동아시아의 평화와 화해의 정치학 Scrapbook: 2024-05

2024-05-17

알라딘: 승리한 전쟁 임진왜란 그 시작과 끝

승리한 전쟁 임진왜란 그 시작과 끝

오욱환 (지은이)조윤커뮤니케이션2022-10-31

승리한 전쟁 임진왜란 그 시작과 끝

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조선중기(임진왜란~경종) 주간 36위|Sales Point : 582

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323쪽154*225mm420gISBN : 9791191779059

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신간알리미 신청

국내도서 > 역사 > 조선사 > 조선중기(임진왜란~경종)

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5월 특별 선물. 키링 장바구니 · 책모양 정리함 (이벤트 도서 포함 국내서·외서 5만원 이상)

이 달의 적립금 혜택

책의 날. 나의 인생 네 권 공유하고 적립금 받기

함께 사면 무료배송. 1천원~4천원대 굿즈 총집합

이 시간, 알라딘 사은품 총집합!

책소개임진왜란은 당시까지 중국을 중심으로 한 동아시아 국제질서에 편입되어 있던 일본이, 당시의 보편적인 국제질서에 정면으로 도전한 사건임을 강조한다. 이러한 일본의 태도는 근대에 다시 나타나게 된다. 비록 두 번째의 시도도 1945년에 실패로 끝났지만, 한국과 중국에서는 여전히 일본에 대해 경계심을 늦추지 않고 있다.

그것은 임진왜란이나 태평양전쟁 후에 형성된 국제질서가 전쟁의 상흔을 치유하지 못하였고, 뇌리에 깊이 박혀 있는 상대국에 대한 인식에 근본적인 변화가 일어나지 않았기 때문이다. 저자는 그리하여 사소한 일이라도 생기게 되면 그때마다 아픈 상처가 덧나서 세 나라의 관계는 방향을 잡지 못하고 표류하게 되는 것이다고 전망한다.

인사의 글

프롤로그 --- 국제질서 재편의 기도

Ⅰ부. 정명을 기약하며

: 동아시아 국제질서에 대한 도전

1. 일본 열도의 평정

복속(服屬) 요구의 논리 / 류큐에 대한 정책 / 일본 열도의 평정 완료 /

조선왕조의 자리매김 / 조선 사절 알현

2. 「중국 진출」을 향하여

침공 체제 정비 / 국제 질서 재편의 기도 / 중국 진공의 시동

Ⅱ부. 「중국 진공」

1. 침공의 서전과 한성 함락

침공에 앞서 행한 조선과의 교섭 / 히데요시의 출진 / 조선의 국가와 사회 /

서전의 상황 / 선조의 몽진(蒙塵, 한성 이탈) / 조선 사회의 혼란 / 한성 함락 /

히데요시의 도해를 축으로 한 당초의 점령 정책 / 히데요시의 국가 확장 계획

2. 조선 팔도의 경략

일본 장수들의 팔도 분견 / 조선 관군의 최초의 승리 (양주전투, 해유령전첩) /

경상도 경략 / 전라도의 상황 - 금산(錦山, 웅치·이치)의 전투 /

충청도와 경기도의 상황 / 강원도의 경략 / 함경도 침공 / 오랑카이 침공 /

가토ㆍ나베시마 부대에 의한 함경도 경략 / 일본군의 평양 입성 /

조선 조정의 적극적인 전쟁지휘와 사족의 거병 / 조선의 반격과 명나라의 파병 /

제2차 평양성 전투 / 제3차 평양성 전투

3. 명·조선의 반격과 일본의 수세

조선 수군의 반격 / 히데요시의 도해 연기와 6월3일령 / 조선 의병의 궐기 /

조선 수군의 공세 / 6월3일령의 동결 / 명나라 군의 파병 / 북관대첩 / 진주대첩 /

히데요시의 딜레마 / 히데요시 도해계획의 재검토 / 히데요시의 도해와 친정을 둘러싸고

4. 전국(戰局)의 전환

제4차 평양성 전투 / 함경도의 정세 / 한성을 둘러싼 공방 – 벽제관전투, 행주대첩 /

한성에서의 군의와 가토·나베시마 부대의 합류 / 히데요시 도해 계획의 재연기와 군대의

재편 / 동국(東國)부대의 도해와 명·일의 교섭 재개 / 강화사 분작(扮作)과 일본군의 한성 철수

Ⅲ부. 강화 교섭과 그 파탄

1. 히데요시, 중국 진출을 단념하다.

명나라 사절을 받아들임 / 칙사 접견과 강화 조건의 제시 /

제2차 진주성 전투 / 진주성 함락후, 히데요시의 반응 / 전투의 결말

2. 일본군의 방비조치(조선 주둔) 체제

히데요시의 개선 계획과 선조의 한성 귀환 / 일본형 성채에 대하여 / 서해안 및 부산을 핵으로

하는 성채망 / 동해안의 성채군 / ‘소류큐’ ‘고산국’에 대한 입공 요구와 히데요시ㆍ히데츠구의

관계 / 선교사 세스페데스가 본 웅천성 / 휴전기의 조선 상황 / 일본 장병의 도망과 항왜 /

조선의 군량 문제 / 히데츠구의 출진계획

3. 강화교섭, 그리고 파탄

교섭을 향한 환경 정비 / ‘히데츠구 사건’ / 명ㆍ조선 사절의 來日 /

오사카 성에서의 사절 알현 / 교섭 결렬의 진짜 원인

Ⅳ부. 정유년의 재파병

: 정유재란 발발

1. 전라ㆍ충청도에의 침공

집요한 복속요구 / 재파병의 군편제 / 일본군의 도해와 제해권 / 이순신의 실각과 원균의

기용 / 작전에 실패하고 패전한 원균 : 거제도 칠천량 해전 / 일본군, 충청도와 전라도로

진격하다. / 남원성ㆍ황석산성 전투 / 이순신의 재기용, 명량해전 / 직산 회전 / 정읍의 軍議 /

시마즈 부대에 의한 전라도 해남 제압 / 일본의 ‘군정’과 조선사회 / 나베시마 부대에 의한

전라도 강진 지배 / 조선 사민(士民)의 구인 / 남방(濫妨)의 여러 가지 모습

2. 명나라ㆍ조선군의 반격

연안부의 성채 공사 / 울산 농성 / 울산의 공방 / 일본측 성채망의 재편 /

명나라ㆍ조선군의 재거(再擧)

3. 조선반도에 대한 고집(固執)

히데요시의 죽음과 최후의 화평공작 / 순천 전투 / 사천의 공성전 /

고니시 유키나가의 화평공작 / 노량해전 --- 조선반도에서의 전투의 종결

V부 국교 회복

: 새로운 국제 관계의 모색

1. 삼국간의 강화교섭

명군의 조선 주둔과 명·일 간의 교섭 / 강화와 철군을 향한 여러 가지 생각 /

일본의 국내 정국과 강화 교섭 / 명군의 철수 / 세키가하라 전투

2. 동아시아 국제질서의 재편

명ㆍ조선 관계와 쓰시마 ‘기미(羈縻)’론 / 명나라의 대조선·대일 전략과

조선 정부의 판단 / 조선과 쓰시마의 수호 회복 / 도쿠가와 정권의 대외 전략

에필로그 --- 비뚤어진 채로 적응하며 살아가기.

