Religion in China: Survival and Revival under Communist Rule: Fenggang Yang
5.0 out of 5 stars
Review for the Kindle Edition of Religion in China
By Michael Hunter on April 17, 2013
Dr. Yang's book is an interesting endeavor into the complicated nature of not only religion and the state, but specifically religion and the Communist point of view in China. While there are clearly stated facts with good data and sources, I did notice some parts of the text that did mislead me as to his conclusion, however. Nonetheless, Yang clearly showed his reasoning for why religious sociologists should move away from the secularization theory and more toward an empirical, or working market theory of understanding the dynamics of religion and the state.
In the beginning of the book, the author spends a considerable amount of time explaining the current held theories in understanding religion and how they are applied to societies throughout the world. He then goes on to explain why these simply do not work in modern times, and speculates that they were never truly as accurate as they should be. The author felt that a general theory should be applicable to all societies without the need for multiple exceptions, as per the general understanding of the scientific method. He also points out that the previous opinions, especially about Chinese religion, were often tinged with stereotypical assumptions made from a Western point of view. However, as mentioned, he also clearly proceeds to show how these old theories of the progression of religious belief (a declining state directly related to increased development) had not, nor currently apply correctly in the West. New theories must be made, or at the very least, the given questions must be addressed in a different manner. I feel the author states the case for this quite well, but I was often confused on what his point actually was until much later in the book. Even then, it felt like two conclusions within one. It was a logical progression, though.
What I find to be the most beneficial contribution from this book is the author's extensive definition of the various levels and types of religion(s). At first, I had thought the author would talk more directly about each individual religion in China, but in actuality, he developed a framework in which all religion could be viewed and examined according to collected data. By the end of the book, it was clear how this system could be applied to all societies, in some way. That being the case, I felt like I could perceive the often differing relations of certain religions and 'pseudo-religions' with their respective nation or state government. If the author's table were used as a measuring stick for policy making, I feel it would be rather fair across the board for the various types of religions and organizations as they apply for benefits (such as tax breaks). However, as he also pointed out, not all groups can be properly identified, as different people feel it to be a different thing altogether, with differing degrees of significance and ritual. In the context of Communist China, this is especially so, as certain practices had relied on identifying more with their cultural roots rather than their religious ones in the reform era, as religiosity is still being stifled to a large extent. The Qigong movement is a good example, with Falun Gong being a comparable qigong practice that refused to downplay its religious applications (and is now outlawed and highly persecuted).
A large misconception I had of China, to begin with, was their current approach to religious practice. I grew up in America only hearing about the persecutions, so when I read about sanctioned religious practice being present since the 1980s, I was understandably confused from my ignorance. However, the author spent a great deal of time explaining the roots of the Cultural Revolution, the Atheist mindset in the CCP, and the concessions of the reform era in China. It was at this point that the complex beast of "Communist China" came into focus, outside of preconceived ideas on the role that the government takes in relation to religious practice. I was concerned at first that the persecutions were being downplayed by the author (as it is clear that not everything is Western propaganda from the Cold War), but later chapters clarify the ongoing struggle of what he would call the Black and Gray market groups of religious practitioners.
The market theory that the author presents is the central focus of many chapters in the book, as this is the heart of the new approach to understanding religion in a complex society. There is the Red, Black and Gray markets that stand for the sanctioned, outlawed, and debatable groups in China, respectively, and each group is explained in great detail. In the final chapter, this approach is given meaning in the author's assertion that all societies exist in a oligopoly between the state and religious practice. Very few places have outlawed religion outright in history, and in the same vein, very few have allowed complete freedom without a certain level of favoritism being displayed toward a particular religion. It can be inferred as to whether this is to control the masses or not, as the author does not state the implications outright--only the state and repercussions of this type of 'market.'
While that might seem as the final conclusion of his theory on religion in modern society, the author takes it one step further and reiterates something he had briefly discussed in chapter one: religious pluralism. This is the one thing that is most often highly misunderstood, and typically leads to the dysfunctional market systems mentioned above, in that there is a belief that if more religions exist in a society, the less religious that people will become, among other ends. In truth, religious pluralism does not appear to make individuals pluralistic, but does allow for a more open degree of freedom for each religion to flourish among those individuals who are inclined to pursue it in the first place. In other words, having mosques in a Christian state will most likely not create a dominance of Muslims at any particular time, but it will allow for the religious needs of the people (as well as those immigrating in) to be met. I feel this is truly the central theme of this book: Religion is a non-quantifiable need within the human being, and if not met or is restricted, will be manifested in various forms, which may be viewed within a tripartite market system as is presented in this book.
