책소개 성 베네딕도 수도회 상트 오틸리엔 수도원 노르베르트 베버 아빠스가 1911년 2월 21일부터 6월 24일까지 125일 동안 이 땅 구석구석을 현미경적 시각으로 관찰하고 기록한 여행기다. 칭다오에서 출항하여 일본 고베와 오사카를 경유한 여정을 더하면, 기록은 정확히 2월 17일부터 시작한다.
책의 독일어 초판본은 1915년 헤르더 출판사에서 출간되었으나, 번역 대본으로 삼은 것은 1923년 상트 오틸리엔 선교 출판사에서 출간된 재판본再版本이다. 101년 전 이 땅의 자연과 사람과 문물을 글로 묘사하고 그림으로 표현하고 사진에도 담았다. 일제 강점기 초엽의 우리네 삶의 모습이 어제 일처럼 생생히 눈앞에 펼쳐진다.
목차
서언 / 재판 서언
제1장_일본 내해를 지나다 고베|오사카
제2장_해협을 건너다 한국이 보인다
제3장_서울에서의 첫날 교외에서
제4장_산책 옛날과 지금|왕비의 능|궁궐과 고물상
제5장_그리스도교 발자취 따라 용산|서울의 그리스도교
제6장_예술과 재능 음악학교|공예 공방|군신의 슬픔, 버려진 뮤즈의 사원|동묘
제7장_수도원 소묘 기도하고 일하라
제8장_산속으로 박해 시대의 유물|주일 정취|산속의 동굴|들판을 가로질러
제9장_수원 옛 성벽 그늘 아래|수원 농림학교|비 오는 날
제10장_숲의 정적 조용한 구경꾼|외로운 무덤|피신|봄숲의 아침|백동수도원
제11장_소풍 첫 밥상을 받다|도시와 시골|꽃과 색깔|고요한 도량|금광|
제12장_남으로, 남으로! 시골 길| 공주 공산성|물병자리 운세|임종에서 무덤까지|공주 감옥
제13장_일본의 국책 사업 꽃 피는 과일나무| 공업학교 3
제14장_북으로! 해안을 따라|뭍에 오르다|흥겨운 놀이|청계동
제15장_부군나무 아래서 청계동에 얽힌 사연
제16장_청계동의 일상 신나는 사진 촬영| 답사는 계속되고|산행|카메라 수리|혼례|사목 활동|귀로
제17장_옛 도읍지 곡창 지대|누에치기|바닷가에서|운수 사나운 날|평양|교외|소풍|귀경
제18장_마지막 여정 북한산에서|총독 방문|제물포|대한 만세!
제19장_전망 고요한 수도원|원산|북간도
부록 초판 제19장_기로에 서서 선교의 정치적 의미
노르베르트 베버 총아빠스 연보 여행 경로와 일람 인명 색인 지명 색인 사항 색인 편집 후기
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책속에서
P. 10 나는 변혁이 막 시작된 이 머나먼 한반도, 고요한 아침의 나라를 주유周遊했다. 나의 지칠 줄 모르는 펜과 내가 찍은 사진들이 많은 걸 기록할 수 있었다. 처음에는 이렇게 모은 자료들을 힘겨웠던 내 과업에 대한 상급으로 여겼으므로, 귀향할 때 가지고 가서 나 혼자만의 아름다운 추억으로 간직하고 싶었다. 내가 받은 인상과 옛 기억에서 건진 것들을 공개하라고 부추기는 사람들도 있었지만, 나는 이 압박을 꽤 오래 견뎌 냈다. 그러나 황급히 퇴락하는 옛 문화의 흥미롭고 가치 있는 잔해들을 세상에 알릴 수 있겠다는 생각에, 결국 내 고집을 꺾고 말았다. 접기
P. 75 남자들이 성내로 가고 있었다. 필수품인 담뱃대는 입에 물거나 오른팔 소맷자락을 접어 끼워 넣었다. 그러면 손을 쓰지 않고도 긴 담뱃대를 입으로 가져갈 수 있다. 골무만 한 작은 반원형의 담배통에서는 푸르고 향기로운 담배 연기가 꼬불꼬불 피어올랐다. 담배는 고산 지대에서 자라는 질 좋은 자경작물이다. 남자들 중에 가톨릭 신자가 있었다. 그는 우리를 보자 담뱃대를 밭으로 멀리 던져 버렸다. 손아랫사람이 손윗사람 앞에서, 아들이 아버지 앞에서 담배를 피우거나 담뱃대를 들고 있는 것은 허락되지 않는다. 한국의 범절이 그리 엄하다. 여인들도 공공장소나 남편 앞에서는 절대 담배를 피우지 않는다. 그러나 혼자 있거나 여인들만 있는 곳에서는 진정한 한국인의 후예로서 담배를 즐긴다. 그들도 예순 번째 생일이 지나면 공공장소에서 담배를 피우지 못한다는 성가신 관습에서 해방된다. 그래서 노상에서 끽연하거나 전차 한구석에 앉아 담뱃대에서 피어오르는 구름을 보며 즐기는 양반댁 부인들이 심심찮게 눈에 띈다. 접기
P. 285 한국인은 꿈꾸는 사람이다. 그들은 자연을 꿈꾸듯 응시하며 몇 시간이고 홀로 앉아 있을 수 있다. 산마루에 진달래꽃 불타는 봄이면, 그들은 지칠 줄 모르고 진달래꽃을 응시할 줄 안다. 잘 자란 어린 모가, 연둣빛 고운 비단천을 펼친 듯 물 위로 고개를 살랑인다. 색이 나날이 짙어졌다. 한국인은 먼산 엷은 푸른빛에 눈길을 멈추고 차마 딴 데로 돌리지 못한다. 그들이 길가에 핀 꽃을 주시하면 꽃과 하나가 된다. 한국인은 이 모든 것 앞에서 다만 고요할 뿐이다. 그들은 꽃을 꺾지 않는다. 차라리 내일 다시 자연에 들어 그 모든 것을 보고 또 볼지언정, 나뭇가지 꺾어 어두운 방 안에 꽂아 두는 법이 없다. 그들이 마음 깊이 담아 집으로 가져오는 것은 자연에서 추상해 낸 순수하고 청명한 색깔이다. 그들은 자연을 관찰하여 얻은 색상을 그대로 활용한다. 무늬를 그려 넣지 않고, 자연의 색감을 그대로 살린 옷을 아이들에게 입힌다. 하여, 이 소박한 색조의 민무늬 옷들은 더할 나위 없이 편안하고 원숙하고 예술적이다. 접기
추천글
이 책을 추천한 다른 분들 : 한겨레 - 한겨레 신문 2012년 05월 26일 잠깐 독서
저자 및 역자소개 노르베르트 베버 (Norbert Weber) Im Lande der Morgenstille 저자파일
1870년, 독일 바이에른 주 랑바이트에서 철도 건널목지기의 2남 1녀 중 둘째로 태어났다. 딜링겐에서 소신학교와 대신학교를 차례로 졸업하고, 1895년 아우크스부르크 교구의 사제로 서품되지만, 선교를 소명 삼아 서품 한 달 만에 성 베네딕도회 상트 오틸리엔 수도원에 입회했다. ‘노르베르트’는 일 년 후 수도서원을 하며 받은 수도명이다. 1900년 상트 오틸리엔 수도원의 부원장으로 임명되었고, 1902년 32세에 초대 아빠스로 선출되었으며, 1914년 초대 총아빠스로 축복되었다. 30년 가까이 수도회를 이끌며 스위스, 오스트리아, 한국, 중국, 베네수엘라, 아르헨티나 등 11개국에 12개 수도원을 설립했다. 1931년 총수도원장직을 사임한 이후에는 탄자니아 리템보로 파견되어 1952년 아빠스 축복 금경축으로 상트 오틸리엔을 한 차례 방문한 것을 빼고는 모국 땅을 밟지 않은 채 선교 소명에 헌신하다가 1956년 선종했다. 1911년에는 칭다오와 일본을 거쳐 서울·공주·안성·수원·해주·평양 등을 두루 방문하고, 1925년에는 촬영기사와 함께 함경도·북간도·금강산 등을 여행하면서 한국의 문물와 풍속과 전통을 글과 영상으로 기록하여 『고요한 아침의 나라』Im Lande der Morgenstille(1915/23)와 『금강산』In den Diamantenbergen Koreas (1927) 등의 저술을 통해 서양에 소개했다. 접기
가톨릭대학교 신학대학을 졸업하고, 스위스 프리부르 대학교에서 신학과 종교학으로 석사와 박사학위를 받았다. 현재 가톨릭대학교 종교학과 교수로 재직하며 김수환추기경연구소 소장도 겸하고 있다. 한국종교학회 부회장, 한국종교문화학회 공동대표, 한국무속학회 회장, 한국종교인평화회의(KCRP)의 종교 간 대화위원을 역임했다. 『종교들의 대화』(공저) 『한국 무교의 이해』 『한국의 종교와 현대의 선교』 등을 저술하고 『현대의 선교. 선교인가 반선교인가』 『사회라는 울타리』(공역) 『인간학』 등을 번역했으며, 「민족 화해를 위한 종교의 역할」 외 150여 편의 논문을 발표했다. 접기
서강대학교와 동 대학원을 졸업하고, 독일 본 대학 박사과정을 수료했다. 성신여자대학교에서 동양사를 전공으로 박사학위를 받았다. 가톨릭대학교 인간학연구소 전임연구원과 문화영성대학원 교수를 역임하고, 현재 덕성여자대학교 평생교육원 교수로 재직하고 있다. 『그리스도교의 중국 전래와 동서 문화의 대립』 『한국 근·현대 100년 속의 가톨릭교회』(공저) 『천주교와 한국 근현대의 사회문화적 변동』(공저) 『조선 여인 강완숙, 역사를 위해 일어나다』(공저) 『여성, 천주교와 만나다』(공저)를 저술하고, 『분도통사』(공역) 『天主實義』(공역)를 번역했다.
1911년 2월 17일부터 6월 24일까지 독일 성 베네딕도회 상트 오틸리엔 수도원 노르베르트 베버 아빠스의 한국 여행 그 129일간의 기록
1911년 2월 초 성 베네딕도 수도회 상트 오틸리엔 수도원 노르베르트 베버 아빠스는 “극동에서의 선교 사업이 몹시 염려스러워” 극동행 증기선에 올랐다. 상트 오틸리엔 수도원이 한국에 선교사를 파견한 지 일 년 반 남짓 지났을 때였다. 이 새로운 선교지는 그때 막 일본의 식민지가 되어 있었다. 한반도 주변에 외세가 파도처럼 넘실거렸고, 동아시아 전체를 향한 일본의 야욕을 통제할 힘은 존재하지 않았다. 5천 년 역사의 조선은 제 이름을 잃고 화살 맞은 짐승처럼 가쁜 숨을 몰아쉬고 있었다. 베버가 본 것은 그 시절의 ‘코리아’였다.
칭다오에서 출항하는 장면에서 기록은 시작된다. 1911년 2월 17일이다. 한국을 이야기하기 전, 베버는 우선 고베와 오사카에서 보낸 며칠을 기록하여 극동의 분위기를 전한다. 2월 21일 부산항에 도착하자 지체 없이 상경하여 백동수도원에 여장을 풀고, 서울을 기점으로 의왕(하우현)·수원(갓등이)·안성·천안·공주를 둘러본 후 귀경했다. 서울에서 보름 정도 머물다가 5월 10일 제물포에서 뱃길로 해주에 당도하여, 신천군 청계동과 안악군 매화동, 진남포와 평양 지역을 답사하고 귀경했다. 여정의 마지막을 다시 서울에서 보내고 대구를 거쳐 부산에서 출국하니 기록은 6월 24일 자로 끝난다. 수도원, 순교지, 본당, 교우촌, 신학교 등을 중심으로 순방하며 주요 인사들을 만나고 주교 성성식에도 참석하는 등, 선교사로서의 본분에 합당한 일정을 꾸린 건 당연하다. 그러나 그 사이사이에 사찰과 궁궐, 왕릉과 사당, 성곽과 마을, 그리고 이 땅의 자연과 사람과 풍물을 보았다. 그리고 이 낯선 것들과 금세 사랑에 빠졌다.