일본의 대명강화의 좌절 / 조선인 포로의 일본사회에의 동화

발문

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연표

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저자 및 역자소개

오욱환 (지은이)

저자파일

신간알리미 신청

대한변호사협회의 사무총장과 서울변호사회의 회장으로 재직할 때, 일본과 관련한 회무는 사실상 그가 가장 좋아하는 업무였다. 변호사로서 민간 외교관 역할도 자청하였다. 일본 오사카 변호사회가 프랑스와의 협의를 위해, 서울변호사회와의 이미 합의한 행사를 축소하려는 움직임이 있던 때에는, 그 즉시 방일하여 계획을 변경하는 것이 적절하지 않음을 지적함으로써 당초 계획하였던 대로 행사를 진행하도록 한 적도 있었다고. 또한 일본 도쿄대대학원 법학정치학연구과 방문학자로 연구활동을 한 후, 도쿄대 야마시타 도모노부 교수의 주선으로 도쿄대 학생들을 대상으로 <한국의 사법제도의 개혁-형사사법제도를 중심으로>를 주제로 특강을 하기도 하고, 일본대동문화대학에서 동아시아 재판 외 분쟁해결기구의 필요성과 가능성을 주제로 강연하기도 하였다.

경기도 수원 출신으로 성균관대 법대를 졸업하고 법조계(사시 24회, 연수원 14기)에 입문했다. 대한변호사협회 공보이사, 대한변협 총무이사 겸 사무총장, 서울변호사회 회장 등을 역임하였고 국민권익위원회 자문위원, 중앙행정심판위원회 위원, 성균관대ㆍ한국외대ㆍ고려대 등에서 법학전문대학원과 법과대학에서 겸임 교수로 활동하였다. 현재 한양대학교 일본학국제비교연구소 객원연구원으로 연구 활동을 하고 있다. 저서로는 <격동, 메이지 유신 이야기>와 <승리한 전쟁 임진왜란 그 시작과 끝> <도쿠가와 이에야스 누구인가> <일본의 테러사> 등이 있다. 접기

최근작 : <일본의 테러사>,<태평양전쟁>,<도쿠가와 이에야스 누구인가> … 총 5종 (모두보기)

출판사 제공 책소개

동아시아 국제질서에 편입되어 있던 일본, 보편적인 국제질서에 정면으로 도전

다각적인 역사적 시각과 치밀한 고증을 통하여 밝혀낸 역사적 진실!

우리가 보통, 임진왜란을 이야기할 때는, 이순신 장군과 조선 수군의 이야기를 주로 하며, 그들이 이 나라를 수호하였다는 데에 논의가 집중된다. 그런데, 이 책은 ‘전쟁사’에 한정하여 다루지 않고, 「정치와 외교, 그리고 행정」에 관심을 두고, 그것도 전쟁의 입안자이자 침략자들의 입장에서, 그들이 이 전쟁을 어떠한 시각에서 어떤 명목으로 시작했고 어떻게 준비하고 어떻게 운용하였으며, 전쟁터에 나와 있는 장수들과 병사들은 어떠하였는가 등에 대해서도 폭넓게 제시한다.

이 책은 역사의 흐름과 서술의 용이함, 독자들의 이해를 돕기 위하여 시간의 흐름에 따라 얘기를 전개해 나가면서 이 전쟁이 궁극적으로는 조선이 승리한 전쟁이었음을 밝힌다. 조선이 아무런 전쟁 방비를 하지 않았던 것도 아니고, 오로지 수군에만 의지하여 나라를 지켜낸 것이 아니며, 관군이 무능했던 것도 아니고, 의병과 승병만으로 전쟁을 치른 것도 아니었기 때문이다. 특히 병농일치제와 국민개병제를 채택하여 백성이 곧 병사인 체제를 유지함으로써 관군과 의병이 별개의 것이 아니고 그 병력의 규합과 동원 및 조직의 통합과 지휘체계가 유연하게 작동하고 있었다는 점을 부각한다. 또한, 일단 유사시 지방군을 한곳에 모아 중앙군에 편입하여 전투를 벌이는 제승방략체제 하에서 선조 임금을 중심으로 모든 백성들이 한마음 한뜻으로 나라를 지켜냈음을 소개한다.

저자는 늘 임진왜란을 논할 때마다, 풀리지 않는 의문점이나 궁금한 점들이 많았다고 밝힌다. 이순신과 조선수군ㆍ의병ㆍ민초들 만으로, 백 년간의 전란을 겪으며, 양성된 무사를 중심으로 하여 구성된 일본의 침략을 이겨 낼 수 있었을까 하는 점이었다. 또 하나는 일본은, 조선을 침략할 때, 무엇을, 얼마나, 어떻게 준비하고, 이를 전장에서 어떻게 실행에 옮겼을까 하는 것이었다. 또, 전쟁의 휴지기에 즉, 임진왜란과 정유재란 사이에는 어떤 일들이 있었을까, 그리고 전쟁은 어떻게 마무리되었을까 하는 것들이다.

이 책은 그러한 점들에 대한 고민을 풀어나가는 학습의 과정이라고 볼 수 있다. 그리고 그 과정을 통해 필자가 알게 된 역사적 사항들에 대해서 궁금증을 해소하는 차원에서 접근한다. 이 책은 임진왜란의 원인을 규명하면서 한·중·일 동북아 3국의 국제 정세도 진단한다.

임진왜란은 당시까지 중국을 중심으로 한 동아시아 국제질서에 편입되어 있던 일본이, 당시의 보편적인 국제질서에 정면으로 도전한 사건임을 강조한다. 이러한 일본의 태도는 근대에 다시 나타나게 된다. 비록 두 번째의 시도도 1945년에 실패로 끝났지만, 한국과 중국에서는 여전히 일본에 대해 경계심을 늦추지 않고 있다. 그것은 임진왜란이나 태평양전쟁 후에 형성된 국제질서가 전쟁의 상흔을 치유하지 못하였고, 뇌리에 깊이 박혀 있는 상대국에 대한 인식에 근본적인 변화가 일어나지 않았기 때문이다. 저자는 그리하여 사소한 일이라도 생기게 되면 그때마다 아픈 상처가 덧나서 세 나라의 관계는 방향을 잡지 못하고 표류하게 되는 것이다고 전망한다. 접기

개수:

문록·게이쵸의 역할
나카노 등【저】

가격 ¥ 2,750 (본체 ¥ 2,500)
요시카와 히로후미칸 (2008/02 발매)

내용 설명

국내 통일 전쟁을 진행하면서, 도요토미 히데요시가 넘어간 것은, 명제국 아래에 세워진 동아시아 세계의 질서 쇄신이었다! 히데요시의 의혹에 농락된 일본의 무장, 조선사민의 모습을 그려, 후세까지까지 사근을 남긴 전쟁의 실상에 육박한다.

목차

국제질서 재편의 기획-프롤로그
1 정명을 기하여-동아시아 국제질서에의 도전
2 “당진”
3 강화 교섭과 그 파탄
4 경장의 재파병
5
복교 ―에필로그

저자 등 소개

나카노 등 [나카노 히토시]
1958년생. 1985년 규슈대학 대학원 문학연구과 박사 후기 과정 중퇴. 야나가와 고문서관 학예원을 거쳐 현재, 규슈 대학 대학원 비교 사회 문화 연구원 교수(본 데이터는 이 서적이 간행된 당시에 게재되고 있던 것입니다)
※서적에 게재되고 있는 저자 및 편자, 번역자, 감수자, 일러스트레이터 등의 소개 정보입니다.