The author states that pluralism is the overall trend of developing nations. He does not imply that democracy (and to a greater extent, capitalism) is necessary to emerge in that same vein, but that simply people have this need and it will eventually be met somehow, regardless of the amount of pro-, anti- or irreligious education that exists. This can be seen as a phenomena of the human species, in some way, and is still very much alive and well in the world, though "sanctioned" religious activity appears to be declining in most of the developed world. The author presents data showing that the "Black" and "Gray" markets are, in fact, emerging at a rapid rate, whether legally opposed or merely socially and traditionally. That being the case, more research and reeducation needs to be done in the realm of understanding what religious pluralism actually is, to hopefully create an environment of tolerance and coexistence, rather than of violence. After all, the cultural significance of religion must not be forgotten, in terms of both historical and modern psychological significance. This book does much to create the necessary groundwork for this endeavor.
As a closing note for future readers, the kindle version is of great quality, though some of the tables were difficult to read at first glance. The notes feature works well, and there are plenty of highlighted portions of the text. In addition, as far as the completed percentage goes, in relation to the digital format, there is nearly half the book devoted to the author's in depth notes and sources. I would recommend this for academic study, as it easily encompasses a great deal of study in and around the sociology of religion.
Michael Hunter
---
4.0 out of 5 stars
Fenggang Yang on Religion in China today
By HORST J. HELLE on June 15, 2013
Fenggang Yang, a Chinese born American sociology professor, has written a book entitled Religion in China. He gave it the subtitle Survival and Revival under Communist Rule. It was published by Oxford University Press in 2012 and has 245 pages. Given the appalling lack of knowledge about contemporary China in the West, this contribution to the sociology of religion - and at the same time to China studies - could only have been written by a cultural Chinese who feels at home in both his native Asian as well as his adopted American culture. The book is dedicated to Yang's father, "a lifelong Chinese Communist Party member who was baptized into Christ on his deathbed upon his request."
Following a Preface and the Acknowledgments the work is divided into seven chapters.
Explaining Religious Vitality is the title of chapter 1. In 23 pages the author points out that we must try to "understand the resilience of religion in a society with one-fifth of the world's population" (page 3). One of the claims voiced frequently by spokespersons of the party against religion is the demand, not to get orientation out of dogmas and dreams but instead "to seek the truth in facts" (4). Yang turns this demand against those, who launched it, in light of "the obvious fact of religious change in China is not decline but resilience" (4). As a theoretical method Yang follows Stark and Finke in their "economic approach to the sociology of religion" (14), but reveals weaknesses of their work and shows ways to develop that method further.
Chapter 2 supplies A Definition of Religion for the Social-Scientific Study of Religion. Yang quotes Durkheim and Max Weber but is unaware of Simmel's take on religion. Yet, in addition to the institutional view of religion as the concern of congregations, the author points out that "religious experiences are personal and private" but that they are "socially conditioned" (30). While theory construction and concept formation in the sociology of religion has been geared to Western religions with monopolistic tendencies, "in China, multiple religions have coexisted for thousands of years" (33). The author also mentions the book by C. K. Yang Religion in Chinese Society of 1961 which happened to have been written by a person with the same family name. As the result of his reasoning Fenggang Yang presents "a definition of religion with classification" dividing the phenomena under study between Full religion, Semireligion, Quasi-religion and Pseudo-religion (37). Cults worshipping political leaders like Mao as if they were deities are pseudo-religions to Yang.
Chapter 3 is devoted to Chinese Marxist Atheism and Its Policy Implications. There are three forms of atheism present in the debates and actions of the Chinese Communist Party: Militant atheism, enlightened atheism, and mild atheism. The party discussions center around Marx's dictum that religions is the opium of the people, and some argue that opium was used for benign purposes as a pain killer. Of the three atheisms, mild atheism is the most recent development (45). What makes Chinese party ideology difficult to reconstruct for Western students of Marxism is its indebtedness not merely to the Germans Marx and Engels, but in addition to the Russians Lenin and Stalin and to Mao of China (47). The three atheisms agree of course that religion must and will disappear, they differ, however, in the measures to be taken and in the patience they display in achieving their unquestioned goal.
Chapter 4: Regulating Religion under Communism. Fang distinguishes "four distinct periods" (65) of religious suppression:
1) 1949 - 1957: Five religions are forced to become "patriotic" in exchange for not being annihilated like other religions. Those five are Buddhism, Daoism, Islam, and, strangely as two separate religions: Protestantism and Catholicism.