베버는 이 책을 여행기로 썼고, 또 그렇게 읽히기를 바랐다. 그래서 일기 형식을 취했다. 전문 학술서를 쓸 작정이 아니었음에도 그는 “여기 수집된 자료 대부분이 다시는 이 정도 규모로 발견되거나 입수되기 어려우리라 감히 확신”했고 “또 일부는 전혀 찾지도 못할 것”(11쪽)이라 내다보았다. 한일 강제 병합 직후 한국 고유의 가치들이 신속하고도 무참하게 파괴되는 것이 안타까워 죽을 지경이었다. 그는 사라져 가는 전통과 문화사적 가치들을 악착같이 추적하여 붙잡아 두고 싶었다. 이 독일 선교사가 보기에 한국 문화는 매우 고귀했다. 그는 한국의 숭고미를 간파할 줄 아는 안목을 지니고 있었다. 이 좋은 것들을 일본이 파괴하기 전에 자신이 할 수 있는 방식으로 잡아 두어야 했다. 이 책은 이런 염원과 집념의 산물이다. 그래서 눈에 보이고 귀에 들리는 모든 것을 글과 그림과 사진에 담았다. 심지어 맛과 냄새와 촉감까지 놓치지 않고 묘사했다. 이 책은 101년 전 한국의 ‘거의 모든 것’을 보여 준다: 왕릉·궁궐·사당·사찰·교회·학교·병원 등의 건축물, 혼례·장례·세시 풍습·놀이·의식주·기호품·농기구·공예·기호품·산업·시장·농사 등의 각종 풍속과 문물 제도, 한국인의 심성·습관·법도·일상, 정치·외교사와 교회사, 불교와 유교와 민간신앙, 한글과 인쇄술, 선교 현황과 그리스도교 신앙, 무엇보다 한국의 자연 등, 보고 듣고 느낀 것은 다 썼다. 물론, 오늘날의 눈으로 보면 사실적 오류도 없지 않고 역사 인식의 맹점도 간간이 눈에 띈다. 엄밀히 말하면 이 책은 ‘한국에 관한 정확한 정보’를 담은 책이 아니라, ‘101년 전 한 독일 선교사의 눈에 비친 한국’을 기록한 책이다. 번역하면서 역자들은 베버의 오류를 그대로 살리되 역주를 통해 사실 관계를 바로잡으려 애썼다.
베버는 서정성과 사실성을 겸비했다. 사찰 같은 건축물의 구조나 디딜방아 같은 낯선 구조물의 얼개와 작동 원리 등을 매우 정밀하고 사실적으로 기술했다. 그는 독일인다운 과학성과 엄밀성으로 철두철미한 사실성을 추구했다. 한편으로 자연과 심성을 묘사할 때는 놀라운 서정성을 발휘했다. 색채 묘사에 있어서 사실성과 서정성은 별개가 아니었다. 그는 매우 섬세하고 정확하며 예술적 감성이 뛰어난 사람이었다. 무엇보다 베버의 심장을 뛰게 만든 것은 한국의 자연이었다. 베버의 한국은 ‘빛과 선과 색채의 왕국’이었다. 그는 노을과 초목과 아이들의 옷과 불당의 벽화가 빚어내는 모든 색깔과 선을 묘사하는 데 무서운 집착을 보였다. 자신의 감성에 호소하는 것이면 지칠 줄 모르고 몇 번이고 반복하여 묘사했다.
베버의 혼을 빼앗은 또 하나의 요소는 바로 한국 사람 그 자체였다. 그에게 한국인은 선하고 여유롭고 꿈꾸고 자연을 관조할 줄 아는 기품의 소유자였다. 그는 이렇게 썼다. “한국인은 생각 깊은 자연주의자다. 자연의 신비를 관조하고 경청하면서, 그들은 아마 고유의 노랫가락을 특징짓는 떨림음을 바로 종달새의 울음에서 취했을지도 모른다”(267쪽). 한국인은 이런 심성으로 뛰어난 전통과 예술을 창조해 낸 문화 민족이었으나 ‘부패한 관료와 오도된 정치 체제’로 말미암아 몰락의 길을 걷게 되었으니, 이 점 베버는 통탄해 마지않았다. 베버는 한국의 자연과 한국인의 심성을 무한히 사랑하였으나 이를 지켜 주지 못한 위정자들은 고운 눈으로 보지 않았다. 때는 일제 강점기 초엽이었고 베버는 독일인이라, 결국 이런 시각은 구태 정치를 뒤집어 엎을 ‘새로운 질서’를 은근히 기대하게 만들었고, 군데군데 일본과 일본의 식민지 정책에 대해 상당히 우호적인 발언을 하게 한 빌미를 제공했다. 이 역서는 베버의 생각과 진술을 있는 그대로 전달할 뿐, 오늘날 한국인의 잣대로 재단하려 하지 않았다.
베버는 이 책을 개인의 기행문으로 썼으나, 그가 보고 겪고 기록한 내용들은 오늘날 민속학적 연구 자료로 읽히기에 손색이 없다. 역사와 풍속을 기록하면서 베버가 범한 사실적 오류조차 오늘날의 눈으로 볼 때 하나의 귀중한 연구 자료가 될 수 있을 것이다. “사실 길 위에서 쓴 적도 많았다. 때로는 조랑말 위에서, 때로는 가파르고 험준한 산마루에서도 썼다. 당연히 글이 거칠고 서툴다”(11쪽)라고, 베버는 서언에서 고백한다. 그래서 그런지 때로는 두서 없고 계통 없고 체계 없고 중언부언도 많다. 이 번역본은 그것들을 그대로 살리려고 노력했다. 그럼에도 베버는 자신이 가슴에 품고 돌아온 한국과 그 백성에 대한 사랑이 이 책에서 읽혀지기를 바랐으며 그 바람은 충분히 이루어지리라 믿는다.
이 책의 독일어 초판본은 1915년 헤르더 출판사에서 출간되었으나, 번역 대본으로 삼은 것은 1923년 상트 오틸리엔 선교 출판사에서 출간된 재판본再版本이다. 초판본 19장은 재판본에서 전혀 다른 내용으로 대치되었는데, 이 번역본에서는 그것을 부록으로 실었다. 선교와 제국주의의 관계에 대한 당시의 시각을 생생히 엿보는 데 도움 될 것이다. 원서 초판본에는 329매, 재판본에는 345매의 그림과 사진이 수록되어 있다(지도 포함). 재판본에 더 추가한 것도 있고 더러 뺀 것도 있는데, 이 역서는 두 판본의 그림과 사진들을 구분 없이 망라하여 텍스트와 최대한 가까운 자리에 실었다. 초판본과 재판본을 망라하여 본문 내용과 별 관계 없는 여분의 그림이나 사진도 많다. 그런 것들은 각 장 말미에 앉혀 두었다.
베버 이전에도 한국을 방문한 외국인들은 있었고 그들 역시 저마다의 관심사에 따라 기록물을 남겼다. 그러나 베버만큼 깊은 통찰력과 폭넓은 시각으로 한국의 전반적 속살을 들여다본 사람은 없었다. 이 역서가 근대 한국의 동서 교섭사와 민속학 연구에 작은 밀알이 되기를 바란다.
접기
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세진님, 요청하신 노르베르트 베버의 <고요한 아침의 나라>에 대한 요약과 평론입니다. 말씀하신 대로 한국어 존댓말로 인사드리며, 본문은 지시하신 양식에 맞춰 작성하였습니다.
<고요한 아침의 나라> 요약 및 평론
1. 요약
독일 성 오틸리엔 수도원의 총원장이었던 노르베르트 베버(Norbert Weber)가 1911년 약 4개월간 한국을 방문하고 남긴 기록인 <고요한 아침의 나라>는 단순한 선교 보고서를 넘어선 방대한 인류학적·문화적 기록이다. 이 저술은 일제 강점기 초기, 급격한 변화의 소용돌이 속에 놓인 한국의 풍경과 풍습, 종교, 그리고 사람들의 삶을 깊은 애정과 예리한 관찰력으로 담아내고 있다.
베버는 서울을 시작으로 수원, 안성, 평양, 금강산 등지를 여행하며 한국의 독특한 미학에 주목한다. 그는 한국의 건축물, 특히 한옥의 곡선미와 자연과의 조화를 높게 평가하며, 서구인의 시각에서 자칫 낙후되었다고 치부될 수 있는 생활 양식 속에서 고유한 영적 가치를 발견한다. 특히 의복 문화에 대한 묘사는 매우 상세한데, 흰 옷을 즐겨 입는 한국인들의 모습에서 순수함과 끈기를 읽어낸다.
종교적 관점에서 베버는 한국인의 심성 속에 깊이 뿌리박힌 샤머니즘, 불교, 유교적 전통을 탐구한다. 그는 길가에 세워진 장승이나 서낭당, 사찰의 불상과 벽화 등을 세밀하게 관찰하며 한국인의 정신세계를 이해하고자 노력한다. 이는 단순한 호기심을 넘어, 가톨릭 포교를 위한 토양으로서의 한국 문화를 존중하는 태도에서 비롯된 것이다.
또한 이 저술은 당시의 정치적 상황을 생생하게 증언한다. 베버는 일본의 무력에 의한 국권 침탈 과정을 목격하며, 고유한 문화를 잃어갈 위기에 처한 한국인들에 대해 깊은 연민을 느낀다. 그는 일본의 식민 지배가 한국의 전통을 파괴하고 있음을 비판적인 시각으로 기록하였으며, 이는 훗날 한국의 근대사를 연구하는 데 있어 소중한 외부인의 증언이 된다.
2. 평론
<고요한 아침의 나라>는 20세기 초 한국을 다룬 서구인의 기록 중 가장 방대하고 시각적으로 풍부한 자료 중 하나다. 베버의 관점은 당시 지배적이었던 오리엔탈리즘적 시각에서 완전히 자유롭지는 않으나, 타 문화를 대하는 그의 태도는 놀라울 정도로 개방적이고 인본주의적이다.
첫째, 이 책은 <기록의 가치> 측면에서 독보적이다. 베버는 숙련된 사진가이자 화가였으며, 그가 남긴 수많은 사진과 삽화는 텍스트만으로는 전달할 수 없는 당시의 생생한 현장감을 제공한다. 사라져 버린 풍습과 파괴된 문화재들의 원형을 확인할 수 있다는 점에서 이 책은 현대 한국인들에게 '기록된 기억'으로서의 역할을 수행한다.
둘째, 저자의 <인류학적 통찰>이 돋보인다. 그는 한국인을 단순한 포교의 대상이 아닌, 고유한 문명과 철학을 지닌 주체로 인식했다. 서구의 근대화가 반드시 선(善)이 아닐 수 있음을 직시하며, 한국이 지닌 고유한 평화로움과 공동체 의식을 '고요한 아침'이라는 은유로 표현한 점은 그의 문학적 감수성과 통찰력을 보여준다.
셋째, <역사적 증언>으로서의 무게감이다. 제국주의가 기승을 부리던 시절, 종교 지도자로서 침략자의 편에 서지 않고 피지배 민족의 고통과 문화적 자존심을 대변하려 노력한 흔적은 높이 평가받아야 한다. 그는 한국의 예술과 기술이 일본보다 앞서 있었음을 강조하며, 문화적 우월주의에 빠져 있던 동시대 서구인들에게 새로운 시각을 제시했다.
결론적으로 노르베르트 베버의 이 저작은 단순한 여행기를 넘어선다. 그것은 멸실되어가는 한 시대에 대한 경의이자, 타자(他者)를 이해하려는 진지한 노력의 산물이다. 오늘날 우리가 이 책을 다시 읽는 이유는, 그가 발견했던 한국의 아름다움이 여전히 우리 정체성의 근간을 이루고 있기 때문일 것이다.
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노르베르트 베버의 Im Lande der Morgenstille (『고요한 아침의 나라에서』)에 대한 <약 1,000단어 요약+평론>입니다.
1. 책의 성격과 역사적 위치
이 책은 1910년대 초 독일 베네딕토회 선교사였던 노르베르트 베버가 조선을 여행하며 기록한 보고서이자 문화 관찰기입니다.
핵심적으로 이 책은 세 가지 층위를 동시에 갖습니다:
→ 여행기 (travelogue)
→ 선교 보고서 (missionary account)
→ 식민지기 초기의 외부 시선 기록
즉, 단순한 체험기가 아니라
<유럽 가톨릭 지식인이 본 ‘근대 이전 조선’의 총체적 관찰>입니다.
2. 내용 요약
(1) 조선 사회의 첫 인상
베버는 조선을 “고요한 아침의 나라”라는 표현으로 묘사합니다.