알라딘: 일본의 테러사

An Joon Hyun

dtSeorsnpo40263fg6hah41f0tm00g0ag24ul0ftl3t3lch9li98fl4l5267

가능하시면 널리 퍼뜨려주셨으면 한다(친구공개를 해제해서 공유도 될 것이다).

목차만 봐도 일목요연하지만

https://www.aladin.co.kr/shop/wproduct.aspx?ItemId=304127215 이 책은

https://www.kinokuniya.co.jp/f/dsg-01-9784642063265

이 책을 번역해놓고는 자기가 썼답시고 낸 책이다.

그런데 오늘 트위터에서 같은 저자가 신간을 냈길래 봤더니 내가 읽었던 책이다.

https://www.aladin.co.kr/shop/wproduct.aspx?ItemId=339556446

이 책인데

목차를 확인하니 확연히 https://www.kinokuniya.co.jp/f/dsg-01-9784121026170 이 책의 표절이다.

변호사협회 회장까지 하셨던 분이던데 왜 이러시는진 모르겠지만 좀 더 알려져서 문제가 되었으면 하는 바람이다. 2024년 대한민국에서 벌어지고 있는 일이다. 내가 창피해서 차마 일본어로는 안 쓴다.

알라딘: 일본의 테러사

일본의 테러사 - 재현되는 일본 암살사건 그 역사 속으로

오욱환 (지은이)조윤커뮤니케이션2024-05-14

====

책소개

일본 근대화는 개항으로부터 왕정복고까지 겨우 20년 동안에, 테러 건수는 160건을 넘는다. 테러와 암살을 악(惡)으로 단정한다면, 적어도 그런 의미에서는 일본의 근대화는 진정으로 칭찬할 수 있을 만한 역사라고 할 수는 없을 것이다.

오늘날 시각으로 보았을 때, 분명히 ‘악’인데, 왜 이 시기에 이토록 암살이 집중되었을까? 이것을 가능하게 한 것은 과연 무엇일까? <일본의 테러사>는 일본 정국은 물론 동아시아의 정치 외교 전반에 커다란 영향을 주었던 테러 사건들을 소개하면서 일본 테러 역사의 현장으로 안내한다.

===

서장 되풀이되어 온 암살

1. 정권 탈취를 위한 암살

2. 무가정권 안에서의 암살

3. 전국시대의 암살

4. 법보다도 정

5. 테러리스트의 신격화

제1장 ‘외국인(夷狄)’을 제거하다

1. 오오츠하마(大津浜) 외국인(異人) 상륙 사건

2. ‘유신’과 ‘복고’

3. 요시다 쇼잉(吉田松陰)의 페리 암살 계획

4. 외국인 암살사건 제1호

5. 빈발하는 외국인 암살

6. 요시다 쇼잉(吉田松陰)의 로오쥬우(老中) 암살 계획

7. 사쿠라다 문 밖의 변

8. 왜 이이(井伊)를 죽인 것일까

9. 사무라이 닛뽄

10. 사쿠라다 문 밖의 변, 그 후

11. 미토 로오시의 긴 칼

12. 휴스켄 암살 사건

13. 범인은 또 불명

14. 도오젠지 영국 공사관 습격

제2장 암살자들의 왕래

1. 사카시타 문 밖의 변

2. 로오쥬우 안도를 살해할 이유

3. 폐제(廢帝)의 소문을 둘러싼 암살

4. 다시 습격당한 도오젠지

5. 시마즈 히사미츠(島津久光)의 황국복고

6. 천주(天誅) 제1호인 시마다사꼰(島田左近) 암살

7. 요시다 도오요오(吉田東洋) 암살

8. 다케치 한페이타(武市半平太)와 다나카 신페에(田中新兵衛)

9. 혼마 세이이치로(本間精一) 암살

10. 암살자 오카다 이조오(岡田以蔵)

11. 하급포리(目明し) 분키치(文吉) 암살

12. 이시베 역참(石部宿)의 암살 사건

13. 히라노야(平野屋)ㆍ센베야(煎餠屋)의 산채로 묶어놓기

14. 아코오 번(赤穗藩) 중신 암살 사건

15. 고텐야마(御殿山) 영국 공사관 방화(燒討)

제3장 ‘언로통개(言路洞開)’를 구하여

1. 이케우치 다이가쿠(池內大學) 암살

2. 가가와 하지메(賀川肇) 암살

3. 농민(百姓햐쿠쇼오) 소오스케(惣助) 암살

4. 신센구미(新撰組) 탄생

5. 아시카가(足利) 삼대(三代) 쇼군 목상(木像) 효수

6. 목상 효수 사건의 범인 포박

7. 쇼군 이에모치(家茂) 암살 계획

8. 잔혹화의 대유행

9. 기요카와 하치로(淸河八郞) 암살

10. 아네가코오지 긴토모(姉小路公知) 암살

11. 다나카 신베에(田中新兵衛)의 자살

12. 나카지마 나자에몬(中島名左衛門) 암살

13. 나카네이치노죠(中根市之丞) 암살

14. 고죠 다이칸쇼(五条代官所) 습격

15. 세리자와 가모(芹沢鴨) 암살

제4장 천황권위의 쟁탈전

1. 오오타니 나카노신(大谷仲之進) 암살

2. 사쿠마 쇼오잔(佐久間象山) 암살

3. 이노우에 분타(井上聞多, 이노우에 가오루井上馨) 암살 미수

4. 나카야마 다다미츠(中山忠光) 암살

5. 가마쿠라(鎌倉) 외국인 참살

6. 시미즈 기요츠구(淸水淸次)는 진범인가?

7. 곤겐하라(権現原) 암살 사건

8. 마키 기쿠시로(真木菊四郞) 암살

9. 하라 이치노신(原市之進) 암살

10. 아카마츠 고사부로(赤松小三郞) 암살

11. 사카모토 료마(坂本龍馬)ㆍ나카오카 신타로(中岡愼太郞)암살

12. 료마(龍馬) 암살범은 누구인가?

13. 이토오 가시타로(伊東甲子太郞) 암살

제5장 유신을 놓친 자들

1. 파-크스(Parkes) 암살 미수

2. 하야시다 에타로(林田衛太郞)와 사에구사 시게루(三枝蓊)

3. 마츠나미 곤노죠오(松濤権之丞) 암살

4. 세라 슈우조오(世良修蔵) 암살

5. 요코이 쇼오낭(橫井小楠) 암살

6. 츠게 시로자에몬(津下四郞左衛門)에 대하여

7. 오오무라 마스지로(大村益次郞) 암살

8. 오오무라 마스지로(大村益次郞)를암살의 자객(刺客)들

9. 다이가쿠 난코오(大学南校)의영국인 교사 습격

10. 히로사와 사네오미(広沢真臣) 암살

11. 다이라쿠 겐타로(大楽源太郞) 암살

12. 이와쿠라 도모미(岩倉具視) 암살 미수

13. 오오쿠보 도시미치(大久保利通) 암살

14. 오오쿠보 도시미치(大久保利通)를 살해한 이유

제6장 ‘옳은’암살, ‘옳지 않은’암살

1. 이이 나오스케(井伊直弼) 현창

2. 이이 나오스케(井伊直弼) 동상의 제막식

3. 성대한 사쿠라다 열사(桜田烈士) 50년 제사(祭)