2) 1957 - 1966: Forceful reduction of the number of temples and churches of the five "patriotic" religions.
3) 1966 - 1979: Cultural revolution and follow-up period: Bann of all religious activities and destruction of countless religious sites and irreplaceable monuments of historical significance.
4) 1979 - 2009: Limited tolerance, economic development (tourism, foreign investment) as motivation for the construction of temples and churches, reversal of these political decisions due to disagreements within the party, and crackdown on certain sectarian groups (Qigong, Falun Gong).
Chapter 5: The Red, Black, and Gray Markets of Religion: "The outdated religious policy has rendered itself ineffective in controlling religions, all the while antagonizing the Chinese populace and the world community. The religious policy has become one of the liabilities in China's stride for modernization and for entering the global stage" (84). Chapter 5 is designed to explain why this is so: "Why the heavy regulation of religion will lead not to religious demise" (85) but to a dynamic interplay between the four types of religion described in chapter 2 and the three types of "markets." They are defined as 1) red: Religions are made "patriotic" and thereby placed under constant party supervision. 2) Black: Religions are made illegal and worshippers are forced to meet secretly and under threat of severe punishment. 3) Gray: The back market is dangerous, the red market is unattractive, so a gray market will thrive in which assemble "all religious and spiritual organizations, practitioners, and activities with ambiguous legal status" (87).
Chapter 6: The Shortage Economy of Religion under Communism. The ideological orthodoxy of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism (126) failed in predicting and explaining the continued "demand" for religion, partly because of the willingness of some pious persons to prefer martyrdom to giving in to atheist imprisonment and torture (127). This observation, also in light of the history of persecution of Christians at other times and in other parts of the world, gives rise rather to the hypothesis, that in the long run, the religious policies of the Communist regime have in fact strengthened religions.
Chapter 7: Oligopoly Dynamics: China and Beyond: Yang applies his model of a threefold religious market to the former Soviet Union and to the United States. He discusses religious pluralism in its effects on the development of religions in light of "the prevalence of religious oligopoly in the world today" (178). Yang's book is a must read publication for students and practitioners of religion as well as for students of contemporary China.
Horst J. Helle, June 2013, Sanya, Hainan, China P.R.
5.0 out of 5 stars
Review for the Kindle Edition of Religion in China
By Michael Hunter on April 17, 2013
Dr. Yang's book is an interesting endeavor into the complicated nature of not only religion and the state, but specifically religion and the Communist point of view in China. While there are clearly stated facts with good data and sources, I did notice some parts of the text that did mislead me as to his conclusion, however. Nonetheless, Yang clearly showed his reasoning for why religious sociologists should move away from the secularization theory and more toward an empirical, or working market theory of understanding the dynamics of religion and the state.
In the beginning of the book, the author spends a considerable amount of time explaining the current held theories in understanding religion and how they are applied to societies throughout the world. He then goes on to explain why these simply do not work in modern times, and speculates that they were never truly as accurate as they should be. The author felt that a general theory should be applicable to all societies without the need for multiple exceptions, as per the general understanding of the scientific method. He also points out that the previous opinions, especially about Chinese religion, were often tinged with stereotypical assumptions made from a Western point of view. However, as mentioned, he also clearly proceeds to show how these old theories of the progression of religious belief (a declining state directly related to increased development) had not, nor currently apply correctly in the West. New theories must be made, or at the very least, the given questions must be addressed in a different manner. I feel the author states the case for this quite well, but I was often confused on what his point actually was until much later in the book. Even then, it felt like two conclusions within one. It was a logical progression, though.
What I find to be the most beneficial contribution from this book is the author's extensive definition of the various levels and types of religion(s). At first, I had thought the author would talk more directly about each individual religion in China, but in actuality, he developed a framework in which all religion could be viewed and examined according to collected data. By the end of the book, it was clear how this system could be applied to all societies, in some way. That being the case, I felt like I could perceive the often differing relations of certain religions and 'pseudo-religions' with their respective nation or state government. If the author's table were used as a measuring stick for policy making, I feel it would be rather fair across the board for the various types of religions and organizations as they apply for benefits (such as tax breaks). However, as he also pointed out, not all groups can be properly identified, as different people feel it to be a different thing altogether, with differing degrees of significance and ritual. In the context of Communist China, this is especially so, as certain practices had relied on identifying more with their cultural roots rather than their religious ones in the reform era, as religiosity is still being stifled to a large extent. The Qigong movement is a good example, with Falun Gong being a comparable qigong practice that refused to downplay its religious applications (and is now outlawed and highly persecuted).