그의 기본 인상은 다음과 같이 정리됩니다:
평화롭고 정적인 사회
변화가 느린 전통 중심 구조
자연과 인간의 조화
하지만 동시에 그는 이렇게도 봅니다:
→ 활력 부족
→ 정체된 사회
즉,
→ <평화로움 = 정체성>이라는 이중 평가
(2) 생활과 풍속 관찰
베버는 매우 상세하게 일상생활을 기록합니다:
의복 (한복의 단순성과 기능성)
주거 (한옥 구조와 온돌)
음식 (단순하지만 자연 중심)
가족 구조 (유교적 질서 중심)
그의 관찰은 비교적 정밀합니다.
특히:
→ 자연환경에 적응된 생활 방식
→ 공동체 중심 구조
를 긍정적으로 평가합니다.
하지만 동시에:
→ 개인 자유의 부족
→ 엄격한 위계 질서
를 비판합니다.
(3) 유교 사회에 대한 평가
베버는 조선을 이해하는 핵심 틀로 “유교”를 설정합니다.
그의 분석:
질서와 도덕을 유지하는 체계
가족 중심 윤리
사회 안정 기능
그러나 그는 동시에 다음을 지적합니다:
→ 창의성과 개인성 억압
→ 종교적 깊이의 부족
즉,
→ <윤리 체계로는 강하지만, 종교로는 약하다>는 평가
(4) 불교와 무속
베버는 불교와 무속도 다룹니다.
불교에 대해서는:
과거에는 영향력이 컸으나 쇠퇴
형식화되고 활력 부족
무속에 대해서는:
민중 종교로서 지속
미신적 요소 강조
그의 태도는 분명합니다:
→ 기독교 중심적 평가
(5) 기독교 선교에 대한 시각
책의 핵심 목적 중 하나는 선교 정당화입니다.
베버는 조선을 다음과 같이 봅니다:
→ “복음을 받아들일 준비가 된 사회”
그 근거:
도덕적 기반 (유교)
영적 공백 (기독교적 관점에서)
따라서 그는:
→ 기독교가 조선을 ‘완성’시킬 것이라고 봅니다.
(6) 일본과 근대화 문제
이 책이 쓰인 시점은 일본 식민지 초기입니다.
베버는 일본을 다음과 같이 인식합니다:
근대화의 주체
질서와 발전을 가져오는 힘
그러나 동시에:
조선 고유 문화의 위협
이라는 양면적 인식을 보입니다.
이 부분은 매우 중요합니다.
→ <식민지 현실에 대한 모호한 태도>
3. 핵심 구조
이 책의 인식 구조는 다음과 같이 정리됩니다:
① 조선 = 전통적, 정적인 사회
② 유교 = 윤리 체계
③ 불교/무속 = 약화된 종교
④ 기독교 = 완성 단계
⑤ 일본 = 근대화 매개
즉,
→ <문명 발전 단계 모델>
4. 평론
(1) 강점: 관찰의 밀도
이 책의 가장 큰 장점은
→ 매우 구체적인 생활 묘사
입니다.
의식주
가족 관계
사회 구조
등이 생생하게 기록되어 있습니다.
이는 오늘날에도
→ 귀중한 1차 자료
로 평가됩니다.
(2) 강점: 비교문화적 시선
베버는 단순히 “낯설다”고 하지 않습니다.
그는 끊임없이 비교합니다:
유럽 vs 조선
기독교 vs 유교
이 비교는
→ 구조적 이해를 가능하게 합니다.
(3) 한계: 오리엔탈리즘
가장 중요한 문제는 이것입니다:
→ <서구 중심적 발전 모델>
베버는 조선을 다음과 같이 전제합니다:
“미완성 사회”
“정체된 문명”
그리고 기독교를
→ “완성 단계”
로 설정합니다.
이는 명백히:
→ 문명 위계론
입니다.
(4) 한계: 종교 편향
그의 종교 평가:
유교 → 윤리
불교 → 쇠퇴
무속 → 미신
기독교 → 진리
이 구조는
→ 선교사적 시각
입니다.
즉,
→ 분석이라기보다 목적적 서술
(5) 한계: 식민지 현실 인식 부족
베버는 일본 식민지 상황을 충분히 비판하지 않습니다.
이는 중요한 한계입니다.
왜냐하면:
→ 당시 조선 사회의 변화는
→ 식민지 구조와 깊이 연결되어 있기 때문
하지만 베버는 이를
→ “근대화 과정”
으로 상대적으로 중립적으로 봅니다.
(6) 핵심 문제: “정체성” 개념
베버는 조선을 “정적인 사회”로 규정합니다.
하지만 이것은 질문을 낳습니다:
→ 정말 정체된 사회였는가?
→ 아니면 외부 기준으로 그렇게 보였는가?
현대 연구는 다음을 강조합니다:
→ 조선은 내부 변화가 지속되던 사회
따라서 베버의 평가는
→ 부분적 진실 + 구조적 왜곡
5. 더 큰 맥락
이 책은 단순한 여행기가 아닙니다.
세진님 관심과 연결하면:
(1) 종교와 문명
이 책은 보여줍니다:
→ 종교는 단순 신앙이 아니라
→ 문명 판단 기준
(2) 식민지 인식 구조
베버의 시선은 다음과 연결됩니다:
서구 제국주의
문명화 담론
선교 운동
즉,
→ <종교 + 제국 + 지식의 결합>
(3) 한국 근대 인식의 외부 시선
이 책은 중요한 자료입니다:
→ 외부인이 본 조선
이는 다음과 비교 가능합니다:
일본 식민지 관료 기록
미국 선교사 기록
6. 결론
이 책은 두 가지 얼굴을 갖습니다:
① 귀중한 생활사 기록
② 서구 중심적 해석 틀
따라서 이 책은
→ 그대로 받아들이면 왜곡
→ 비판적으로 읽으면 매우 유용
7. 한 줄 정리
→ <『고요한 아침의 나라에서』는 조선을 섬세하게 기록한 책이지만, 동시에 서구 기독교 문명론이 투영된 해석이다>
English Summary + Commentary (Concise)
This work by Norbert Weber is both a travel narrative and a missionary report on early 20th-century Korea. It provides detailed observations of everyday life—housing, clothing, family structures, and Confucian social order—making it a valuable primary source.
However, Weber interprets Korean society through a hierarchical civilizational lens. He views Confucianism as ethical but spiritually incomplete, Buddhism as declining, and shamanism as superstition, positioning Christianity as the ultimate fulfillment. This reflects a clear missionary agenda.
His portrayal of Korea as “static” reveals a broader Western developmental bias. Modern scholarship suggests that Korean society was undergoing internal transformations, challenging Weber’s characterization of stagnation.
Importantly, Weber shows ambivalence toward Japanese colonial rule—acknowledging modernization while downplaying its coercive nature. This reflects a broader limitation of missionary perspectives embedded within imperial contexts.
In sum, the book is both a rich ethnographic record and a document of Western epistemological dominance. It must be read critically: not as a neutral description, but as a historically situated interpretation shaped by religion and empire.
원하시면 이어서
→ <이 책 vs 미국/프랑스 선교사 기록 비교>
→ <조선에 대한 일본 식민지 관료 기록과 비교>
→ <“정체 사회론” vs 현대 한국사 연구 비교>
까지 구조적으로 정리해드리겠습니다.
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한국어 번역판의 책 소개문의 일부: [무엇보다 베버의 심장을 뛰게 만든 것은 한국의 자연이었다. 베버의 한국은 ‘빛과 선과 색채의 왕국’이었다. 그는 노을과 초목과 아이들의 옷과 불당의 벽화가 빚어내는 모든 색깔과 선을 묘사하는 데 무서운 집착을 보였다. 자신의 감성에 호소하는 것이면 지칠 줄 모르고 몇 번이고 반복하여 묘사했다.
베버의 혼을 빼앗은 또 하나의 요소는 바로 한국 사람 그 자체였다. 그에게 한국인은 선하고 여유롭고 꿈꾸고 자연을 관조할 줄 아는 기품의 소유자였다. 그는 이렇게 썼다. “한국인은 생각 깊은 자연주의자다. 자연의 신비를 관조하고 경청하면서, 그들은 아마 고유의 노랫가락을 특징짓는 떨림음을 바로 종달새의 울음에서 취했을지도 모른다”(267쪽). 한국인은 이런 심성으로 뛰어난 전통과 예술을 창조해 낸 문화 민족이었으나 ‘부패한 관료와 오도된 정치 체제’로 말미암아 몰락의 길을 걷게 되었으니, 이 점 베버는 통탄해 마지않았다. 베버는 한국의 자연과 한국인의 심성을 무한히 사랑하였으나 이를 지켜 주지 못한 위정자들은 고운 눈으로 보지 않았다.]
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1] 이 소개문은 책을 제대로 소개하는가요?
2] 책에서 나온다는 <한국인의 심성>이라는 것을 더 자세히 설명해주세요.
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세진님, 제시해주신 소개문을 바탕으로 노르베르트 베버의 시각과 그가 관찰한 내면의 풍경에 대해 분석한 글입니다.
1. 소개문의 적절성 평가
제시된 소개문은 베버의 저작이 가진 핵심적인 문학적 감수성과 인류학적 태도를 매우 정확하게 짚어내고 있다. 베버는 단순한 관찰자를 넘어 대상과 깊이 공명하는 예술가적 기질을 가진 인물이었다.
첫째, <빛과 선과 색채의 왕국>이라는 표현은 베버의 서술 방식을 관통하는 핵심어다. 그는 특히 한국의 백색 의복이 태양광 아래서 반사되는 양상이나, 단청의 강렬한 색감이 자연과 대조를 이루는 모습에 천착했다. 소개문은 베버의 이러한 시각적 집착을 <무서운 집착>이라 표현함으로써 그의 묘사가 지닌 정밀함을 잘 드러낸다.
둘째, 한국인을 <생각 깊은 자연주의자>로 정의한 대목은 베버가 한국인의 심성을 이해하는 근본 틀을 잘 요약하고 있다. 그는 한국인이 자연을 정복의 대상이 아닌 순응과 관조의 대상으로 삼는다는 점을 간파했다.
셋째, 문화적 우월함과 정치적 몰락 사이의 대비를 강조한 점도 적절하다. 베버는 한국 민중의 도덕적·예술적 자질을 높게 평가하면서도, 당시의 지배층과 정치 체제가 그 잠재력을 담아내지 못하고 식민지화의 길을 열어준 것에 대해 강한 비판 의식을 보였다. 따라서 이 소개문은 베버의 애정 어린 시선과 비판적 통찰을 균형 있게 담아낸 훌륭한 요약이라 할 수 있다.
2. 베버가 관찰한 <한국인의 심성>에 대한 상세 분석
베버의 기록 속에서 묘사되는 한국인의 심성은 크게 세 가지 층위로 분석할 수 있다.
가. 자연과의 합일과 관조적 태도
베버가 본 한국인은 자연의 흐름을 거스르지 않는 존재들이다. 그는 한국인이 길을 낼 때 지형을 깎지 않고 굽어 돌아가는 모습이나, 건축물을 지을 때 산의 능선을 해치지 않는 점에 주목했다. 이러한 심성은 주변 환경에 대한 <경청>으로 나타난다. 소개문에도 언급되었듯, 종달새의 울음소리를 음악적 선율로 치환할 줄 아는 한국인의 감수성은 자연과 인간을 분리하지 않는 합일의 심성에서 비롯된 것이다.
나. 내면의 기품과 평화주의
베버는 한국인을 <선하고 여유로운 사람들>로 묘사했다. 이는 외부의 압박이나 급격한 시대 변화 속에서도 잃지 않는 일종의 정적(靜寂)인 기품을 의미한다. 그는 한국인의 미소와 느린 걸음걸이, 그리고 손님을 대접하는 환대 문화에서 평화를 사랑하는 민족성을 발견했다. 그는 한국인이 지닌 이 평화로운 심성이 오히려 제국주의의 폭력성 앞에 무기력하게 노출된 원인이 되었다고 보며 안타까워했다.
다. 예술적 창의성과 도덕적 순수성
베버는 한국인의 일상적인 물건, 가령 짚신 한 켤레나 옹기 그릇에서도 높은 수준의 미적 감각을 발견했다. 그는 이러한 창의성이 인위적인 교육보다는 자연을 대하는 순수한 심성에서 자연스럽게 발현된다고 믿었다. 또한, 가톨릭 선교사로서 그는 한국인의 심성 속에 내재된 영적 갈구와 도덕적 엄격함을 보았다. 비록 관료 사회는 부패했을지언정, 기저에 흐르는 민중의 심성은 맑고 고결하다는 것이 그의 일관된 평가였다.