4. 『개국시말(開國始末)』 대 『사쿠라다 의거록(桜田義挙錄)』

5. 대역사건(大逆事件)과의 비교

6. 번벌(藩閥)에 저항한 시마다 이치로(島田一郞)

7. 양립하지 않는 오오쿠마 시게노부(大隈重信)와 시마다 이치로(島田一郞)

8. 변혁 원망(変革願望)

9. 헌정비(憲政碑)에 합사된 시마다 이치로(島田一郞)

제7장 그래도 계속되는 암살

1. 메이지(明治) 시대의 암살

2. 외교문제와 암살

3. 암살을 필요로 하는 사회

4. 조선반도를 둘러싼 암살

제8장 암살을 넘어 군국주의로

1. 호시 토오루(星亨)

2. 하라 다카시(原敬)

3. 하마구치 오사치(浜口雄幸)

4. 이노우에 쥰노스케(井上準之助)

5. 단 타쿠마(団琢磨)

6. 이누카이 츠요시(犬養毅)

7. 나가타 테츠잔(永田鉄山)

8. 2·26사건

9. 다카하시 고레키요(高橋是淸)

10. 사이토오 마코토(斎藤実)

11. 아사누마 이네지로(浅沼稲次郞)

맺음말

부록1 : 막말(幕末)의 암살

부록2 : 막말기의 암살사 연표

부록3 : 막부말기, 메이지시대, 연표

참고문헌

후기 : 일본어 공부 이야기

접기

저자 및 역자소개

오욱환 (지은이)

저자파일

신간알리미 신청

최근작 : <일본의 테러사>,<태평양전쟁>,<도쿠가와 이에야스 누구인가> … 총 5종 (모두보기)

출판사 제공 책소개

일본 정국과 동아시아 정치 외교 전반에 커다란 영향을 주었던 테러 사건들 및

일본 테러 역사의 현장으로 안내

오늘날 시각으로 보았을 때, 분명히 ‘악’인데, 왜 이 시기에 이토록 암살이 집중되었을까? 이것을 가능하게 한 것은 과연 무엇일까?

<일본의 테러사>는 일본 정국은 물론 동아시아의 정치 외교 전반에 커다란 영향을 주었던 테러 사건들을 소개하면서 일본 테러 역사의 현장으로 안내한다.

테러나 암살은 현대사회에서는 대체로, 비도덕적인 ‘악(惡)’의 행위로 간주되고 있다. 그렇지만, 테러는 일본 근대화의 시발점이 되었다는 평가를 받는다. 기적과 같은 혁명이라고 평가되고 있는 ‘메이지유신(明治維新)’을 마주해 보면, ‘악(惡)’이라고 말할 수 있는 암살이나 암살미수 사건 투성이임을 알 수 있기 때문이다. 그런데 이 ‘악’이 그 당시 일본에서는 어찌하여 ‘유신’이라는 ‘공무(公務)’의 영역에서 횡행할 수 있었을까?

이 책은 일본 역사에는, 서양인(異人)이라고 하는 이분자(異分子)가 등장하고, 이들을 배제하고, 천황이라고 하는 오래고도 새로운 가치관을 신봉하거나 또는 이데올로기로 치장하면서, 오랫동안 억눌려 온 권력욕을 불태우는 사람들이 무수히 등장한다고 설명한다. 게다가 이들은 필요에 따라 서로 도움을 주고받으면서 힘을 키워나

그리고 이에 더하여 효수한 목에 흥미진진해하고, 피투성이의 사실화까지 유행시키는 왜곡된 민중의 잔인함도 보인다. 일본의 민권 역시 사람들의, 특히 권력자들의, 피를 먹고 자랐던 것이다.

일본의 정치인들은, 정권 교대로서의 ‘메이지유신’을 정당화하기 위하여, 그 ‘유신’의 방편이 되었던 ‘암살(暗殺)’을, ‘악’의 측면을 무시하거나 당연한 것으로 치부함은 물론, ‘애국’과 ‘충성’이라는 이름으로 미화하면서, 야스쿠니 합사(靖國合祀)와 증위(贈位, 追贈)를 편리하게 사용하고, 이쪽도 저쪽도 편의에 따라 포용하고 상(賞)과 칭찬(稱讚)을 나누어 가지면서, 현실에 적응해 가고 있음도 알 수 있다.

이기면 ‘관군’, 지면 ‘역적’이라는, 일본 특유의 역사관과 정의관은 ‘막말암살(幕末暗殺)’에도 고스란히 반영되어 있다는 느낌을 지울 수가 없다. 그리고 이런 인식과 의식은 그 후에도 지속되어, 수상의 암살, 군사 쿠데타, 나아가 세계대전의 도발 등으로 이어지게 된다.

저자는 최근 들어 전임 아베 수상 같은 정계 요인들의 테러사건을 지켜보면서, 일본의 과거 역사상의 암살 사건들을 살펴보고 싶은 호기심이 생겼다고 집필 동기를 밝힌다.

막부 말기 유신(幕末維新)에서 활약한 ‘영웅’이니 ‘위인’이니 하여 칭찬받는 인물 중 상당수는, 암살이나 암살미수 사건에 한두 번쯤은 관여하였다는 것. 이토오 히로부미도, 젊었을 때는 남의 목숨을 쉽게 빼앗아 버렸다. 게다가, 평생 반성하는 기미도 보이지 않았다. 결국은 이토오(伊藤) 자신도 암살당하고 말았기 때문에, 인연인 듯한 것을 느끼지 않을 수 없었다고.

오늘날, 암살이나 테러가 결코 긍정적인 의미를 갖지 않음은 분명하다. 그러나 암살은, 선악의 문제로서가 아니라, 역사상 대화가 통하지 않는 순간, 정국을 서둘러 해결하려는 성급한 자들에 의해 사용되어 온, 정치 수단으로서의 의미를 가졌던 것만은 분명한 듯하다. 접기

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출판사 내용 정보

메이지 유신은 근대 일본의 원점으로 여겨진다. 하지만 일본 사상 이처럼 암살이 빈발한 시기는 없다. 존회론의 세례를 받은 자들은 왜 암살에 뛰었는가. 오오이이 나오히로 암살에서 내무경 오오쿠보리통에 이르는 국가의 수반, 외국인, 사카모토 료마인 목 "지사", 나아가 이치이의 사람들이 잇달아 표적이 된다… 사건의 리얼한 실상과 세간의 반응을 그리는 것과 동시에, 후세, 한편으로 암살자를 현창하고, 다른 한편으로 기피한 메이지 국가의 대응을 상세히 설명. 어둠에서 바라보는 막부 말기 유신사.

내용 설명

근대 일본이 태어난 막부 말기 유신기. 일본 사상 이만큼 암살이 빈발한 시기는 없다. 존황회이론의 세례를 받은 자를 비롯해 그들은 왜 암살에 달렸는가. 오오이이 나오히로에서 내무경 오오쿠보 리통에 이르는 국가의 중추, 외국인, 사카모토 료마 등의 “지사”, 이치이의 사람들까지가 잇달아 표적이 된 사건의 처참한 실상과 세상의 반응을 그린다. 또한 후세, 한편으로 암살자를 현창하고, 다른 쪽에서 기피한 메이지 국가의 대응도 상세히 설명한다. 어둠에서 바라보는 막부 말기 유신사.