A large misconception I had of China, to begin with, was their current approach to religious practice. I grew up in America only hearing about the persecutions, so when I read about sanctioned religious practice being present since the 1980s, I was understandably confused from my ignorance. However, the author spent a great deal of time explaining the roots of the Cultural Revolution, the Atheist mindset in the CCP, and the concessions of the reform era in China. It was at this point that the complex beast of "Communist China" came into focus, outside of preconceived ideas on the role that the government takes in relation to religious practice. I was concerned at first that the persecutions were being downplayed by the author (as it is clear that not everything is Western propaganda from the Cold War), but later chapters clarify the ongoing struggle of what he would call the Black and Gray market groups of religious practitioners.
The market theory that the author presents is the central focus of many chapters in the book, as this is the heart of the new approach to understanding religion in a complex society. There is the Red, Black and Gray markets that stand for the sanctioned, outlawed, and debatable groups in China, respectively, and each group is explained in great detail. In the final chapter, this approach is given meaning in the author's assertion that all societies exist in a oligopoly between the state and religious practice. Very few places have outlawed religion outright in history, and in the same vein, very few have allowed complete freedom without a certain level of favoritism being displayed toward a particular religion. It can be inferred as to whether this is to control the masses or not, as the author does not state the implications outright--only the state and repercussions of this type of 'market.'
While that might seem as the final conclusion of his theory on religion in modern society, the author takes it one step further and reiterates something he had briefly discussed in chapter one: religious pluralism. This is the one thing that is most often highly misunderstood, and typically leads to the dysfunctional market systems mentioned above, in that there is a belief that if more religions exist in a society, the less religious that people will become, among other ends. In truth, religious pluralism does not appear to make individuals pluralistic, but does allow for a more open degree of freedom for each religion to flourish among those individuals who are inclined to pursue it in the first place. In other words, having mosques in a Christian state will most likely not create a dominance of Muslims at any particular time, but it will allow for the religious needs of the people (as well as those immigrating in) to be met. I feel this is truly the central theme of this book: Religion is a non-quantifiable need within the human being, and if not met or is restricted, will be manifested in various forms, which may be viewed within a tripartite market system as is presented in this book.
The author states that pluralism is the overall trend of developing nations. He does not imply that democracy (and to a greater extent, capitalism) is necessary to emerge in that same vein, but that simply people have this need and it will eventually be met somehow, regardless of the amount of pro-, anti- or irreligious education that exists. This can be seen as a phenomena of the human species, in some way, and is still very much alive and well in the world, though "sanctioned" religious activity appears to be declining in most of the developed world. The author presents data showing that the "Black" and "Gray" markets are, in fact, emerging at a rapid rate, whether legally opposed or merely socially and traditionally. That being the case, more research and reeducation needs to be done in the realm of understanding what religious pluralism actually is, to hopefully create an environment of tolerance and coexistence, rather than of violence. After all, the cultural significance of religion must not be forgotten, in terms of both historical and modern psychological significance. This book does much to create the necessary groundwork for this endeavor.
As a closing note for future readers, the kindle version is of great quality, though some of the tables were difficult to read at first glance. The notes feature works well, and there are plenty of highlighted portions of the text. In addition, as far as the completed percentage goes, in relation to the digital format, there is nearly half the book devoted to the author's in depth notes and sources. I would recommend this for academic study, as it easily encompasses a great deal of study in and around the sociology of religion.
Michael Hunter
---
4.0 out of 5 stars
Fenggang Yang on Religion in China today
By HORST J. HELLE on June 15, 2013
Fenggang Yang, a Chinese born American sociology professor, has written a book entitled Religion in China. He gave it the subtitle Survival and Revival under Communist Rule. It was published by Oxford University Press in 2012 and has 245 pages. Given the appalling lack of knowledge about contemporary China in the West, this contribution to the sociology of religion - and at the same time to China studies - could only have been written by a cultural Chinese who feels at home in both his native Asian as well as his adopted American culture. The book is dedicated to Yang's father, "a lifelong Chinese Communist Party member who was baptized into Christ on his deathbed upon his request."
Following a Preface and the Acknowledgments the work is divided into seven chapters.