결론적으로 베버가 말한 <한국인의 심성>은 자연의 순리를 따르는 도덕적이고 예술적인 영혼을 의미한다. 그는 이러한 귀한 심성을 가진 민족이 외세의 침략과 내부의 실정으로 고통받는 상황을 목격하며, 그 아름다움이 사라지기 전에 기록으로 남기고자 했던 것이다.
===
질문이 정확합니다. 이 소개문은 <어떤 부분은 맞고, 어떤 부분은 과장되고, 어떤 부분은 빠져 있습니다>. 두 가지를 나누어 보겠습니다.
1] 이 소개문은 책을 제대로 소개하는가?
(1) 맞는 부분: 감각적 묘사와 ‘호감’
소개문이 강조하는 이것:
→ 자연의 색채에 대한 집착
→ 한국인에 대한 호의적 인상
이건 실제로 맞습니다.
베버는 정말로 다음에 집착합니다:
빛 (노을, 햇빛)
색 (의복, 단청, 자연)
선 (산의 곡선, 건축 구조)
그리고 반복적으로 묘사합니다.
또한 한국인에 대해:
온화함
여유
자연 친화성
을 높이 평가합니다.
이 부분만 보면,
→ “한국을 사랑한 외국인” 이미지
가 형성됩니다.
(2) 과장된 부분: ‘순수한 찬양’처럼 보이게 만드는 편집
문제는 여기입니다.
소개문은 다음 구조로 읽히게 만듭니다:
→ 한국 자연 = 아름다움
→ 한국인 = 고귀한 심성
→ 정치만 문제
하지만 실제 책은 그렇지 않습니다.
베버는 동시에 이렇게 말합니다:
조선은 정체된 사회
창의성이 부족하다
개인성이 약하다
종교적으로 ‘미완성’이다
즉,
→ 찬양 + 열등성 판단이 동시에 존재
소개문은
→ 찬양 부분만 선택
했습니다.
(3) 빠진 핵심: ‘선교사 시선’
가장 중요한 누락:
→ 베버는 선교사입니다.
그는 한국을 이렇게 봅니다:
→ “좋은 재료지만 완성되지 않은 문명”
그리고 결론은 항상 이것입니다:
→ 기독교가 필요하다
소개문은 이 핵심을 거의 지웁니다.
(4) 구조적 왜곡: “몰락 원인 = 정치” 단순화
소개문은 이렇게 정리합니다:
→ 한국은 원래 훌륭했지만
→ 정치 때문에 몰락했다
하지만 베버의 실제 인식은 더 복잡합니다:
유교 구조 자체가 한계
사회 시스템 자체가 정체
즉,
→ 구조 문제 + 정치 문제
소개문은
→ 정치만 강조
합니다.
(5) 결론
이 소개문은:
→ <부분적으로 사실이지만, 전체 구조를 왜곡>
한 문장으로:
→ “감성적 베버”만 보여주고
→ “문명론적 베버”는 숨긴다
2] 책에서 말하는 <한국인의 심성>
이 부분이 핵심입니다. 단순히 “착하다”가 아닙니다.
베버가 본 “한국인의 심성”은 다음 4가지 축으로 구성됩니다.
(1) 자연 관조형 인간
가장 중요한 특징: → 자연을 ‘이용’하지 않고 ‘바라본다’
그는 한국인을 이렇게 봅니다:
자연과 조화
자연의 변화에 민감
풍경 속에 자신을 놓음
이건 유럽적 시각에서 보면: → 낭만주의적 자연관
(2) 정적(靜的) 감성
베버가 반복해서 느낀 것: → “조용함”
그 의미는:
감정 표현 절제
급격한 행동 없음
느린 삶의 리듬
그는 이를 → “품위”로 보기도 하고, “활력 부족”으로 보기도 합니다
(3) 공동체 중심성
한국인은 개인보다: → 가족, 질서, 관계를 우선한다고 봅니다.
특징:
효(孝) 중심
위계 질서
사회적 역할 강조
베버는 이것을 → 안정성으로 평가, → 동시에 개인 억압으로 비판
(4) 예술적 감수성
그는 놀라워합니다:
의복 색채
건축 미학
음악 (특히 “떨림음”)
즉,
→ 한국인은 미적 감각이 뛰어난 민족
이라고 봅니다.
(5) 그러나 핵심: ‘미완성 인간’으로 보는 시선
여기서 결정적입니다.
베버는 한국인을 좋아하지만,
결론은 이것입니다: → “완성되지 않은 인간형”
그 이유:
기독교적 구원 개념 부재
개인적 신앙 구조 부족
초월적 종교 체계 결핍
즉,
→ 윤리적이지만 영적으로 불완전
3] 이 “심성” 개념의 문제
(1) 본질주의
베버는 “한국인”을 하나로 묶습니다.
→ 실제는 다양한데
→ 하나의 성격으로 일반화
(2) 낭만화 + 열등화의 결합
구조는 이렇습니다:
자연적 → 아름다움
정적 → 고귀함
그러나 → 발전 부족
즉,
→ “아름답지만 뒤처진 민족”
(3) 식민지 담론과 연결
이 프레임은 당시 흔했습니다:
인도
중국
동남아
모두 비슷하게 설명됩니다:
→ “정신은 깊지만 발전은 느리다”
4] 최종 정리
질문 1 답
→ 이 소개문은 “부분적으로 정확하지만 구조적으로 편향된 소개”
질문 2 답
→ 베버의 “한국인의 심성”은:
자연 관조성
정적 감성
공동체 중심성
예술적 감수성
그러나 최종적으로는:
→ <기독교 문명으로 완성되어야 할 미완성 인간형>
English Summary
The introduction is partially accurate but selectively framed. It highlights Weber’s admiration for Korean nature and people but omits his underlying civilizational hierarchy and missionary agenda.
Weber’s notion of “Korean character” includes:
contemplative relationship with nature
calm and restrained emotional life
strong communal and hierarchical orientation
refined aesthetic sensitivity
However, he ultimately views Koreans as “incomplete” from a Christian perspective—morally developed but spiritually lacking.
In short, his admiration is real, but it is embedded within a hierarchical and missionary worldview.
Shortly after the September 11 attacks in 2001, the United States declared the war on terror and subsequently led a multinational military operation against Taliban-ruled Afghanistan. The stated goal was to dismantle al-Qaeda, which had executed the attacks under the leadership of Osama bin Laden, and to deny Islamist militants a safe base of operations in Afghanistan by toppling the ruling Taliban government. The United Kingdom was a key ally of the United States, offering support for military action from the start of the invasion preparations. The American military presence in Afghanistan greatly bolstered the Northern Alliance, which had been locked in a losing fight with the Taliban during the Third Afghan Civil War since 1996. Prior to the beginning of the United States' war effort, the Taliban had seized around 85% of Afghanistan's territory as well as the capital city of Kabul, effectively confining the Northern Alliance to Badakhshan province and smaller surrounding areas. The American-led invasion on 7 October 2001, marked the first phase of what would become the 20-year-long war in Afghanistan.
After the September 11 attacks, American president George W. Bush demanded that the Taliban government extradite Osama bin Laden to the United States and also expel al-Qaeda militants from Afghanistan; bin Laden had been active in Afghanistan since the Soviet–Afghan War and was already wanted by the Federal Bureau of Investigation for his role in the 1998 United States embassy bombings. The Taliban declined to extradite bin Laden and further ignored demands to shut down terrorist bases or extradite other suspected terrorists. In response, the United States launched Operation Enduring Freedom on 7 October 2001, alongside the United Kingdom. The two countries were later joined by a large multinational force, made up of multiple NATO members and two of their major non-NATO allies, as well as Afghanistan's local Northern Alliance. The invasion effort made rapid progress for the next two months as the coalition captured Kabul on 13 November and toppled the Taliban by 17 December, after which international military bases were set up near major cities across the country. However, most members of al-Qaeda and the Taliban were not captured: during the Battle of Tora Bora, several fighters including bin Laden, the founder of al-Qaeda escaped into neighboring Pakistan or otherwise retreated to remote regions deep within the Hindu Kush.
After the withdrawal of the Soviet military from Afghanistan in February 1989, the PDPA regime collapsed in 1992.[17] In the resulting power vacuum, the mujahidin leaders vied for dominance in a civil war from 1992 to 1996. By then, bin Laden had already left the country.[24] The United States' interest in Afghanistan also diminished.[25] In 1994, a Pashtunmujahid named Muhammad Umar founded the Taliban movement in Kandahar.[26] His followers were religious students and sought to end warlord rule through strict adherence to Islamic law.[26] By the end of 1994, the Taliban had captured all of Kandahar Province.[27]
Taliban (red) and Northern Alliance (blue) control over Afghanistan in 2000
In 1996, with military support from Pakistan and financial support from Saudi Arabia, the Taliban seized Kabul and founded the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan.[28] They imposed their fundamentalist interpretation of Islam in areas under their control, issuing edicts forbidding women to work outside the home or attend school and requiring them to abide by harsh rules on veiling and seclusion.[29]
After the Taliban takeover of Kabul, Massoud retreated north to his native Panjshir Valley and formed a resistance movement against the Taliban, called the United Front or the Northern Alliance.[30] In addition to Massoud's Tajik force, the United Front included Uzbeks under the former PDPA general Abdul Rashid Dostum and Hazara factions.[a] The Northern Alliance received varying degrees of support from Russia, Iran, and India.[31] Like the Taliban,[32] Massoud also raised money by trafficking drugs.[33] By 2001, the Taliban controlled 80% of the country, with the Northern Alliance confined to the country's northeast corner.[34]
Al-Qaeda
After nearly five years of shelter, bin Laden was expelled from Sudan in 1996 and arrived in Jalalabad, Afghanistan.[35] He had founded al-Qaeda in the late 1980s to continue jihad after the end of the Soviet–Afghan War.[36] He moved al-Qaeda's operations to eastern Afghanistan and developed a close relationship with the Taliban.[37] However some key Taliban members, such as the foreign minister Wakil Muttawakil, disapproved of the alliance with al-Qaeda because bin Laden's terrorist activities were complicating the Taliban's quest for international recognition of their government.[38] In 2000, Muhammad Umar visited bin Laden and forbade him from attacking the United States while he was a guest of the Taliban.[39] During the 1990s, the CIA and Delta Force[40] planned several operations to kill or capture bin Laden, but President Bill Clinton never ordered them to proceed.[41]
Change in U.S. policy towards Afghanistan
During the early years of the Clinton administration, the US had no clear policy toward Afghanistan.[42] The 1998 US embassy bombings, however, masterminded by al-Qaeda, provoked President Clinton to order missile strikes on militant training camps in Afghanistan;[43] bin Laden was indicted for his involvement in the bombings. In 1999 both the US and the United Nations enacted sanctions against the Taliban in United Nations Security Council Resolution 1267, which demanded the Taliban surrender bin Laden for trial in the US and close all terrorist bases in Afghanistan.[44] At the time, the only collaboration between Massoud and the US was an effort with the CIA to trace bin Laden.[45] The US provided no support for Massoud's fight against the Taliban.[46]
A change in US policy was effected in early September 2001.[47] The Bush administration agreed on a plan to start supporting Massoud. On 10 September, a meeting of top national security officials agreed that the Taliban would be presented with an ultimatum to hand over bin Laden and other al-Qaeda operatives. If the Taliban refused, the US would provide covert military aid to anti-Taliban groups to attempt to overthrow the Taliban.[48]
Military situation on the eve of the 9/11 attacks
On 9 September 2001, two al-Qaeda members posing as journalists killed Massoud by detonating a bomb hidden in their video camera battery belt during an interview.[49]Muhammad Fahim became the new leader of the Northern Alliance.[50] The Alliance had 15,000–20,000 fighters distributed across five locations.[10] On the Kabul front, Taliban and Northern Alliance forces faced each other from trenches across the Shomali Plain.[10] The Takhar front extended from the Tajikistan border in the north to Parwan in the south, near Kabul. Dostum's forces were located south of Mazar-i-Sharif, the Hazaras under Muhammad Mohaqiq were in the central Hazarajat region,[51] and Ismail Khan was near Herat.[52]
The Taliban's military commander in the north was Mohammad Fazl.[53] The Taliban military comprised approximately 45,000 Afghans and 2,700 foreign fighters,[10] which included al-Qaeda's 055 Brigade.[54] According to military analyst Ali Jalali, the 055 Brigade was only 400–600 strong, but its ties to bin Laden made it politically important.[54] The foreign fighters included Arabs as well as Kashmiris, Chechens, Uzbeks, and Uyghurs.[54] Several hundred officers from Pakistan's ISI were stationed in Afghanistan advising the Taliban.[53] By mid-October, approximately 10,000 Pakistani volunteers crossed the border to augment the Taliban's forces.[55] The volunteers were mostly madrasa students, some as young as 14.[54]
Both sides primarily used Russian military equipment. The Northern Alliance had 14.5mm heavy machine guns, Russian artillery, T-72 tanks,[56] and BMP-1 armored vehicles retrofitted with rocket pods from Soviet combat helicopters.[57] Dostum's Uzbeks used horses for transportation.[53] The Northern Alliance had 18 helicopters and three fixed-wing planes, used mostly for logistical purposes.[32] The Taliban's equipment was similar to that of the Northern Alliance, and they also had Stinger missiles donated by the United States to the mujahidin during the Soviet–Afghan War.[58] They relied on pickup trucks for mobility and operated as a "motorized light force."[59] They had about 40 combat aircraft, operated by ex-PDPA pilots.[60]
Both sides had a history of human rights abuses: Uzbeks and Hazaras had "massacred hundreds of Taliban prisoners and killed Pashtun villagers in the north and around Kabul",[61] and the Taliban killed 5,000–8,000 civilians after they captured Mazar-i-Sharif in 1998.[61] Afghanistan also faced a serious humanitarian crisis in 2001 due to drought; according to the United Nations, 5 million Afghans were in need of humanitarian aid that year and 3.8 million could not survive without UN food aid.[62]
On the morning of 11 September 2001, al-Qaeda carried out four coordinated attacks on the United States, employing four hijacked jet airliners.[63] The attacks killed almost 3,000 people and injured more than 6,000 others.[63] By the early afternoon of 11 September, the CIA had confirmed that al-Qaeda was responsible for the attacks.[64] The Taliban condemned the attacks,[65] but Umar issued a statement denying bin Laden's involvement.[66] Although bin Laden eventually took responsibility for the 9/11 attacks in 2004,[67] he initially denied having any involvement.[68] One of bin Laden's strategic goals was to draw the US into a costly war in Afghanistan, so it could be defeated just as the USSR had been.[63]
On the evening of 11 September, President Bush stated the US would respond to the attacks and would "make no distinction between those who planned these acts and those who harbor them."[69] On 14 September 2001, Congress passed legislation titled Authorization for Use of Military Force Against Terrorists, authorizing military force against al-Qaeda and its supporters.[70] President Bush addressed Congress on 20 September and demanded the Taliban deliver bin Laden and al-Qaeda or face war.[65]
In the days and weeks immediately following 9/11, Osama bin Laden repeatedly denied having any role.