저자 등 소개

이치사카 타로 [이치사카타로]
1966년 효고현 아시야시 출생. 다이쇼 대학 문학부 사학과 졸업. 현재, 하기 박물관 특별 학예원, 호후 텐만구 역사관 고문. 춘풍 문고 주재(본 데이터는 이 서적이 간행된 당시에 게재되고 있던 것입니다)
※서적에 게재되고 있는 저자 및 편자, 번역자, 감수자, 일러스트레이터 등의 소개 정보입니다.

2024-05-16

The West and the Rest by Roger Scruton (Ebook)

The West and the Rest by Roger Scruton (Ebook)

Ebook183 pages4 hours
The West and the Rest: Globalization and the Terrorist Threat

By Roger Scruton
Rating: 4 out of 5 stars

4/5

(8 ratings)

About this ebook
Scruton shows how the different religious and philosophical roots of Western and Islamic societies have resulted in those societies’ profoundly divergent beliefs about the nature of political order. For one thing, the idea of the social contract, crucial to the self-conception of Western nations, is entirely absent in Islamic societies. Similarly, Scruton explains why the notions of territorial jurisdiction, citizenship, and the independent legitimacy of secular authority and law are both specifically Western and fundamentally antipathetic to Islamic thought.

And yet, says Scruton, for its adherents Islam provides amply for one of the most fundamental of human needs: the need for membership. In contrast, the decay of the West’s own political vision, and its concomitant preoccupation with individual choice, has finally led to a “culture of repudiation” in which that need goes increasingly unfulfilled, principally because the sources of its fulfillment—patriotism, religious belief, traditional ways of life—are routinely mocked.

Globalization has made these facts an explosive mixture. Migration, modern communications, and the media have inexorably brought the formerly remote inhabitants of Islamic nations into constant contact with the images, products, and peoples of secular, liberal democracies. Scruton warns that in light of this new reality, certain Western assumptions—about consumption and prosperity, about borders and travel, about free trade and multinational corporations, and about multiculturalism—need to be thoroughly re-evaluated.

The West and the Rest is a major contribution to the West’s public discourse about terrorism, civil society, and liberal democracy.

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West And The Rest Hardcover – 30 July 2002
by Roger Scruton (Author)
4.7 4.7 out of 5 stars 47 ratings
See all formats and editions
In The West and the Rest, Scruton argues that to comprehend Islamist terrorism, one must understand what is unique - and what is potentially dangerous - about Western institutions, ideas, and technology.
Scruton shows how the different religious and philosophical roots of Western and Islamic societies have resulted in those societies' profoundly divergent beliefs about the nature of political order. For one thing, the idea of the social contract, crucial to the self-conception of Western nations, is entirely absent in Islamic societies. Similarly, Scruton explains why the notions of territorial jurisdiction, citizenship, and the independent legitimacy of secular authority and law are both specifically Western and fundamentally antipathetic to Islamic thought.
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West And The Rest Hardcover – 30 July 2002
by Roger Scruton (Author)
4.7 4.7 out of 5 stars 47 ratings
See all formats and editions
In The West and the Rest, Scruton argues that to comprehend Islamist terrorism, one must understand what is unique - and what is potentially dangerous - about Western institutions, ideas, and technology.
Scruton shows how the different religious and philosophical roots of Western and Islamic societies have resulted in those societies' profoundly divergent beliefs about the nature of political order. For one thing, the idea of the social contract, crucial to the self-conception of Western nations, is entirely absent in Islamic societies. Similarly, Scruton explains why the notions of territorial jurisdiction, citizenship, and the independent legitimacy of secular authority and law are both specifically Western and fundamentally antipathetic to Islamic thought.
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Displaying 1 - 10 of 25 reviews

Marc
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January 29, 2019
This book was written shortly after Nine-Eleven and it definitely bears the traces of it. The title "The West and the Rest" expresses the overall tenor of this work, but Scruton mainly focuses on Islam, and therefore the title in the Dutch translation that I read (The West and the Islam) covers the load of this book much better. This is the first book I read from Scruton. Of course, I already knew him indirectly through what I had read about him in newspapers and seen or heard in the audio-visual media. His straightforwardly conservative view of the world is resumed in a nutshell in this book, but he specifically focuses on the danger that lies in the Islamic point of view.

Scruton is a clever and erudite man, that is clear. His analysis of what the West stands for cannot simply be swept aside. In the first chapters he gauges the uniqueness of the Western institutions, in a very condensed style that is sometimes difficult to read. Essential to him are the concepts of 'territorial jurisdiction' (that is the sovereignty of the nation state, limited to a specific geographical area) on the one hand, and the 'loyalty of the citizen' of that nation state on the other, by Scruton also called 'membership', the feeling to belong to that particular nation state. Demarcated jurisdiction and loyalty are two interrelated aspects of the same phenomenon in the Western nation state, and they are the fruit of the Enlightenment.

This is an interesting view, because it rightly states that the specificity of the West is not limited to something as instrumental as elections, but rather that cultural-institutional aspects are decisive. The problem is that Scruton boldly states that these phenomena simply do not exist outside the West (roughly Europe and North America). On the contrary, regimes on other continents, even if they are sovereign and even though they have a certain democratic appearance, are usually the mere instrument of potentates and have no legal personality with which their inhabitants identify themselves. Even if that is true for a lot of states, with this polarizing thesis Scruton just sweeps Latin America, Africa, the Middle East and especially Asia in one heap, and that is at least questionable (besides, also the predicate 'the West' as a generalization does not live up to reality).

As said before, Scruton mainly focuses on Islam: not five pages pass or the attitude or view of Islam is contrasted with the Western 'values', and in an extensive third chapter he explicitly zooms in on the danger of Islam as a whole. Again, Scruton obviously touches ground, and he exposes issues that cannot simply be ignored; in traditional Islam there are certainly elements that differ from the Western way of feeling and doing and that is at least a more or less neutral conclusion. But here too the problem is that Scruton generalises everything into the absolute and ignores the enormous diversity in thinking and doing in the Muslim communities; it is typical that he limits the Islamic world to the Middle East and to the radical cores in the West, that he leaves Asia completely out of the picture and limits his analysis of Islam to what the basic texts and traditions say.

Scruton links that threat of Islam (in general) with the loss of the core values of Western society itself. Under the title "denial" he argues how Western society undermines itself and contributes to its own destruction. It’s the ultra-conservative in him that surfaces here. Scruton states that relativism in the West has taken over in the form of politically correct thinking, multiculturalism (of which he gives a very narrow and very coloured definition), radical feminism, deconstructive philosophy, modernist architecture and the "sex and drug lifestyle of the modern teenager" (sic). Scruton dissolves all his devils here and his most poisonous arrows he focuses on global institutions such as the UN and the EU that systematically undermine the principle of territorial jurisdiction of Western nation states.

Again: his criticism to a certain extant can be justified, but at the same time his extreme conservatism makes him an implicit ally of other radicalisms, such as extremist Islamism, that fight against Western civilization. For example, there’s his praise for the Islamic madrassas (the schools where Islamic education is given, now often seen as hotbeds of radicalization) because they provide much better moral education than Western schools; and members of Al Quaeda, through their Western technical and scientific education, have also seen how empty that civilization has become, which is what Scruton himself endorses!