Explaining Religious Vitality is the title of chapter 1. In 23 pages the author points out that we must try to "understand the resilience of religion in a society with one-fifth of the world's population" (page 3). One of the claims voiced frequently by spokespersons of the party against religion is the demand, not to get orientation out of dogmas and dreams but instead "to seek the truth in facts" (4). Yang turns this demand against those, who launched it, in light of "the obvious fact of religious change in China is not decline but resilience" (4). As a theoretical method Yang follows Stark and Finke in their "economic approach to the sociology of religion" (14), but reveals weaknesses of their work and shows ways to develop that method further.
Chapter 2 supplies A Definition of Religion for the Social-Scientific Study of Religion. Yang quotes Durkheim and Max Weber but is unaware of Simmel's take on religion. Yet, in addition to the institutional view of religion as the concern of congregations, the author points out that "religious experiences are personal and private" but that they are "socially conditioned" (30). While theory construction and concept formation in the sociology of religion has been geared to Western religions with monopolistic tendencies, "in China, multiple religions have coexisted for thousands of years" (33). The author also mentions the book by C. K. Yang Religion in Chinese Society of 1961 which happened to have been written by a person with the same family name. As the result of his reasoning Fenggang Yang presents "a definition of religion with classification" dividing the phenomena under study between Full religion, Semireligion, Quasi-religion and Pseudo-religion (37). Cults worshipping political leaders like Mao as if they were deities are pseudo-religions to Yang.
Chapter 3 is devoted to Chinese Marxist Atheism and Its Policy Implications. There are three forms of atheism present in the debates and actions of the Chinese Communist Party: Militant atheism, enlightened atheism, and mild atheism. The party discussions center around Marx's dictum that religions is the opium of the people, and some argue that opium was used for benign purposes as a pain killer. Of the three atheisms, mild atheism is the most recent development (45). What makes Chinese party ideology difficult to reconstruct for Western students of Marxism is its indebtedness not merely to the Germans Marx and Engels, but in addition to the Russians Lenin and Stalin and to Mao of China (47). The three atheisms agree of course that religion must and will disappear, they differ, however, in the measures to be taken and in the patience they display in achieving their unquestioned goal.
Chapter 4: Regulating Religion under Communism. Fang distinguishes "four distinct periods" (65) of religious suppression:
1) 1949 - 1957: Five religions are forced to become "patriotic" in exchange for not being annihilated like other religions. Those five are Buddhism, Daoism, Islam, and, strangely as two separate religions: Protestantism and Catholicism.
2) 1957 - 1966: Forceful reduction of the number of temples and churches of the five "patriotic" religions.
3) 1966 - 1979: Cultural revolution and follow-up period: Bann of all religious activities and destruction of countless religious sites and irreplaceable monuments of historical significance.
4) 1979 - 2009: Limited tolerance, economic development (tourism, foreign investment) as motivation for the construction of temples and churches, reversal of these political decisions due to disagreements within the party, and crackdown on certain sectarian groups (Qigong, Falun Gong).
Chapter 5: The Red, Black, and Gray Markets of Religion: "The outdated religious policy has rendered itself ineffective in controlling religions, all the while antagonizing the Chinese populace and the world community. The religious policy has become one of the liabilities in China's stride for modernization and for entering the global stage" (84). Chapter 5 is designed to explain why this is so: "Why the heavy regulation of religion will lead not to religious demise" (85) but to a dynamic interplay between the four types of religion described in chapter 2 and the three types of "markets." They are defined as 1) red: Religions are made "patriotic" and thereby placed under constant party supervision. 2) Black: Religions are made illegal and worshippers are forced to meet secretly and under threat of severe punishment. 3) Gray: The back market is dangerous, the red market is unattractive, so a gray market will thrive in which assemble "all religious and spiritual organizations, practitioners, and activities with ambiguous legal status" (87).
Chapter 6: The Shortage Economy of Religion under Communism. The ideological orthodoxy of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism (126) failed in predicting and explaining the continued "demand" for religion, partly because of the willingness of some pious persons to prefer martyrdom to giving in to atheist imprisonment and torture (127). This observation, also in light of the history of persecution of Christians at other times and in other parts of the world, gives rise rather to the hypothesis, that in the long run, the religious policies of the Communist regime have in fact strengthened religions.
Chapter 7: Oligopoly Dynamics: China and Beyond: Yang applies his model of a threefold religious market to the former Soviet Union and to the United States. He discusses religious pluralism in its effects on the development of religions in light of "the prevalence of religious oligopoly in the world today" (178). Yang's book is a must read publication for students and practitioners of religion as well as for students of contemporary China.
Horst J. Helle, June 2013, Sanya, Hainan, China P.R.
No comments:
Post a Comment