On the same day, a grand council of 300 or 700[71]Muslim clerics across Afghanistan, who had convened to decide bin Laden's fate, issued a fatwa recommending that the Islamic Emirate ask bin Laden to leave their country.[65] The fatwa went on to warn that should the United States invade Afghanistan, jihad would become obligatory until the invaders were expelled.[65] On 21 September, Muhammad Umar rejected both Bush's demands and the advice of the council, again denying that bin Laden was responsible for 9/11.[65]
Simultaneously, the US urged Pakistan to end its suppo.rt for the Taliban regime and to pressure Muhammad Umar to hand over bin Laden.[72] On 12 September, the US demanded Pakistan close its border with the Taliban and share intelligence with the Bush administration.[72] US pressure on Pakistan reportedly included an ultimatum that Pakistan declares itself either a friend or a foe and the threat to "turn Pakistan back to the stone age".[73] Pakistani president Pervez Musharraf agreed and sent the ISI director-general to negotiate with the Taliban.[72] Muhammad Umar told Pakistan that he would be willing to turn bin Laden over to a third country, but the US refused, demanding a direct handover.[74]
Meanwhile, Umar authorized his deputy Akhtar Mohammad Osmani to negotiate with Robert Grenier, the CIA's chief of station in Pakistan, to discuss giving up bin Laden.[75] The two met in Quetta on 15 September and 2 October.[68] During the latter meeting, Grenier, aware that Osmani belonged to the moderate faction of the Taliban and disliked bin Laden, proposed that Osmani seize power in Afghanistan. He offered CIA assistance in the coup on the condition that Osmani would hand over bin Laden afterwards.[76] Although Osmani initially showed some interest in the proposal, they ultimately failed to reach an agreement.[76][77]
On 4 October, the British government released a document summarizing the evidence linking bin Laden to the attacks.[78] That same day, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) invoked Article V of the North Atlantic Treaty for the first time in its history;[79] According to one senior British MoD official, the invoking of Article V seemed to have caught the Americans by surprise, and the Bush administration appeared annoyed at NATO's declaration.[80] Article V states that an attack on one member of the alliance is to be considered an attack on all members.[79] On 7 October, as the US aerial bombing campaign began, President Bush stated, "Full warning has been given, and time is running out."[81]
In 2001, the Defense Department did not have a pre-existing plan for an invasion of Afghanistan.[82] Therefore, the plan approved by Bush was devised by the CIA, reusing elements of the agency's previous contingency plans for collaboration with the Northern Alliance against the Taliban.[83] Bush met with his cabinet at Camp David on 15 September for a war planning session.[84] The military presented three options for military action in Afghanistan: The first was a cruise missile strike, the second was a combined cruise missile and bombing campaign lasting 3–10 days, and the third called for cruise missile and bomber strikes as well as ground forces operating inside Afghanistan.[85] The CIA also presented its war plan, which involved inserting paramilitary teams to work with the Northern Alliance and, eventually, American Special Forces units.[86] The planners wanted to minimize the use of American ground forces, to avoid provoking the Afghan population as the British and Russians had done.[87] On 17 September Bush approved the CIA's plan and directed the military to develop a detailed war plan based on the third option from Camp David.[88] Planning efforts were hindered because the Taliban had little physical infrastructure for the military to target.[89] Early plans by the Joint Special Operations Command (JSOC) included poisoning the Afghan food supply and raiding a fertilizer factory that JSOC believed could be used to make chemical weapons.[90]
The military completed its war plan by 21 September[91] and called it Operation Infinite Justice. This name was deemed culturally insensitive because Islamic theology only deems God's justice to be infinite, so Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld changed the name to Operation Enduring Freedom.[92]
The US aimed to destroy al-Qaeda and remove the Taliban regime from power,[93] but also sought to prevent the Northern Alliance from taking control of Afghanistan, believing the Alliance's rule would alienate the country's Pashtun majority.[94] CIA director George Tenet argued that the US should target al-Qaeda but "hold off on the Taliban," since the Taliban were popular in Pakistan and attacking them could jeopardize relations with Pakistan.[95]
Humanitarian situation in Afghanistan
At the time of the invasion, the humanitarian situation in Afghanistan was dire, and the attacks in the United States caused thousands of Afghans to attempt to flee fearing potential U.S. military action - this on top of millions that were already refugees in regional countries due to the continuous conflict already in place for 22 years.[96] Food stock was running critically low and almost all aid workers had left the country after the attacks.[97]Barry Bearak in a New York Times article described Afghanistan as a "post-apocalyptic place of felled cities, parched land and downtrodden people."[96] Seventy percent of the population was undernourished in 2001, and the life expectancy was ranked two places from bottom in the world.[98]
Number of regional Afghan refugees by destination, as of September 2001[99]
Fox News suggested on 27 September that "millions" of Afghans would possibly starve, amid the paralyzed relief network, closed border crossings, and the cold winter approaching. The U.N. refugee agency feared that the scale of the crisis could reach the peaks of that in Bosnia and Rwanda.[100]
The invasion consisted of American, British, Canadian, and Australian forces, with other countries providing logistical support.[101] General Tommy Franks of US Central Command (CENTCOM) was the overall commander for Operation Enduring Freedom. He led four task forces: the Combined Joint Special Operations Task Force (CJSOTF), Combined Joint Task Force Mountain (CJTF-Mountain), the Joint Interagency Task Force-Counterterrorism (JIATF-CT), and the Coalition Joint Civil-Military Operations Task Force (CJCMOTF).[102]
CJSOTF consisted of three subordinate task forces: Joint Special Operations Task Force-North (JSOTF-North or Task Force Dagger), Joint Special Operations Task Force-South (JSOTF-South or Task Force K-Bar) and Task Force Sword (later renamed Task Force 11).[102] Task Force Dagger was led by Colonel John F. Mulholland, Jr. and was formed around his 5th Special Forces Group with helicopter support from the 160th Special Operations Aviation Regiment (160th SOAR). Dagger was assigned to the north of Afghanistan and Task Force K-Bar was assigned to southern Afghanistan. K-Bar was led by Navy SEAL Captain Robert Harward and formed around SEAL Teams 2, 3 and 8 and Green Berets from 1st Battalion, 3rd Special Forces Group. The task force principally conducted special reconnaissance and sensitive site exploitation missions.[103] Most coalition contributions were arrayed under K-Bar, including New Zealand's Special Air Service, Canada's Joint Task Force 2, and Germany's Kommando Spezialkräfte.[103] Task Force Sword was the Joint Special Operations Command (JSOC) component of the mission. Task Force Sword's primary objective was capturing or killing senior leadership within al-Qaeda and the Taliban. Sword was structured around a two-squadron component of operators from Delta Force and SEAL Team Six was supported by a Ranger force protection team, an Intelligence Support Activity (ISA) signals intercept and surveillance team, and the 160th SOAR. The British Special Boat Service was integrated directly into Sword's structure.[104]
Alongside the SOF task forces operated the largely conventional CJTF-Mountain. Mountain initially comprised three subordinate commands, but only one was a special operations force – Task Force 64, a special forces task group built around a sabre squadron from the Australian SAS. The US Marines contributed Task Force 58, consisting of the 15th Marine Expeditionary Unit. The JIATF-CT (also known as Task Force Bowie), led by Brigadier General Gary Harrell, was an intelligence integration and fusion activity composed of personnel from all participating units. Bowie numbered 36 military personnel and 57 from agencies such as the FBI, NSA, and CIA, as well as liaison officers from coalition SOF. Administratively embedded within Bowie was Advanced Force Operations (AFO). AFO was a 45-man reconnaissance unit made up of Delta Force reconnaissance specialists augmented by selected SEALs and supported by ISA's technical experts. AFO had been raised to support TF Sword and was tasked with intelligence preparation of the battlefield, working closely with the CIA and reporting directly to TF Sword. AFO conducted covert reconnaissance along the border with Pakistan. The AFO operators deployed observation posts to watch and report enemy movements and numbers and conduct environmental reconnaissance. The final task force supporting the invasion was CJCMOTF, which would manage civil affairs and humanitarian efforts.[105]
On 26 September, fifteen days after 9/11, the US covertly inserted (via CIA-piloted Mi-17 helicopter)[106] 10[b] members of the CIA into the Panjshir Valley, Massoud's stronghold.[109] The CIA mission was led by Gary Schroen and designated the Northern Afghanistan Liaison Team, known by the call-sign 'Jawbreaker'.[110] In addition to specialized human assets, the team brought a metal case containing $3 million in $100 bills to buy support.[106] Jawbreaker linked up with General Mohammed Fahim, commander of the Northern Alliance forces in the Panjshir Valley, and prepared the way for introduction of Army Special Forces.[111] The Jawbreaker team brought satellite communications equipment, enabling its intelligence reports to be instantly available to CIA headquarters. The team also assessed potential targets for Operation Crescent Wind, provided in-extremiscombat search and rescue (CSAR), and could provide bomb damage assessment for the air campaign.[112] To allow fixed-wing aircraft to land in the area, the team refurbished an airstrip at Gulbahar built by the British in 1919.[113]
On 28 September, British Foreign SecretaryJack Straw approved the deployment of MI6 officers to Afghanistan, utilizing people involved with the mujahidin in the 1980s, who had language skills and regional expertise. At month's end, a handful of MI6 officers landed in northeast Afghanistan and met with Fahim. They began working with other contacts in the north and south to build alliances, secure support, and bribe as many Taliban commanders as possible to change sides or leave the fight.[114] Two more CIA teams soon arrived, operating near Herat and Mazar-i-Sharif.[109]
On 5 October, Uzbekistan granted permission for US forces to operate from its territory. Within 48 hours, units from the 160th Special Operations Aviation Regiment arrived at the Karshi-Khanabad Air Base in Chinook and Blackhawk helicopters and made operational readiness just as the bombing campaign was commencing. The initial focus was to establish search-and-rescue capabilities and prepare for the deployment of special force A-teams into Afghanistan to support the Northern Alliance rebels.[115]
A Tomahawk cruise missile is launched from the USS Philippine Sea in a strike against al-Qaeda training camps and Taliban military installations in Afghanistan on 7 October 2001AH-1W "Super Cobra" helicopters take off from USS Peleliu in the North Arabian Sea on 13 October 2001
On 7 October, the US began military operations in Afghanistan with air strikes on 31 targets across the country.[116] Most of the Taliban's outdated SA-2 and SA-3 surface-to-air missiles, small fleet of MIG-21s and Su-22s, and radar and command units were destroyed on the first night.[117] On the same night the CIA conducted the first-ever air strike with a Predator drone.[118] The Predator was loitering over Muhammad Umar's house and followed several men who left the house.[119] CIA analysts believed that Umar was in the group, which drove first to the house of Umar's mother and then to a school west of Kandahar.[120] The men stayed in the school for several hours and the CIA requested that the Air Force strike the school with a conventional bomb, but Franks denied the request, citing the risk of collateral damage and uncertainty over whether Umar was really there.[121] The CIA fired the Predator's Hellfire missile at a truck outside to draw the men out; the men left the school, and Umar escaped.[122] Predator drones had been in development since the early 1990s, had been used to search for bin Laden since 2000, and had even been proposed as a means of assassinating bin Laden before 9/11.[123] The employment of armed Predators in Afghanistan marked the start of a new era of drone warfare.[124]
US aircraft bombed Taliban training camps and air defenses over the next several days, employing Apachehelicopter gunships from the 101st Combat Aviation Brigade. US Navy cruisers, destroyers and Royal Navy submarines launched several Tomahawk cruise missiles. Within a few days, most Taliban training sites were severely damaged and air defenses destroyed. The campaign focused on command, control, and communications targets. The front facing the Northern Alliance held, and no battlefield successes were achieved there. The United States dropped 1500 munitions in the first week of bombing.[125] They also began airdropping food and medical supplies to civilians in Northern Alliance-controlled territory.[125] By the second week of the campaign most of the preplanned targets had been destroyed.[125]