In general, I tend to react to people who are fanatical or extremely polemicizing at first by looking carefully at what they say and weighing whether there is some ground in their views or not. But at the same time, I also have the reflex to ask myself the question of what is going on in the personal lives of these people, in their deepest psychology that makes them so extremist. While reading this book, especially the second half of it, I also had this reaction. Of course, I don’t know Scruton as a person and I absolutely want to respect him, but the question is really relevant. This thinker offers interesting opinions that are to be valued, but his thinking is clearly 'contaminated' by experiences that have clouded his reasonable insight and sent him on the extreme way. You can of course say: sometimes it is necessary that the hard contours of the truth are said, and I can get that, but in this case there is clearly more going on. And it’s a pity that in my view this undermines the great intellectual that Scruton certainly is.
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Jujin Deliu
207 reviews19 followers

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October 2, 2018
Current although originally published more than a decade ago, it is a solid compendium that relates the evolution of Western society to Islamic society, from their origins to the present day. The main differences on issues such as law, citizenship and value systems are highlighted, then analyzing the inevitable and painful collisions (September 11th is certainly the most remembered) and finally proposing some radical solutions which, although not "politically correct" , are anything but populist or based on stereotypes, especially those that concern identity and globalization.
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Samuel
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April 9, 2020
Scruton, from what I have heard, is a great pioneer of the legacy of Western Civilization as well as one who calls attention to its decline. This book was published in the time after the terrorist attacks of 9/11, and in addition to comparing the West with the rest of the world (which in this case is mainly the Muslim world), it did not avoid pointing out the decline of the West. I myself am aware of this phenomenon, but every time it jumps out at me from somewhere, I ironically ask myself from what height the West must be falling, because it has been falling for a very long time. In any case, Scruton made the decline of the West one of his arguments for why the Western world will face a greater threat of terrorism in the coming years, with Europe in particular at risk. In this respect, his argument proved to be prophetic, although it would certainly be a great simplification to leave it only at this level. Because basically everything can be argued about the decline of Western civilization, but there will be something to it.

Anyway, this little book is divided into four parts. The first deals with the Social Contract and talks about the fact that the West stands by such a contract, while it is mainly about the fact that it bases its legitimacy on the freedom of choice and decision - that is, that people agree on legislation. According to Scruton, the Muslim world does not know this and bases everything on submission to Allah. The West knows the Christian "give to Caesar what is Caesar's and to God what is God's." The rest of the world does not know this principle. At the same time, the social contract creates local legislation that binds the nation or citizens and thus creates "membership". In the Muslim world, let's call it belonging, it binds only to Allah.

The second part, called Enlightenment, Citizenship and Loyalty, was a little more difficult for me to understand, but basically it just expanded the essence of the social contract and talks about the emergence of national identity and loyalty to the nation in the Western world, which arose from the removal of religion from public life. In this chapter, he formulates his argument, which says that the decline of Western civilization, the resistance to everything national or Western, has caused a weakening and can lead to the destruction of everything that was being built.

In the chapter on the Holy Law, Scruton outlined a short and concise history of Islamic extremism (I hope no one stones me for this phrase, I mean extremism that draws on Islam, but is not part of the religion as such). He describes Wahhabism, the Muslim Brotherhood to Al-Qaeda, while talking about the problem that arises from the fact that terrorists do not belong to any state (hence the name "base", they are everywhere and nowhere).

In conclusion, he blames globalization, which has only accelerated all this and created the idea that multinational corporations and institutions want to attack and the sovereignty of smaller states and nations, which is a fertile ground for terrorism, which abuses the advantages that globalization offers.

Definitely worth a read. It didn't excite me that much, but that's mainly because skepticism and pessimism run through the whole book. There is a lack of hope, which Christopher Dawson talked about, for example, who also talked about the decline of Western Civilization.
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Yohanes Saputra
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January 20, 2023
To really understand why the terrorists in the Middle East conflicts with the West is not an easy task. One has to reflect on what makes the Western civilization so hate-inducing to these people, and when we reflect that, then it comes to no suprise that the West has it better. But how can it come to this?

Roger Scruton believes that the West has two fundamental concepts pertinent for the foundation of their states, territorial jurisdiction and national loyalty. As Scruton argues, to really bind a society a state needs a territory, a law and a loyalty.

The Arab states on the other hand have no foundations of the same value as these (Arab nationalism failed, as an example Scruton offers). Because they are not attached to their territory and their nationalism had failed, there is one loyalty that they share, and that is the religion of Islam.

Just by bringing to light this difference, we can see how the West sees itself and the Arabs see themselves. That's why in the West their nation-states are successful and why the Middle East filled with failed states. Terrorism, as Scruton argues, is the uninteded by-product of this very envy of nation-states, so a certain group needs to rid off it.

That, I think, is the reason terrorism have existed: their unconscious desire to destroy what they even lack back in home.
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Tim Pendry
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October 1, 2022

Two decades old in 2002 and written in the aftermath of 9/11, the conservative philosopher Roger Scruton's polemical 'The West and the Rest' appears more sensible now than ever, not on the detail (where he was a trifle too alarmist) but on the general trajectory of globalisation.

Terrorism proved not to be the downfall of Western civilisation. American power and the Islamists' own weak reach and existential exhaustion (probably based on generational factors) failed to do more than cause pain and misery to relatively small and localised populations.

The book's great value in this context, if we ignore the paranoia and neurosis of the 2000s, is to point up a far deeper issue - the essential incompatibilities in the way Islam and the West see social and political reality.

The book contains a superb and succinct account of Islamic cultural norms and how they differ from Western norms (incidentally permitting us to see exactly what Western habits consist of), emphasising difference rather than simplistic and excitable American good/evil judgments.

Where Scruton scores is in pointing out the intrinsic conflict that must emerge between the globalisation process that drives the extension of Western values into every corner of the world and the traditional cultures that this process has been disrupting.

Looked at two decades on, Islamism and its associated terrorism was just an early symptom of a much greater disease which has seen a growing resistance to the extension of Western values that now encompasses Chinese neo-confucianism, Russian orthodoxy, Hindu nationalism and so on.

What we see in Scruton's book is a preliminary sketch for a world, partially predicted by Huntington and unseen by Fukuyama, in which the Kremlin can, quite reasonably by its own lights, present itself as the centre of a global resistance to Western hubris and arrogance.

What Scruton did not see and we can now see is that the 'extension of Western values' not merely created its own forms of violent resistance elsewhere in the world but started to redefine Western values at home and so created its own internal populist resistance.

The world of 2002 was one of absolute Western hegemony fairly united around the assumed benefits of globalisation and dealing with what appeared to be a single primitive traditionalist revolt that was nihilistic and which 'justified' extreme security and cultural measures.

The world of 2022 is the fruit of the 'West' (actually interlocking political elites centred on Washington) failing to realise that the unjust behaviour of Islamist militants hid an underlying just resentment that the 'West' thought could be railroaded and bludgeoned into compliance.

The underlying just resentment was at being ordered around and told to believe what one part of the world which had inherited its vast wealth had decided was appropriate. With backs to the wall, the resentment turned violent and this required brutal methods to crush the consequent revolt.

Now the West faces a far more serious revolt from a nuclear power with the resources of a modern if flawed state machinery behind it. The doubling down on 'all means necessary' to put down this far more important revolt risks a world-destroying nuclear conflagration.

Even were this challenge to the West to be crushed, the resentment would not go away. China and India are aware of their own need to survive as civilisations. Russia's resistance has created a new awareness of the colonial legacy in Africa and much of the rest of the world.

