Japan’s current defense policy is shaped by three principal factors: domestic politics, perceptions of external threats, and its alliance with the United States. In her new book Japan Rearmed, Sheila A Smith, a Japan expert at the Council on Foreign Relations, meticulously explores the evolution of Japan’s military policy from the beginning of the Cold War to the present.
Japanese militarism and aggression in the 1930s and during the Second World War cast a potent shadow over domestic policy debates in Japan and reactions to Japan’s military power among countries in East Asia. Article Nine of Japan’s Constitution, a product of the US postwar occupation of a defeated Japan, states, “The Japanese people forever renounce war as a sovereign right of the nation and the threat or use of force as a means of settling international disputes.” All of Japan’s postwar leaders, Smith notes, “have grappled with how to ensure their nation’s defenses in the nuclear age while limiting the power of its military.”
Japan’s postwar leaders—especially Nakasone Yasuhiro, Koizumi Junichiro, and the current Prime Minister Abe Shinzo—have cautiously and skillfully increased Japan’s military power, often in the face of domestic political opposition and frequently encouraged by the United States. Japan was a key US ally during the Cold War, serving as a base for US power projection in the Asia-Pacific and a reliable diplomatic and military partner. It continues to play that role in the post-Cold War world, especially with the growing challenges posed by China’s rise and North Korea’s nuclear threat. “Japanese thinking about their military is changing,” Smith explains, “as the possibility of a military conflict in Northeast Asia becomes more easily imagined.”
Japan Rearmed: The Politics of Military Power, by Sheila A Smith (Harvard University Press, April 2019)
The most important changes identified by Smith are Japan’s increased willingness to deploy its military forces abroad and its “desire to build greater military self-reliance.” This in turn has led to Japan’s military having more input in defense policymaking because, as Smith notes, “the need for professional military expertise in handling Japan’s rising regional security challenges has grown.” Yet Japan has not escaped its history. Its recent military missions abroad—UN peacekeeping efforts, antipiracy in the Gulf of Aden, logistical support for US forces in the war on terror—have been undertaken with apprehension and considerable self-imposed restraints. Nevertheless, Japan’s leaders and the Japanese public, Smith concludes, are more at ease with deploying their military overseas, albeit in a limited and highly restricted manner.
Another factor in Japan’s more assertive defense policy is the perceived Chinese and North Korean threats to its national security. “Asia’s military balance is changing rapidly,” Smith writes,
and Japan is increasingly at a disadvantage. North Korea’s growing arsenal of missiles and weapons of mass destruction as well as China’s expanding maritime capabilities are changing Japan’s defense requirements.
Smith also believes that Japanese leaders have grown more skeptical of US pledges to defend Japan and its security interests in the Asia-Pacific. Japan’s leaders welcomed President Obama’s “rebalance” to Asia—even though it was more rhetorical than actual. They view President Trump as less predictable and, therefore, more concerning. “President Trump,” Smith writes,
has cast doubt on the notion that the United States remains interested in a global leadership role similar to the one it undertook in the Cold War…
But perhaps President Trump’s repeated call for more allied “burden sharing” is bearing fruit, at least in East Asia. Smith acknowledges that Trump’s stance on this issue
has led the Abe cabinet to consider how to up its spending on U.S. weaponry and to increase its military spending over the next five years.
In the end, the combined effects of external threats and US pressure may result in a more robust Japanese military and a greater political willingness to integrate military power with statecraft. That could benefit both Japan and the United States as they deal with the changing security environment of East Asia and the Western Pacific.
Francis P Sempa is the author of Geopolitics: From the Cold War to the 21st Century and America’s Global Role: Essays and Reviews on National Security, Geopolitics and War. His writings appear in The Diplomat, Joint Force Quarterly, the University Bookman and other publications. He is an attorney and an adjunct professor of political science at Wilkes University.
Jan 30, 2020Scott Holstad rated it it was amazing
Shelves: favorites, geopolitics-foreign-affairs, asia, military-and-military-history, personal-author-friends, non-fiction
Before I say anything about this book, I need to confess I know the author (to whatever degree), highly respect her expertise on Japan (she's the Council on Foreign Relations' Senior Fellow for Japan), so this commentary and rating possibly may not be as reasonably objective as I try to make most of my ratings/reviews. That said, when she came out with this book recently, I was elated and dived in. It's taken me a long time to work my way through because I have this horrible habit of reading far too many books simultaneously, which just slows everything down. And I've been meaning to contact her and give her some kudos for producing a great work here, but I've been too tied up to even keep up with people like I typically have over my life.