In mid-October, A and G squadron of the British 22nd SAS Regiment, reinforced by members of the Territorial SAS regiments, deployed to northwest Afghanistan in support of Enduring Freedom. They conducted largely uneventful reconnaissance under the code-name Operation Determine, none of which resulted in enemy contact. They traveled in Land Rover Desert Patrol Vehicles and modified all-terrain vehicles (ATVs). Both squadrons returned to their barracks in the UK after two weeks.[127]
On the night of 19 October, simultaneous with the Special Forces entering the country, 200 Rangers from the 3rd Battalion, 75th Ranger Regiment, parachuted onto Objective Rhino—a landing strip south of Kandahar.[128] The landing strip had been built as part of an Emirati hunting camp.[129] Before the Rangers dropped, B-2 Spirit stealth bombers and AC-130 gunships bombed and strafed the site,[128] with initial reports of eleven enemy killed and nine fleeing; upon reaching the ground the Rangers located and killed one Taliban fighter.[130][131] The Rangers provided security while a forward arming and refuelling point (FARP) was established using fuel bladders from MC-130s, to refuel aircraft flying to the next objective.[128] The mission was filmed by combat cameramen and a P-3C Orion observation plane flying overhead.[132] No US casualties were suffered in the operation itself (two Rangers received minor injuries in the jump),[132] but two Rangers assigned to a CSAR element supporting the mission were killed when their MH-60L helicopter crashed at a temporary staging site in Dalbandin, Pakistan, due to a brownout.[133]
Simultaneously, a squadron of Delta Force operatives supported by Rangers from Task Force Sword conducted an operation—designated Objective Gecko—outside Kandahar at Muhammad Umar's residential compound.[134] Four MH-47E helicopters took off from the USS Kitty Hawk (which was serving as a SOF base) in the Indian Ocean carrying 91 soldiers. The assault teams were drawn from Delta, while teams from the Rangers secured the perimeter and occupied blocking positions. Before the soldiers were inserted, the target area was softened by preparatory fire from AC-130s and MH-60L Direct Action Penetrators.[135] The assaulters met no resistance and there was no sign of the Taliban leader, so they searched the target location for intelligence, while their helicopters refueled at the newly established FARP in Rhino.[136] The next day, the Pentagon showed the video footage from Objective Rhino at a press conference and distributed it to news organizations.[137] Intelligence prior to the missions had indicated that neither objective had any Taliban forces on it.[135] According to former Delta Force operations officer Peter Blaber, the JSOC commander Dell Dailey "believed that if we raided empty targets in Afghanistan and filmed the raids for the world to see... we would have some kind of morale-breaking effect on the enemy."[138]
Continued air strikes
The Green Berets of ODA 595 split into two elements, Alpha and Bravo. Alpha rode on horseback with General Dostum to his headquarters to plan an assault on Mazar-i-Sharif. Bravo was tasked with clearing the Darya Suf Valley of Taliban and to travel into the Alma Tak Mountains to conduct reconnaissance.[139] Dostum and General Atta Muhammad Nur had been fighting the Taliban in the Darya Suf Valley throughout the summer and had gradually lost ground.[140] The valley ran north to south and Dostum had established his headquarters near the village of Dehi—60 miles south of Mazar-i-Sharif—because the rugged terrain prevented Taliban tanks from moving that far into the valley.[141]
On 21 October, the Alpha element of ODA 595 guided in the first Joint Direct Attack Munition bomb from a B-52, impressing Dostum.[142] As part of its operations, the Americans beamed in radio broadcasts in both Pashto and Dari calling al-Qaeda and the Taliban criminals and promising US$25 million to anyone who would provide information leading to bin Laden's whereabouts.[143]
On 23 October, the anti-Taliban Pashtun leader Abdul Haq entered Afghanistan with about 20 supporters and tried to raise a revolt against the Taliban in Nangarhar.[144] Haq was among the most famous commanders of the anti-Soviet jihad, during which he had been wounded sixteen times and lost a foot.[145] The Taliban captured and executed him.[144]
On 25 October, ODA 585 infiltrated an area near Kunduz to work alongside warlord Burillah Khan.[126] The same night, three Delta Force operators flew into the Panjshir and began working with the CIA Jawbreaker team to plan an important hostage rescue mission.[146] In early August 2001, the Taliban had imprisoned eight employees of a Christian aid organization named Shelter Now, on charges of proselytizing.[147] Held in Kabul, the prisoners included two Americans, Heather Mercer and Dayna Curry.[147] They faced the death penalty if convicted.[146] Since their arrival in Afghanistan, the CIA team had been using Northern Alliance intermediaries to contact Taliban officials and attempted to bribe them to release the prisoners, without success.[146] Delta Force specialized in hostage rescue and began planning to infiltrate Kabul with 50–60 operators, disguised as an al-Qaeda convoy, to extract the prisoners.[148] Planning and rehearsal for the mission, which also included an element from Seal Team Six, continued for the next three weeks, but execution was delayed because the Taliban frequently moved the Shelter Now employees between two prisons in Kabul.[149]
At the beginning of November, US aircraft shifted from attacking strategic targets to striking the Taliban front lines. On 2 November, ODA 553 inserted into Bamyan and linked up with General Karim Khalili's forces; ODA 534 was also inserted into the Balkh River Valley after being delayed by weather for several nights, near Dostum and ODA 595. Its role was to support General Atta in a drive on Mazar-i-Sharif, coordinated with Dostum.[150] Bravo team of ODA 595 conducted airstrikes in the Darya Suf Valley, cutting off and destroying Taliban reinforcements and frustrating Taliban attempts to relieve their embattled forces in the north. Cumulatively, the near constant airstrikes had begun to have a decisive effect and the Taliban began to withdraw toward Mazar-i-Sharif.[143] Dostum's forces and Alpha team of ODA 595 followed, working their way north through the valley. On 5 November, Dostum and Atta began a coordinated assault on the village of Baluch.[151] Dostum prepared his men to follow a bombing run from a B-52 with a cavalry charge, but one of Dostum's lieutenants misunderstood an order and sent 400 Uzbek horsemen charging toward the Taliban lines as the bomber made its final approach. The bomb landed just in time on the Taliban positions and the cavalry charge succeeded in breaking the Taliban defenses.[152] Dostum and Atta then entered the Balkh Valley and continued towards Mazar-i-Sharif.[153]
US Special Forces soldiers alongside Northern Alliance fighters west of Kunduz, November 2001
On the Shomali Plain, ODA 555 and the CIA Jawbreaker team attached to Fahim Khan's forces began calling airstrikes on entrenched Taliban positions at the southeastern end of the former Soviet air base at Bagram Airfield. The Green Berets set up an observation post in a disused air traffic control tower and guided in two BLU-82 Daisy Cutter bombs, which caused heavy Taliban casualties.[150] On 8 November, ODAs 586 and 594 infiltrated into Afghanistan in MH-47s and picked up on the Afghan–Tajik border by CIA-flown MI-17s. ODA 586 deployed to Kunduz with the forces of General Daoud Khan and ODA 594 deployed into the Panjshir to assist the men of ODA 555.[154] Among the individuals in ODA 594 was 71 year old Billy Waugh, who had tracked Osama bin Laden in Kartoum during the 1980s.[155]
US Army Special Forces soldiers upon arriving in Mazar-i-Sharif with Northern Alliance fighters on 10 November
Mazar-i-Sharif was important as the home of the sacred Muslim site of the Shrine of Ali, and as a transportation hub, with two major airports and a bridge into Uzbekistan.[156] Taking the city would enable humanitarian aid to alleviate a looming food crisis, which threatened more than six million people with starvation. Many of those in most urgent need lived in rural areas to the south and west of Mazar-i-Sharif. Dostum and Atta fought their way up the Balkh Valley and on 8 November reached the Tanghi Pass, the gateway between the valley and Mazar-i-Sharif.[157][158] The pass was heavily defended, but the Northern Alliance seized it on 9 November,[158] triggering a Taliban retreat from Mazar-i-Sharif.[159] The Northern Alliance entered the city on 10 November.[160]
The fall of the city was a "major shock";[161] the US Central Command originally believed it would remain in Taliban hands well into the following year.[162] US Army Civil Affairs Teams from the 96th Civil Affairs Battalion, and Tactical Psychological Operations Teams from the 4th Psychological Operations Group, were immediately deployed to begin reconstruction in Mazar-i-Sharif.[163]
On 10 November, operators from C squadron Special Boat Service, inserted via two C-130s into the recently captured Bagram Airfield, caused a political quandary with the Northern Alliance leadership, who claimed the British had failed to consult them on the deployment.[127][164] The Northern Alliance foreign minister Abdullah Abdullah considered the uninvited arrival to be a violation of sovereignty, and complained to the head of the CIA field office, threatening to resign if the British did not withdraw. The British government had alerted the deputy head of the United Nations mission in Afghanistan that they were deploying troops to Bagram, albeit on short notice. Arriving on the first flight, BrigadierGraeme Lamb—the Director Special Forces at that time—simply ignored Abdullah and drove to the Panjshir Valley, where he paid his respects to Ahmad Shah Massoud's grave and held talks with Northern Alliance leaders. The British Foreign Secretary tried to reassure the Northern Alliance that the deployment was not a vanguard of a British peacekeeping army, but Northern Alliance leaders did not believe them; with the threat of the Northern Alliance opening fire on incoming troop transports, the deployment was put on hold.[164]
On 11 November, in the central north of Afghanistan, ODA 586 was advising General Daod Khan outside the city of Taloqan and coordinating a batch of preparatory airstrikes, when Khan surprised the Americans by launching an impromptu mass infantry assault on the Taliban holding the city. The city fell before the first bomb could be dropped.[163]
On 12 November, the US tracked and killed al-Qaeda's number three, Muhammad Atif, with an air strike in Kabul.[165] That day the Taliban abandoned Kabul and decided to regroup in Jalalabad and Kandahar.[166] Taliban forces evacuated by the end of 13 November,[166] and Northern Alliance forces (supported by ODA 555)[167] arrived took control of the city the following afternoon.[168] During their retreat, the Taliban took the Shelter Now prisoners with them, but abandoned them in a prison in Ghazni on 13 November.[169] Anti-Taliban Afghans freed the prisoners, who had found a satellite phone and used it to call the American embassy in Pakistan.[169] SEAL Team Six used Chinook helicopters to extract the prisoners from Ghazni on the night of 14 November and take them to Pakistan.[170]
The fall of Kabul started a cascading collapse of Taliban positions. Within 24 hours, all Afghan provinces along the Iranian border had fallen, including Herat. Local Pashtun commanders and warlords had taken over throughout northeastern Afghanistan, including Jalalabad; Taliban holdouts in the north fell back to the city of Kunduz, while others retreated to their heartland in southeastern Afghanistan, around Kandahar.[166]
In the midst of the retreat, Delta Force conducted a high-altitude, low-opening (HALO) jump northeast of Kandahar to call in airstrikes on targets retreating from Kabul,[171] the first combat HALO jump conducted at night by the United States since the Vietnam War.[171] By 13 November, al-Qaeda and Taliban forces—possibly including bin Laden—were concentrating in Tora Bora, 50 kilometres (31 mi) southwest of Jalalabad. Nearly 2,000 al-Qaeda and Taliban fighters fortified themselves within bunkers and caves. On 16 November, the US began bombing the mountain redoubt. Around the same time, CIA and Special Forces operatives worked in the area, enlisting local warlords and planning an attack.[172]
Objective Wolverine, Objective Raptor, and Operation Relentless Strike
On 13 November, the 75th Ranger Regiment carried out its second combat parachute drop into Afghanistan.[173] A platoon-sized Ranger security element, including a team from the Ranger Reconnaissance Detachment and accompanied by eight Air Force Special Tactical operators, parachuted into a dry lake bed southwest of Kandahar and secured the area.[174] A pair of MC-130 cargo planes then landed in the lake bed and deposited four AH-6J Little Bird helicopters from the 160th SOAR.[175] The Little Birds flew to a Taliban compound near Kandahar codenamed Objective Wolverine and destroyed it.[176] They returned to the lake bed to rearm and refuel, then launched another strike against a second site called Objective Raptor.[177] After the second strike they went back to the lake bed, loaded onto the MC-130s and flew back to Oman.[177] A series of missions codenamed Operation Relentless Strike began on 16 November. On the first night, the Rangers drove modified HMMWVs and Land Rovers to secure a remote desert airstrip.[178] The Little Birds then flew in on MC-130s and conducted a search and destroy mission along Highway 1.[179] The Little Birds conducted similar search and destroy missions over the next several nights.[180]