Meanwhile, the West's elites attempt to create cover for its post-imperial hegemony by promoting ESG, social capitalism and global liberal values in ways that have not only alienated these external communities but significant elements within its own voting electorates.

Scruton was pushed aside in 2002 as just a dissident 'Tory' voice. He got it wrong on the level of threat from Islamism, effectively buying into hysteria that was manufactured often for enhanced internal security powers and militarist operations, but he got it right where it really mattered,

Radical Islamism had become vicious. There was rightly no compromise with it. The 'West' (aka US) acted reasonably if clumsily to contain it. However, this was just a sticking plaster on a far bigger and festering problem that required new thinking not the 'doubling down' we see today.

Capitalism itself was shaken in 2008 to such an extent that it becomes now a strategic possibility for Russia to exploit the massive debt burden in the West through its disruptions. 2016 saw warning shots to liberal elites that were ignored in yet another round of doubling down on 'values'.

Now, in 2022, all that has happened because of the failure of the West to moderate and manage its values imperialism is a raising of the stakes - the splitting of the world into camps driven not by ideology but by warring 'values', a lack of mutual respect and economic competition.

Core Western values as described by Scruton in the book are also at threat in the West's heartlands - since the West may be regarded as a distinct civilisation in its own right but with important variations - through federalisms, the manufacturing of consent and flawed democratic procedures.

A Prime Minister elected by 0.2% of her population almost triggered the meltdown of the financial system in her country through incompetence yet there is no way of either bringing her into line or removing her that is not in the hands of a very few men and women in Parliament.

It was supposed to be the Marxists who brought down capitalism yet it would seem that ideological liberals, in the ultimate internal contradiction, are in danger of doing so through a combination of moral absolutism, economic sanctions, disorganisation and defiance of popular sentiment.

The world system is no longer the United Nations created in 1945 on a victory by two ideologies over a third but has become a more fluid and competitive structure based on 'civilisations' that are modernising in different ways whilst trying to preserve their essential characters.

If one of those civilisations, based on its historic hegemony, attempts to impose its essential character beyond a certain point then it will face violent resistance because, while it may suborn elites, elites can be overuled by their own civilisational histories.

While there are now substantial 'liberal' minorities in all traditional civilisations, the majority remain passively traditional and remain passive only to the extent that they are both fed (economic) and not insulted as to their core values (cultural).

Similarly hungry and/or culturally neglected minorities within the West are likely to become resistors in turn - generally in the form of populism - especially as it is becoming clear that the middle classes are getting poorer and working classes treated with contempt.

Put all this together and we have a volatile and dangerous situation both internationally and domestically. Frightened elites, no longer able to control the situation they find themselves in, constantly 'double down' making the situation worse as they reach their points of no return.

We see this most obviously with the Ukraine situation but there are similar issues arising with China while India and the Gulf States are no longer to be taken for granted. We can expect a similar 'doubling down' on domestic populations resentful of the cost of living and migration

The book is thus worth reading for two reasons - as a remarkably cogent account of the state of affairs that should have predicted our current malaise and as a case study in the contrast between two civilisational systems (the 'West' and Islam)

If only more people in the West had read Scruton's book at the time and then gone on to think about the implications of what he was saying. In the meantime, read it for the excellent material on Islam and as a baseline for a rethink - that may now be too late.

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Stephen Heiner
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May 17, 2019
Sir Roger Scruton, normally at home speaking about culture and architecture, doesn't put together a convincing enough case for the problem of jihad and Islam, or what people these days call "Islamism." Written in 2002, it has proven to be the mildest of responses to 9/11 and all that has come since. Because Scruton accepts the principles of the so-called Enlightenment, he is half defeated before he even picks up his pen on this issue.

As a quick survey of the development of law and government in Christian states as opposed to Islamic ones, it is useful.

"It is, in my view, impossible to understand the French Revolution if one does not see it as primarily a religious phenomenon. The inner compulsion was to dethrone the gods of the monarchical order, and to erect a new community in its place - but a community demanding sacrifice, devotion, and slaughter, establishing a right to obedience through the spilling of blood. The leading revolutionary St-Just could say, in 1794, that a republic 'is constituted by the total destruction of that which is opposed to it,' so abolishing at a stroke the century of political thinking that had finally come to fruition in revolutionary France. Membership, as St-Just's remark makes clear, means the establishment of a "we," and the easiest way to invent this "we" is through a fight to the death with "them." The French Revolution was prodigal of opponents - some of them real, as in the Vendee uprising, some of them imaginary, like the quasi-supernatural emigres, crystallizing now in this person or club or gathering, now in that, and everywhere the object of the most violent suspicion and enmity. There is no need to dwell on the parallels with subsequent revolutionary movements and their demons: the emigres were simply the first in a long line of victims - kulaks, Jews, the bourgeoisie - prepared as sacrificial offerings on behalf of a new form of social membership. It is from a deficit of membership that the urge to revolution arises, and when people are hungry for membership, collective violence issues as a matter of course.

The French Revolution sought to replace one religion with another: hence its fanaticism and exterminatory zeal. But the new religion of the nation was demonic, fraught with contradiction and self-hatred, with no power to survive. It quickly gave way to the Napoleonic project of empire, through which violence was externalized and a rule of law re-established at home." (p. 44-45)

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Josh Friedlander
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August 12, 2015
Scruton's prose is felicitous, and his grasp of Islamic political philosophy seemingly comprehensive. He advances a number of conclusions in this book, written in response to the 9/11 attacks - some more compelling than others.

His first thesis is that Western political thought is inherently suited to develop disestablishmentarian ideas. Its influences, after the Greeks, are from Christianity - a religion which developed in the shadow of the Roman empire, a pre-existing law system, and contains the idea of an independent church (a non-human legal person, like a firm or a state) separate from a secular state. "Render unto Caesar..."

Islam, by contrast, is inherently both a theological and a political movement. Jesus was a victim, Agnus Dei, turning the other cheek to his executioners. Mohammed was a warrior, who combined military stratagems with his poetic suras. Globalisation has brought these two forces into contrast, but it is impossible to resolve them.

