Alastair Crooke
Resistance: The Essence of the Islamist Revolution
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Resistance: The Essence of the Islamist Revolution 2009
by Alastair Crooke (Author)
4.6 4.6 out of 5 stars (25)
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This book traces the essence of the Islamist Revolution from its origins in Egypt, through Najaf, Lebanon, Iran and the Iranian Revolution to today. Alastair Crooke presents a compelling account of the ideas and energy which are mobilising the Islamic world.
Crooke argues that the West faces a mass mobilisation against the US-led Western project. The roots of this conflict are described in terms of religious themes that extend back over 500 years. They represent clashing systems of thinking and values. Islamists have a vision for the future of their own societies which would entail radical change from Western norms. Resistance is presented as the means to force Western behaviour to change and to expose the essential differences between the two modes of thinking.
This is a rigourous account that traces the threads of revolution of various movements, including the influence of 'political Shi'ism' and the Iranian Revolution and its impact on Hezbollah and Hamas.
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Review
"Crooke's mission in this erudite, and most readable, book is to reassure the White Folks in George Bush's America (and elsewhere in the world) that Hamas, Hezbollah and the seemingly menacing Islamic governments in Iran and elsewhere are not the enemies of the West. His mission is to educate us about the history and philosophy of the Islamic world, and its various factions, and to show how peaceful coexistence is more than possible, if the yahoos who have been running the Global War on Terror would take the time to learn, and find ways to talk. Be forewarned, however -- this is not 'Islam for Dummies, ' but a scholarly and closely argued critique of what passes for Western diplomacy today." -- Seymour M. Hersh, the New Yorker magazine
"This book is required reading at a time when alternative perspectives on the causes of global terrorism and new Western diplomatic initiatives urgently need to replace the failed policies of the Bush administration-led 'War on Global Terrorism' ." -- John Esposito, University Professor, Georgetown University
About the Author
Alastair Crooke was advisor to EU High Representative, Javier Solana, in the Middle East, 1997-2003. He was involved in facilitating a series of de-escalations of violence and military withdrawals in Palestine with Islamist movements from 2000-2003 and the end to the Bethlehem Church of the Nativity siege. He was a staff member of the Mitchell Committee into the causes of the Intifada in 2000. He is Director and founder of Conflicts Forum.
Product details
Publisher : Pluto Press (UK)
Publication date : 1 February 2009
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Book review: Alastair Crooke’s “Resistance: The Essence of the Islamist Revolution”
Hicham Safieddine The Electronic Intifada 12 December 2009
The title of Alastair Crooke’s book Resistance: The Essence of the Islamist Revolution may easily invoke the late Palestinian thinker Edward Said’s critiques of trying to essentialize Islam. The reader may become more concerned when she realizes that Crooke is not merely referring to the Iranian Revolution (the book’s cover depicts a Muslim cleric in a Tehran street) but to the totality of Islamist movements and ideological trends that emerged in modern times across North Africa, the Middle East and Central Asia.
Crooke, a former advisor to European Union High Representative Javier Solana in the Middle East, admits in the introduction that he is keenly aware of Said’s warnings against speaking of such categories as “Islamism” or the “West” when speaking about a vast array of social, political and ideological phenomena. Crooke agrees with Said that such generalizations are problematic. But then immediately afterwards — in what reads like a sigh of despair — declares that one has little alternative but to go down that road if one is to keep the message simple and focus on defining such an “essence!” The reader might forgive Crooke if this were a brief newspaper article or TV appearance where time constraints and public engagement don’t allow for a nuanced exposition of these ideas. However, this is a nearly 300-page book that itself engages in a multi-layered discussion about ideological trends and philosophies in Islamic and Western thought.
To be fair to Crooke, he does not paint all Islamist movements with the same ideological brush. But he does seem to suggest that they all have one common essence, that of resistance. A more appropriate common thread would have been that of politicization. Political Islam is the sine qua non of this religious revival, with a clear invitation to place Islamic values — both conservative and subversive — at the center of public life. Resistance, on the other hand, is a different matter. It is a feature of certain movements and certain times but not others. It is directed against certain forces, such as imperialism, but not necessarily others, like patriarchy.
The search for an essence undermines what otherwise might have been a worthwhile study of philosophy of resistance among Islamic movements as articulated by influential Islamist thinkers and revolutionaries of the last century. This is a much welcome discussion especially in a European and North American context in which political Islam continues to be highly associated with terrorism and the pre-modern and — as Crooke points out — denied rational agency. Crooke offers numerous engaging discussions about this ideological trend. He explores the common motivating questions that occupied Islamic revivalists like Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood ideologue Sayyid Qutb, the intellectual icon of the Iranian Revolution Ali Shariati, and the figurehead of Islamic thought in Iraq Mohammad Baqir al-Sadr. He also tackles the ideas and beliefs animating political movements like Hizballah and Hamas in their struggle against occupation.