On 14 November, ODA 574 and Hamid Karzai inserted into Uruzgan Province via 4 MH-60K helicopters[167] with a small force of guerrillas.[181] Karzai was the leader of the Pashtun Popalzai tribe and had been an enemy of the Taliban since they assassinated his father in 1999.[144] He had entered Afghanistan with three other men on 9 October, but was almost killed by the Taliban, and was extracted by the CIA on 4 November.[181] Once he returned he began to move towards the town of Tarinkot. Responding to the approach of Karzai's forces, the inhabitants of the town of Tarinkot revolted and expelled their Taliban administrators.[182] Karzai traveled to Tarinkot to meet with the town elders.[182] While he was there, the Taliban marshaled a force of 300–500 men to retake the town.[181] Karzai's small force, plus the American contingent, deployed in the town's front to block the Taliban's advance. Relying heavily on close air support, the American and Afghan force managed to drive the Taliban away from the town.[183]
The defeat of the Taliban at Tarinkot was an important victory for Karzai,[184] who used it to recruit more men to his fledgling guerrilla band. His force would grow in size to a peak of around 800 men.[185] Soon afterwards, they left Tarinkot and began advancing on Kandahar.[186]
Task Force Dagger's attention focused on the last northern Taliban stronghold, Kunduz.[167] As the bombardment at Tora Bora grew, the Siege of Kunduz continued. General Daoud and ODA 586 had initiated massive coalition airstrikes to demoralize the Taliban defenders.[167] After 11 days of fighting and bombardment, Taliban fighters surrendered to Northern Alliance forces on 23 November. Shortly before the surrender, Pakistani aircraft arrived to evacuate intelligence and military personnel who had been aiding the Taliban's fight against the Northern Alliance, including Taliban and al-Qaeda leaders.[187] The details of the airlift are disputed. Investigative reporter Seymour Hersh alleged that up to five thousand people were evacuated,[188] while Karzai stated that, "even the Americans did not know who got away."[189] The United States government denied that the airlift occurred, with Secretary Rumsfeld saying, "neither Pakistan nor any other country flew any planes into Afghanistan to evacuate anybody."[189]
The British Special Air Service (SAS) played a small role in the early stages of the war because American SOF commanders guarded targets for their own units. It took political intercession from Prime Minister Tony Blair for the SAS to be given a direct-action task – the destruction of an al-Qaeda-linked opium production facility. The facility was located 400 km (250 mi) southwest of Kandahar and defended by between 80 and 100 foreign fighters, with a defense of trench lines and several makeshift bunkers. The SAS were ordered to assault the facility in full daylight because CENTCOM would not provide air support for a night raid. The timing meant that the squadrons could not carry out a detailed reconnaissance prior to the assault. Despite these factors, the commanding officer of 22 SAS accepted the mission. The target was a low priority for the US and probably would have been destroyed from the air if the British had not argued for a larger role in Afghanistan.[190]
The mission began in November 2001, with an 8-man patrol from G Squadron's Air Troop performing the regiments first wartime HALO parachute jump. The patrol landed at a desert location in Registan to assess its suitability as an improvised airstrip for the landing of the main assault force in C-130 Hercules cargo aircraft. The Air Troop advance team confirmed the site was suitable and later that day the C-130s landed and disembarked the SAS in their vehicles. The assault force was composed of operators from A and G Squadrons driving 38 Land Rover Desert Patrol Vehicles, two logistics vehicles, and eight Kawasaki dirt bikes. The assault force drove to a release point and split into two elements. A squadron was the assault force and G Squadron provided fire support.[191]
The assault began with a preparatory airstrike, after which A Squadron dismounted from their vehicles and closed in on the target on foot. G Squadron provided covering fire with heavy weapons, and air support flew sorties until running out of munitions. On a final pass, a US NavyF-18 Hornet strafed a bunker with its 20mm cannon, which narrowly missed several members of G Squadron.[192] When the A Squadron assault force reached the objective, they cleared the HQ building and gathered all intelligence materials they could find. The mission lasted four hours and four SAS operators were wounded; the operation was the largest British SAS operation in history.[193]
On 25 November, as Taliban prisoners were moved into Qala-i-Jangi fortress near Mazar-i-Sharif, a few Taliban attacked their Northern Alliance guards. This incident triggered a revolt by 600 prisoners, who soon seized the southern half of the fortress, including an armory stocked with AKMs, RPGs and crew-served weapons. Johnny Micheal Spann, one of two CIA SAD operatives at the fortress who had been interrogating prisoners, was killed, marking America's first combat death.[194]
The other CIA operator, Dave Olson,[195] made contact with CENTCOM, which relayed his request for assistance to SOF troops at a TF Dagger safe house in Mazar-i-Sharif. The safe house housed members of Delta Force, some Green Berets and a small team from M squadron SBS. A quick reaction force was immediately formed from whoever was in the safe house at the time: a headquarters element from 3rd Battalion, 5th SFG, a pair of USAF liaison officers, a handful of CIA SAD operators and the SBS team. The 8-man SBS team arrived in Land Rovers and the Green Berets and CIA operatives arrived in minivans and began engaging the prisoners, fighting a pitched battle to suppress the uprising, letting Olson escape. The operators then turned their attention to recovering Spann's body. Over four days the battle continued, with Green Berets calling in multiple airstrikes on the Taliban prisoners. During one CAS mission a Joint Direct Attack Munition was misdirected and hit the ground close to the Coalition and Northern Alliance positions, wounding five Green Berets and four SBS operators.[196]
AC-130 gunships kept up aerial bombardments throughout the night. The following day (27 November) the siege was broken when Northern Alliance T-55 tanks were brought into the central courtyard to fire shells into several block houses containing Taliban fighters. Fighting continued sporadically throughout the week, and the Taliban were finished by Dostum's Northern Alliance forces.[197] The combined Green Beret–SBS team recovered Spann's body on 26 November.[198]
The revolt ended on 1 December after seven days of fighting.[198] 86 Taliban survived out of 1,000 that had been in the prison,[199] and around 50 Northern Alliance soldiers were killed.
ODA 574 and Hamid Karzai began moving on Kandahar, gathering fighters from friendly local Pashtun tribes. At the strategic Sayd-Aum-Kalay Bridge they fought for two days with the Taliban, eventually seizing it with the help of US airpower, opening the road to Kandahar.[185]
ODA 583 had infiltrated the Shin-Narai Valley southeast of Kandahar to support Gul Agha Sherzai, the former governor of Kandahar. The ODA established covert observation posts by 24 November, allowing them to call in fire on Taliban positions.[200] By the end of November, Kandahar was the Taliban's last stronghold, and was coming under increasing pressure.[144] Nearly 3,000 tribal fighters under Karzai[144] and 350 under Sherzai[201] pressured Taliban forces from the east and cut off northern supply lines to Kandahar.
Meanwhile, nearly 1,000 US Marines ferried in by CH-53E Super Stallion helicopters and C-130s set up a Forward Operating Base known as Camp Rhino in the desert south of Kandahar on 25 November (Camp Rhino was located at Objective Rhino, the same airstrip seized by the Rangers on 19 October).[202] On 26 November, 15 Taliban armored vehicles approached the base and were attacked by helicopter gunships, destroying many of them.[203]
On 5 December, a 2,000-pound (910 kg) GPS-guided bomb landed among the Green Berets from ODA 574, killing 3 members and wounding the rest of the team. Over 20 of Karzai's militia were also killed and Karzai himself was slightly wounded. A Delta Force unit that had been operating nearby on a classified reconnaissance mission arrived in their Pinzgauers and secured the site, while Delta medics treated the wounded Green Berets.[185]
On 6 December, Karzai was informed that he would be the next president of Afghanistan. He also negotiated the successful surrender of both the remaining Taliban forces and the city of Kandahar.[204] Karzai's militia began their final push to clear the city.[200] The US government rejected amnesty for Umar or any Taliban leaders.[205] On 7 December, Sherzai's forces seized Kandahar airport and moved into the city.[200] Umar departed Kandahar and disappeared; he may have gone to Zabul, Helmand, or Pakistan.[206] Other Taliban leaders fled to Pakistan through the remote passes of Paktia and Paktika.[206]
In early December, as the US invasion was almost over, 7,500 Taliban prisoners were transported from Kunduz to Sheberghan prison by Junbish-i Milli, a group led by Dostum. Hundreds to 2,000 of the Taliban prisoners suffocated in the overcrowded metal shipping containers on trucks or were shot dead in an incident known as the Dasht-i-Leili massacre. Some were killed when guards shot air holes into the containers. The dead were buried in the Dasht-i-Leili desert just west of Sheberghan, in the Jowzjan Province. Physicians for Human Rights discovered the mass grave in 2002, but the Bush administration discouraged attempts to investigate the incident.[207]
Battle of Tora Bora: Osama bin Laden escapes to Pakistan
US Army Special Forces headquarters in Nangarhar Province, November 2001Air strikes on Tora Bora
After the fall of Kabul and Kandahar, suspected al-Qaeda members, including bin Laden and other key leaders, withdrew to Jalalabad, Nangarhar Province. From there they moved into the Tora Bora region of the Spin Ghar (White Mountains), 20 km away from the Pakistan border, which had a network of caves and prepared defenses used by the mujahidin during the Soviet–Afghan War.[208] Signal intercepts and interrogation of captured Taliban fighters and al-Qaeda terrorists pointed towards the presence of significant numbers of foreign fighters and possible senior leaders in the area.[209] Instead of committing conventional forces, the White House and the Pentagon decided to isolate and destroy al-Qaeda elements in the area with the US SOF supporting locally recruited Afghan militias, due to a fear of repeating the Soviet's experience in the area.[210]
ODA 572 and a CIA team were dispatched to Tora Bora to advise eastern anti-Taliban militias under the command of two warlords: Hazrat Ali and Mohammed Zaman.[211] Hazrat Ali and Zaman distrusted each other, and during the battle their militias sometimes shot at each other.[211] Using CIA funds, some 1,000 Afghan fighters were recruited for the coming battle.[212] The leader of the CIA team was Gary Berntsen, who in November had replaced Gary Schroen as the senior CIA officer in Afghanistan.[213] On 2 December, Berntsen requested a battalion of Rangers be dropped into the mountains to establish blocking positions along potential escape routes out of Tora Bora into Pakistan.[214] In addition to the Rangers, other available forces included 1,000 Marines under Brigadier General Jim Mattis in Kandahar and soldiers from the 10th Mountain Division in Uzbekistan. Franks denied Berntsen's request.[215]
From the outset of the battle, ODA 572 with its attached Combat Controller called in precision airstrikes, whilst the Afghans launched a number of poorly executed attacks on established al-Qaeda positions, with limited success.[216] The militias would typically gain ground in the morning following US airstrikes, but relinquish control of those gains the same day.[217] They would also retreat to their base areas to sleep and break their fast each night, since the battle occurred during Ramadan, the month when Muslims do not eat or drink during the day.[218] With the Afghan offensive stalled and the CIA and ODA teams overstretched, Franks decided to deploy special operations soldiers from JSOC into the battle on 9 December.[216]