That said, I can hardly think of a more timely book. Particularly as it relates to the topic at hand. Millions (okay, maybe fewer, but still quite a lot) have been "China watchers" for years now and while it's sensible, advisable, necessary, etc., to keep eyes trained on Beijing, and particularly as variables within the South China Sea become more clusterf*cked, more hostile, as the PLAN continues its progression into the India Sea, now being joined by Russia and Iran in a potential new axis of maritime adversaries, and as China has already tangled with the Philippines and Vietnam, and as India strives to become another possible regional hegemony, I think many of us in the west (understandably, perhaps) tend to lose track of some other states of import, most notably our longtime allies, at least one of whom is now feeling completely abandoned by the current US Administration and any defense agreements we've had since WWII (Australia), which I think is a travesty considering what a great and faithful ally Australia has been to the US over that time period, joining the US with only a couple of other states in fighting alongside us in the various "conflicts" we've found ourselves -- unlike the vast majority of other, more "prominent" allies. Australia is so panicked that debate as been ongoing there on what to do regarding China, the Indo-Pacific region, and defense of their own country as they lack any form of serious navy, having built their defense doctrine on dependence on the USN. Which no longer looks like a sure thing, so major leaders are actually calling for the country to withdraw from the NPT and illegally go nuclear for survival's sake! Which is a sad commentary.
Meanwhile, South Korea is facing its own challenges due to not only China, but their northern neighbors, whose leader seems cleverly insane. Plays a tough game. But the focus here is obviously the one that seems to get forgotten in all of these geopolitical games -- Japan.
It's great to see this major Asian/East Asian state that has been basically boxed into a corner it's trying to get out of become the focus of some good new research and analysis produced and published just at the right time. Because for those caught up in the SCS BS going on daily, all too many people seem to neglect the games being placed in the ECS (East China Sea). Between China and Japan. Or more accurately, between the PLAAF/PLAN over the Senkaku Islands, or the Diaoyu Islands as the PRC insists on referring to them as, and the JCG and JASDF. And it couldn't be any more stupid than this, but it is, and yes, it's merely symbolic, but the fact that one state feels so aggressive about a group of small uninhabited islands that Japan legally owns, per international law and recognition, that it's willing to take "testing" the much smaller and spreader thinned out JCG and JASDF by sending hundreds or even thousands of Chinese fishing boats into the contested waters or a larger number of aircraft buzzing the islands constantly, itching for an "opportunity" to do who knows what at the very plausible risk of a regional war that could spread once you bring contesting hegemonies into the equation ... well, that's either a sign of supreme confidence (maybe Pillsbury was right, but was too generous in his predictions of when the CCP would show its hand?), supreme stupidity if it actually is willing to risk a potential world war by hedging its bets the US won't want to enter such a war merely because of decades-old defense commitments and treaties between the US and Japan (which is actually NOT a bad gamble on their part circa early 2020 as I write this), or typical CCP craftiness in pushing all as far as possible to get as much as possible by whatever means necessary -- short of all out war. Which is my take on it at the present, but I'm willing to adjust that analysis as events transpire.
One may be a follower of issues, variables, geopolitical tensions, etc., throughout the greater Asian and East Asian regions, and they may be aware to some degree of what potential threat a burgeoning regional hegemony may present, but they may not possess the context Sheila provides in this book, such as how Japan has historically had its political and hence military hands tied when it came to defense spending, military building, etc., due largely to the constitution the US drew up for the country upon its surrender in 1945, and due to a combination of war guilt, the struggle to rebuild a country and economy, and to yes, abide by the constitution they now were governed by which has limited their ability and indeed desire to "go military." And with China incessantly goading them eternally for the atrocities committed during the last century, the most famous of which was Nanking, those historically cautioning against appearing antagonistic in building up a (smallish) military for defense are now being countered by those who, like our other traditional allies in that area (such as Australia and South Korea), are getting sick and tired of Xi throwing his weight around yet fear if conflict comes, they'll be on their own -- hence the topic of the book titled "Japan Rearmed." Frankly, there's much more than simply what I've described or alluded to (and I've possibly even gone off track, inadvertently -- a bad habit), but if I went into more, I'd be writing a book myself (another major element is merely the concept of an offensive militarized Japan with all of the possible regional implications that might entail...)! This is really one of the best books on the topic I've seen come along in a very long time. And again, so relevant and timely. I couldn't urge people around the globe, let alone in the west and US, to read this more strongly than I am now, because I think it's essential that we understanding the changing dynamics of a newly multi-polar world that's been shifting to the east for over two decades. There are more variables than one cares to think about, but think about them one must (or should).
