mincing words, this review aims to demonstrate that Demick’s book and Ryang’s edited volume go a long way in contributing to this task while Myers’s and Hassig and Oh’s do not. As Charles K. Armstrong notes in Ryang’s volume, political theorist Carl Schmitt pinpoints the mechanism of Othering in conflicts between nations. Indeed, an “enemy” is both normal and necessary for the creation and maintenance of a sovereign state, according to Schmitt. The inevitable consequence is that as one’s own actions are justified by appeals to universal principles of humanity, the enemy is turned into “an outlaw of humanity” (53). Shifting the perspective away from this production of the enemy, Ryang begins her volume by asking, “Do concerns about North Korea become legitimate only when they are posited as national security questions? Do we only need to know ‘nuclear North Korea,’ and not ‘cultural North Korea,’ ‘social North Korea,’ or ‘ethnic North KoCritical Asian Studies 42:3 (2010), 481–495 
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