Forty operators from A Squadron Delta Force deployed forward to Tora Bora and assumed tactical command from the CIA. With the Delta squadron were a dozen of so members of the British SBS.[219] The Delta operators were deployed in small teams embedded within the militias and sent their own operators out to search for bin Laden. Eventually, with the assistance of Green Berets and CIA operators, the militias made progress.[217] The Delta squadron commander agreed with the Jawbreaker assessment of the situation and requested blocking forces or the scattering of aerial landmines to deny mountain passes to the enemy. Since the deployment of the Ranger battalion had been denied, he requested that his operators carryout the proposed role but all his requests were denied by General Franks. On 12 December, two weeks into the battle, Zaman opened negotiations with the trapped al-Qaeda and Taliban in Tora Bora. Against the wishes of the Americans and British, Zaman called a temporary truce to allow al-Qaeda to surrender.[220] This truce was a ruse to allow as many as several hundred al-Qaeda and members of the 055 Brigade to escape over night toward Pakistan.[221][222] According to journalist Peter Bergen, bin Laden left Tora Bora on the night of 12 December and went to Kunar Province.[223]
The following day, a handheld radio recovered from a dead al-Qaeda fighter allowed members of the Delta squadron, SBS, CIA, and MI6 to hear bin Laden's voice – apparently apologizing to his followers for leading them to Tora Bora and giving his blessing for their surrender – thought to be a recording addressed to the fighters that stayed to fight a rearguard action to allow bin Laden to escape. The leader of the CIA Jawbreaker team at Tora Bora believed that two large al-Qaeda groups escaped: the smaller group of 130 jihadis escaped east into Pakistan, while the second group including bin Laden and 200 Saudi and Yemeni jihadis took the route across the mountains to Parachinar, Pakistan. The Delta squadron commander believed that bin Laden crossed the border into Pakistan sometime around 16 December. A Delta reconnaissance team, call-sign 'Jackal', spotted a tall man wearing a camouflage jacket with a large number of fighters entering a cave. The team called in multiple airstrikes on the presumption that it was bin Laden, but later DNA analysis from the remains did not match bin Laden's.[224] With the majority of the enemy gone, the battle came to an end on 17 December.[212]
On 20 December, ODA 561 was inserted into the White Mountains to support ODA 572 in gathering intelligence in the caves and to assist with recovering DNA samples from al-Qaeda bodies.[220] US and UK forces continued searching into January, but no sign of al-Qaeda leadership emerged. An estimated 220 al-Qaeda fighters were killed during the battle and 52 prisoners were taken.[9] No American or British personnel were killed.[225]
In subsequent years, the military was heavily criticized for not deploying ground forces into Tora Bora to capture bin Laden.[226] According to journalist Sean Naylor, Franks opposed the idea because he was "obsessed with not repeating the Soviets' mistake of deploying large conventional formations into Afghanistan," believing it would provoke popular resistance.[227] Another possible explanation is that his attention was elsewhere – Franks spent 12 December, the day bin Laden may have escaped, briefing Secretary Rumsfeld on his plan for invading Iraq.[228] There were also logistical obstacles: airlift assets in Afghanistan were limited, so transporting a large ground force to the Spin Ghar and resupplying it was "essentially impossible," according to an official Army history.[211] Mattis, however, developed a plan that he thought logistically feasible – to drop artillery observers on the mountain passes with five days of sustainment to reduce resupply requirements.[229]
Inter-Afghan political settlement
In late November 2001, the United Nations hosted the Bonn Conference;[230] the Taliban were excluded,[231] while three Afghan opposition groups participated.[232] Observers included representatives of neighboring and other involved major countries.[230] The resulting Bonn Agreement created the Afghan Interim Authority and outlined the Bonn Process that would lead towards a new constitution and a new Afghan government.[231] Following the Bonn Conference, tribal leaders and former exiles established an interim government in Kabul under Hamid Karzai.[233]
The Costs of War Project at Brown University estimated that between 1,537 and 2,375 civilians were killed during the invasion.[14] Northern Alliance casualties are unknown.[12] United States casualties were 12 military personnel and one CIA officer (Mike Spann),[11] while the Taliban suffered 8,000 to 12,000 killed.[13] According to Human Rights Watch, during the invasion the Northern Alliance "carried out systematic attacks on Pashtun villages, raping women, summarily executing civilians, and stealing livestock and land."[234]
A landlocked country with forbidding terrain and a harsh climate, Afghanistan presents major difficulties for military operations. Prior to the war, the United States had no military bases in Central or South Asia. The initial CIA Jawbreaker team entered Afghanistan by helicopter from Tashkent, Uzbekistan, stopping to refuel in Dushanbe, Tajikistan.[235] The US established its main base at Karshi-Khanabad Air Base (known as K2) in Uzbekistan.[236] Personnel and equipment were flown from the large American bases in Germany to K2 and then to Afghanistan.[237] Pakistan granted the use of Shahbaz Air Base in Jacobabad as an auxiliary base,[238] and the CIA flew Predator drones from both Jacobabad and Shamsi Airfield.[239]Masirah Island off the coast of Oman served as the headquarters of Joint Special Operations Command,[240] while the aircraft carrier USS Kitty Hawk in the Indian Ocean was used as a platform for helicopters of the 160th Special Operations Aviation Regiment to fly special operations personnel into southern Afghanistan.[241] Some B-52 bombers flew into Afghanistan from the island of Diego Garcia, and B-2 bombers flew nonstop from Whiteman Air Force Base, Missouri to Afghanistan.[241]
Analysis
According to historian Carter Malkasian, the campaign was a "striking military success".[9] The United States achieved its war aims while committing a force of only 110 CIA officers, 350 special operators, and 5,000 Rangers and Marines.[9] The model of special forces working with local fighters and calling in precision air strikes was heavily used by the US during later operations in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Syria.[9] One explanation for the rapid victory is that in Afghan culture, fighters tend to defect to the winning side once its victory is seen as inevitable;[242] as anthropologist Thomas Barfield puts it, "Just as the Taliban had come to power by persuading people that they were winners without fighting and buying the defection of wavering commanders with suitcases full of hundred-dollar bills, they lost the war in a reverse process."[243] The pattern recurred during the 2021 Taliban offensive, when the US-backed government collapsed and a resurgent Taliban captured a dozen provincial capitals in a week before it entered Kabul unopposed.[244]
Scholars have disputed the legality of the invasion under international law. The US and its allies argued that the invasion was an act of self defense, which is legal according to Article 51 of the Charter of the United Nations.[245] The US sent a letter to the Security Council on 7 October stating that, "Afghanistan was harboring terrorists who attacked the United States, that further attacks might be anticipated, and that military action was needed to deter them."[246] Legal scholar John Quigley has argued that the invasion was illegal because al-Qaeda, not Afghanistan, was the perpetrator of the 9/11 attacks, and because there was no evidence that further terrorist attacks were imminent.[247]Sean Murphy made the opposite case, that Afghanistan was responsible for the actions of al-Qaeda because it allowed al-Qaeda to operate from its territory and refused to extradite al-Qaeda operatives.[248] The debate continued with the 2009 publication of Myra Williamson's Terrorism, War and International Law: The Legality of the Use of Force Against Afghanistan in 2001.[249] Williamson analyzed the legal questions raised by state responses to terrorism and the implications of the Afghanistan precedent for later conflicts such as the 2003 United States invasion of Iraq and the 2006 Israeli invasion of Lebanon.[250]
In October 2001 when the invasion began, polls indicated that about 88% of Americans and about 65% of Britons backed military action.[251] An Ipsos-Reid poll conducted between November and December 2001 showed that majorities in Canada (66%), France (60%), Germany (60%), Italy (58%), and the UK (65%) approved of US airstrikes while majorities in Argentina (77%), China (52%), South Korea (50%), Spain (52%), and Turkey (70%) opposed them.[252] There were a number of protests against the invasion, including 20,000 people in Washington, D.C., on 29 September[253] and 20,000 people in London on 7 October.[254] In Afghanistan, according to anthropologist Thomas Barfield, there was "a surprising level of popular support...for the US intervention, especially among non-Pashtuns."[255] In November 2001, CNN reported widespread relief amongst Kabul's residents after the Taliban fled the city, with young men shaving their beards and women taking off their burqas.[256]
On 20 December 2001, the UN authorized an International Security Assistance Force (ISAF), with a mandate to help the Afghans maintain security in Kabul and surrounding areas.[257] For its first years ISAF consisted of 8,000 American and 5,000 coalition soldiers[258] and its mandate did not extend beyond the Kabul area.[257] In February 2002, the US detected a large concentration of Taliban and al-Qaeda fighters in the eastern Shah-i-Kot Valley.[259] Coalition forces cleared the valley during Operation Anaconda in March 2002, which resulted in 8 US soldiers killed and 80 wounded.[260]
US forces established their main base at Bagram airbase just north of Kabul.[261] Kandahar airport also became an important US base, and outposts were established in eastern provinces to hunt for Taliban and al-Qaeda fugitives.[262] Following Operation Anaconda, al-Qaeda and Taliban fighters established sanctuaries on the Pakistani border, where they launched cross-border raids beginning in April 2002.[263]
US Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld with troops at Bagram Air Base, December 2001
US Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld aimed to carry out operations in Afghanistan rapidly and leave as fast as possible.[264] He thus wished to focus on kinetic counter-terrorism operations and building up a new Afghan Army.[265] Rumsfeld announced in mid-2002 that "The war is over in Afghanistan," to the disbelief of State Department, CIA, and military officials in the country. As a result, Rumsfeld downplayed the need for an Afghan army of even 70,000 troops, far fewer than the 250,000 envisaged by Karzai.[266] In February 2002, the National Security Council met to decide whether to expand ISAF beyond Kabul. In a dispute between Secretary of State Colin Powell and Rumsfeld, Rumsfeld's view—that the force should not be expanded—prevailed.[267] Historians later wrote that the failure of ISAF to be deployed beyond Kabul drove Karzai to offer positions within the state to potential spoilers whose activities did great harm to the state's reputation.[268] The rise of the Taliban insurgency was linked to grievances over governance.[269]
Several events in early 2002 can be seen as the conclusion of the first phase of the US-led war in Afghanistan. The first was the dispersal of the major groups of the Taliban and al-Qaeda after the end of Anaconda. In February 2002, the United States decided to not expand international security forces beyond Kabul.[267] President Bush spoke at the Virginia Military Institute on 17 April 2002, invoking General George Marshall while talking about Afghan reconstruction, resulting in discussion of a 'Marshall Plan' for Afghanistan.[270] The decision against a significant expansion of international presence and development assistance was later seen by historians as a major error.[271] However, the US's growing commitment to Iraq, which it had invaded in March 2003, was absorbing more and more resources, which would have made committing such resources to Afghanistan impossible.[272]
In the years following the invasion and overthrow of the Taliban, millions of Afghan refugees, who had fled during the previous decades of war, returned to Afghanistan from Pakistan and Iran. By 2012, over 5.7 million had returned, increasing the country's population by 25%.[273][274]
The Hazaras are a minority ethnic group adhering to Shia Islam who live in the mountains of central Afghanistan.
The team was made up of seven field agents, two pilots, and a helicopter mechanic.[107] Phil Reilly was the deputy team leader. Chris Wood was also on the team.[108]
Whitlock, Craig (8 June 2006). "Al-Zarqawi's Biography". The Washington Post. Archived from the original on 20 October 2012. Retrieved 30 November 2023.
Briscoe, Charles H.; Kiper, Richard L.; Schroder, James A.; Sepp, Kalev I. (2004). Weapon of Choice: ARSOF in Afghanistan. Fort Leavenworth, Kans.: Combat Studies Institute Press. pp. 109–111.
"Kabul residents relish new freedoms". CNN. 14 November 2001. Archived from the original on 23 January 2015. Retrieved 2 January 2017. Barbers too were doing brisk business as young men with trimmed beards and bare faces walked the streets listening to music from roadside stalls, no longer fearing imprisonment. Yet relief at the fall of the Taliban in Kabul does not mean residents are now completely relaxed. Scenes of joy mask concerns that the alliance's capture of the city will again result in the ethnic infighting that ravaged Kabul before the Taliban capture in 1996.