Scruton positions himself as a sort of radical centre, mixing in criticisms of postmodernism, the excesses of pluralism and political correctness, and the Western world's value crisis - his familiar bêtes noires - with a traditionally leftist disparagement of cultural and economic globalisation, and the excesses of the IMF and WTO. Your mileage may vary; I found the critique wanting, in its presumption of a prelapsarian status quo to which all developing countries would wish to return. While the debate on globalisation of a few years ago has mostly died down, issues such as migration in Europe and home-grown terror cells are still very much in the public eye. This slim book is a cogent and authoritative contribution to our public debate.
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Patrick McCoy
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February 6, 2015
The West and The Rest by Roger Scrunton (a philosopher) is a short, but well-written and informative look at the ideas that led to attacks on 9/11. I thought that he was especially lucid about the fundamental differences that underlie the Christian and Muslim religions, mainly in that Christianity is concerned with conciliation to break the cycle of violence. Furthermore, he points out that Islamic societies are unable to break out of the paradigm of families and members of their religion, whereas the western countries are bound by citizenship that binds a society of strangers together for a common purpose. He also points out the three major effects of the Khomeini’s revolution in Iranian 1981: 1) He showed that a Islamic government is a viable option in the modern world 2) He made the exportation of the Islamic Revolution the cornerstone of his foreign policy by support Hezbollah in Lebanon 3) He endowed the Islamic revolution with a Shiite physiognomy, which made martyrdom a central part of the strategy.
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Salih Yasun
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November 19, 2017
Scruton’s book provides a forthcoming account the paths of development between the West as defined as the Judeo-Christian and the rest defined as the Islamic world, with an aim at understanding what led to 9/11 attacks. While the author makes some convincing arguments about the innate differences between the historical background of Islam and Christianity, yet the book lacks from a comprehensive methodological approach on the subject. In describing Christianity, the author places more emphasis on the historical development of the religion, while in describing Islam the emphasis is overwhelmingly placed on the canonical texts of the religion. While the author argues that the approach that he employed is justified based on the innate differences of the two religions, the methodological divergence allows for exogenous factors (such as the rise of nation-states) to influence the outcomes of cases. The author attempts to solve the endogeneity issue by arguing that the nation-states are a by-product of Christianity, or at least, Christianity provides space for nation-states that Islam does not afford to provide. Yet, the argument remains insufficient and unable to fit either within the localities of the analysis of established texts or historical backgrounds, including a total ignorance of both territorial and de facto power of the Catholic Church that sprang from the Christian theology itself. The hostility towards other groups arising from Christian doctrines, such as anti-semitism, hostility against gays and minority rights.
Another weakness of the book is that its assumptions of the unaltered relationship of the pious Muslims to the holy scriptures. While the author finds the authority to make claims about “true” Muslims following the orders of the God, he ignores the numerous heterodox orders that have existed across the Islamic world, and which, instead of focusing on the laws derived by God, focused on spiritual experiences. The number of these heterodox orders dwindled not because of the globalization, but as a result of the imperial dictates that attempted to put these groups under control through the official state doctrines of Sunni or Shi’a Islam. In addition,The approach of Muslims to the holy texts change with globalization and changing societal orders. For instance a majority of Muslims do not advocate for cutting the hands of the thieves, whereas Qur’an stipulates that the hand of thieves shall be cut down ( http://www.pewforum.org/2013/04/30/th...). While it can be argued that Muslims on average are harder to acquire the changing norms and moral values due to the innate nature of the scripture, the embedded nature of the Islamic law over secular governance that the author argues for does not have a strong base.
Similarly, the author treats the case of secularization and modernization in the Ottoman Empire and modern Turkey as a “deviation” form normal and “an imperial power”, he ignores that Ottoman Empire experienced a constitutional monarchy with more participatory democratic forms than many European countries in the late 19th century. As such, the retreat of Ulama was not as much a result of a “forced change” from above but rather as a natural product of modernization and scientific development. The composition of Mecelle, (مجلة (, the relatively egalitarian Civic Code written in the late 19th century in the Ottoman Empire, is a good example of this process. Thus, Islamic societies can change and adjust to a secular order, albeit potentially at a smaller pace than the west. Similarly, emphasizing the status of the scripture and God in Islam, the author argues that it is inherently hard in Islamic societies to be governed by the constitutional regimes. Yet, the regime change often occurs through the break-up among the elites in the process of power-sharing. Thus, democratization is a mass process as much as it is an elite process, with the utilities of elites being determined by their ability to reach power, as was the case in the Ottoman Empire. In addition, the current experiences of Tunisia, a Muslim-majority and on average pious society, discredits the author’s claims regarding Islam and a constitutional and democratic order.
In order to strengthen his argument on the “deviated” nature of the modern Turkey, the author makes another claim that secularism in Turkey was accomplished due to rapid changes that occurred during the Ataturk’s time on Turkish customs and language. As such, the “traditional literature of the country (Turkey) became unreadable.” The Ottoman language was the language of the palace, spoken among the selected elite. Thus, the transformation to the Latin Alphabet did not exert a huge toll on the traditional literature, which had remained oral in its form due to the striking low rates of illiteracy. The ignorance of such critical points enables the author to explain the cases that do not fit his framework as deviations, whereas their examination naturally requires a lot more attention than the author affords.
The author makes selection biases by explaining the experiences of Western Muslims through the paradigms of terrorists or radicals such as المهاجرين (Al muhaciryn) in Britain, whereas the aggregate evidence in surveys such as PEW indicate that Muslims in the West, particularly in America, have developed a certain understanding of theology that is quite accommodating, and indeed more accommodating than some Judeo-Christian views.
Finally, the author treats Enlightenment as an idea that enabled humanity to establish a common concept of citizenship and togetherness irrespective of different religious of individuals that are part of the communities. Yet, this limited approach to Enlightenment, while enabling the author to criticize the changing gender and family dynamics, misses a crucial point, that is increasing irrelevance of religious dogmas and religious authority that the Enlightenment has afforded.

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Stephen Coates
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June 7, 2021
The book is a defence of Western civilisation and the liberal democratic system of government that has evolved within and become the de rigueur system of government in the West. It begins with an explanation of the social contract by which the populace accepts being governed in exchange for the benefits of membership of the governing polity and that this requires freedom of conscience which, in turn, requires secular government. He explains that the question of what makes secular government legitimate is itself a core question within Western philosophical debate.

He then explains that civilisations are composed of communities which can be held together by political processes, language, religion, ethnicities or territory, but only those defined by territory with the law of the land and only of the land (i.e. the nation-state) can a community comprising multiple languages, religions and/or ethnicities peacefully co-exist, the nation-state being the best defence of Enlightenment values. Western civilisation is based on nation-states. He stressed the importance of citizenship binding strangers together as citizens of the nation-state independent of religion, ethnicity and/or language in contrast to communities where persons are bound only by familial and creedal relationships. He contrasted the principles of citizenship and territorial respect of Western civilizations with Islamic communities which respect only the laws derived from the Koran and not secular law and, by implication, the authority of the nation-state, noting that shari’a law does not well define the status of non-Moslems living in Moslem communities, the absence or recognition of corporations, organisations and the government itself as legal persons and that shari’a law applies only to domestic matters and does not address the public sphere.

Scruton then takes a detour into architecture noting a resentment of how modernist architecture with its skyscrapers, wide streets and public spaces was a marked contrast to traditional architecture in Islamic communities and which it was progressively replacing. Beyond physical architecture, he noted that Islam today was characterised by nostalgia for an idyllic past and a sense of having been uprooted not just by modernity but each person from that person’s natural place. He observes that Islamic insurgents have used Western laws and agreements such as the UN Refugee Convention to gain access to Western territories and used the Internet and other technologies to facilitate the distribution of their messaging much faster and further than was possible in the pre-internet age. But he adds that globalisation also involves the succession of powers by nation states to such international bodies as the EU and the UN arguing that this loss of sovereignty reduces each nation state’s capacity to fight terrorism.

I see the strength of the book in its articulation of the attributes and merits of Western civilisation. The primary weakness is that, although the title promised a comparison with the rest, it only compared Western civilisation with Islam and primarily Islam as a civilisational force instead of the countries that are predominantly Islamic and it made no mention of other civilisation including South America, Eastern (Orthodox) Europe, China, Japan, India and sub-Saharan Africa. A minor weakness is that he hinted although didn’t state that a strengthened belief in Christianity in the West would help defend itself against the challenge posed by increasingly militant Islamic countries and Islamic minorities. Finally, he also claimed that the Swiss architect Le Corbusier, the leading early 20th century proponent of modernism was able to convince the colonial French government to flatten much of Algiers and replace it with buildings of design whereas it would appear that as much as he wanted to do so, he was prevented from doing any such thing.

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The West and the Rest by Roger Scruton (Ebook)

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