I feel like I didn't do the book or the author sufficient justice in what I've written, but my health has sadly deteriorated to the point where I rarely write long, meaningful or in-depth book reviews like I did for many years, and I just don't have the time and energy I once did. So my hope is the author will forgive any shortcomings in this review and will appreciate the overall spirit of support and enthusiasm I have for this book because I think it's the best one I've seen published in the last several years amongst the Asian "experts" out there, no others being specifically named or mentioned at this time. Personally, there may be one or two experts out there who have very high profiles, and everyone seems to dote on every word they produce, but for my money Sheila Smith can think, research, analyze and write her way around all of them, and if this book isn't proof, I'm not sure what would be. Most strongly recommended for those who are into international relations, Asia, East Asia, China, Japan, geopolitics, the growth of regional hegemonies, the global shift to the east, the dynamics being played out daily, etc. Literally one of the best of hundreds of books I've read over the past couple of years. Get a copy. (less)
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Istvan Zoltan
Oct 29, 2020Istvan Zoltan rated it liked it
Shelves: 21th-century, 20th-century, government, on-japan, on-usa, war, politics
A very clear eyed, somewhat US-biased but overall realistic assessment of Japan's current international security situation and its background.
It is very refreshing that it explains how Japan has been one of the most peaceful states since WWII, and also offers a clear eyed assessment of the extremely risky environment of the country with three of the most belligerent and aggressive countries being present with large forces in the region (US, China, Russia).
It makes moderate but sensible recommendations that Japanese policymakers and the public should also take into account.
There are two conclusions for me: it would be fantastic if all countries would have gone down the road that Japan took after WWII and giving up attacking capabilities. Japan does have a military but does not have most of the first strike and long-distance strike, and forward capacities that other states - South-Korea, Saudi Arabia, the US, China, Russia, the UK, etc. - do. Such a world would be much more safe and negotiations between states could rest more on considerations about law, trade, education and so on.
However, this is not the case, and hence the naive stance that Japan does not need first strike and stronger defense capabilities needs to be revised. The trope of aggressive Japan, based on the imperial army's behavior 80-90 years ago has been used by US journalists, and the Chinese and South-Korean diplomacy to attack Japan in perfectly unjustified ways during the last decades. This kind of propaganda needs to be ignored, and Japan has to take its safety more seriously, including considering the serious possibility of the US becoming a more-and-more disengaged and unreliable partner. The book provides a useful introduction and bases to understand why this is so.
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Peter
Aug 10, 2019Peter rated it really liked it
A good review of the history of Japan's complicated civilian-military relationship, and how that relationship affects Japan's response to the country's current strategic challenges. It's not an exaggeration to say that those challenges are more complex now than during the Cold War. Through the Cold War, Japan could rely on the US for strategic deterrence against the Soviets. That freed military planners to build the Self Defense Force adequate for the protection of Japan's territory, with no need to worry about supporting foreign interventions or even collective defense. Now, the potential threats include a growing and more aggressive China, a resurgent Russia and a nuclear-armed North Korea. At the same time, the unstable leadership of the US means that American allies have to consider the real risk that the US might turn its back on them in the case of a conflict. Japanese policy makers find themselves in a bind. The current constitution that limits Japanese military capability and doctrine may not be adequate for today's challenges, but there is also strong domestic opposition and fierce regional suspicions against any changes to the constitution that could loosen those military limitations. (less)
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Dale
Jul 26, 2019Dale rated it it was amazing
This book should be required reading for US service members coming to Japan. Captures the history and current status of the politics and capabilities of the Japan Self Defense Forces.
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Frank Kelly
Jun 24, 2019Frank Kelly rated it really liked it
Shelves: 2019, asia-pacifica, foreign-policy, japan, military
An excellent primer of Japan’s move to re-arm in the face of an increasingly aggressive China and a nuclear North Korea.
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Alex
May 31, 2021Alex rated it really liked it
Great history of the Japanese Self Defense Forces and how the Diet leadership has employed them based on evolving interpretations of their Post-WWII constitution (particularly article 9). Only criticism is that I would've enjoyed more recommendations - both on the organic Japanese side and how America could better develop this crucial alliance. (less)
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