Crooke argues that all of these Islamist ideologies are — in some way or another — a reaction to the Western-inspired and often imposed projects of nation-building, such as Kemal Ataturk’s founding of Turkey along anti-Islamist, secular lines. These nation-building projects, he maintains, tried to uproot local traditions of knowledge and import European understandings of rationality, individualism and morality. Islamist currents critiqued these projects, not because they shunned modernity or rationality, but because they shunned a particular understanding of modernity that suffered from moral decadence, an instrumental use of rationality in the service of power and dominance, and an individualistic depiction of community and social action. In short, Islamists were disillusioned with the perceived spiritual bankruptcy of European 20th century modernity, the latter largely blamed — by Crooke — on its earlier progenitor, the protestant reformation.
It is in the context of this disillusionment that Crooke presents what he terms the “Islamist Revolution,” an attempt to create a “dynamic and forward-looking religion that is in the process of evolving distinct ideas about the individual, about relationship within a society, about relationships between the community and its government.” The conflict then between Islam and the West as envisioned by Crooke is a religious one at its core. It is a clash of two value systems, of two ideological world-views. Sounds familiar? This is Samuel Huntington’s theory of “Clash of Civilizations,” only with inverted conclusions. Huntington clearly ranked the two value systems. He privileged the West as the cradle of modernity, democracy and rationality battling the primitive forces of fundamentalism summarized by Islamist ideology. For Crooke, it is almost the opposite, with Islamism offering a new vision of the essence of man that is more humble, more spiritual and more communal than that of the West.
There may be some — or a lot — of truth to Crooke’s depiction of the value system that many of these Islamist ideologies espouse. Moreover, ideology clearly plays a role in shaping conflicts. But putting too much emphasis on ideology as a source of conflict without linking it to political and economic factors is misleading. Such an emphasis ignores the enduring alliance between secular regimes in the West and the most fundamentalist Islamist ones like Saudi Arabia — a relationship that is based almost entirely on material interests not ideology. Moreover, it underplays the role of the Saudi regime in supporting Islamists across the Arab world and central Asia since the 1970s as a counterweight to secular nationalist and communist movements. This was not a benign interference. It led to significant trends of conservatism and anti-resistance or anti-revolutionary currents in some of these Islamic ideologies that the author does not address. The role of Saudi Arabia aside, the question of the dynamism and transformations of these ideologies over time is not addressed either. For example, Crooke does not explain how this “essential” notion of resistance can be squared with the transition of Islamist forces in Iran from opposition during the Shah’s time to government and at times oppressors of their own people later.
The idealistic and at time lopsided depiction of Islamism and its ethics of resistance, reinforces — ironically in this case perhaps — many of the assumptions that Crooke is trying to dispel. It deprives readers misinformed about political Islam the opportunity to replace their prejudiced and skewed understanding of it with a more nuanced and realistic one. At worst, it belongs to a well-entrenched discourse on both sides of the divide that wants to will away the material realities animating much of these conflicts. At best, it serves as a reminder to us, and hopefully to Crooke, that the road to intellectual misrepresentation can be paved with good intentions.
Hicham Safieddine is a Lebanese Canadian journalist.
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From other countries
Michael Gerlinger
5.0 out of 5 stars "What's going to happen to us without barbarians?"
Reviewed in Germany on 27 January 2025
Format: PaperbackVerified Purchase
Page 279: "European citizens seem to be experiencing now, as a result of being the subject of the renewed neo-liberal experiment, something of what Muslims felt in the last century ..."
I had been listening to him long before I read him. I had come across Alastair Crooke as an exceptionally intelligent and learned commentator of the conflicts in West Asia. Only recently I found out about this book, he wrote in 2009. It's proof of his wisdom and prescience that it has not lost any of its interest more than 15 years later. We already encounter a discussion of the systematic abuse of language as a means of manipulation. In my own words: how the ever more encompassing control of controls leads to the implosion of power, because it loses its grip on reality — resulting in "the drive to foreclose any possibility of historical and rational explanation of resistance, and to close down the means of communication" (277).
This is an introductory book aiming at reconstituting not already this communication but its destroyed premises. It's not an academic work even though it is erudite. It's intellectual and readable at the same time. It is an insider's view on the conflict of the Western world with Western Asia. The author is not an academic but a diplomatic and political practitioner with intimate knowledge of the local actors and their mentality and culture. For the English he has taken part in peace negotiations in the region.
Here he introduces the main themes and actors. He delineates the religious historical background not only of Islamism but of Western Modernity and juxtaposes them (individualism versus collectivism etc.) The most important takeaway for me was to do away with the rest of my delusions concerning a post-colonial attitude of the West. clarifying how colonial the Western view of West Asia still is. What we call terrorist is simply the resistance against Western colonial attitudes and exploitation. The ANC in South Africa used to be labeled a terrorist organization, which gives you an idea of how different Hamas and Hesbollah or the Iranian Revolution look, when you actually know something about them and shed the attitude of George W. Bush, which is basically what liberal media have reduced themselves to.
While Islamic fundamentalism is basically the ruin of Islamic religion, Islamism is a regeneration of Islamic theology and thought in reaction to colonization. It is brought about by learned people with intimate knowledge not only of Islamic thought but of Western philosophy. For instance: Of Dr Ali Shariati, who importantly inspired the Iranian Revolution, "Jean-Paul Sartre once said, ‘I have no religion, but if I were to choose one, it would be that of Shariati.’" (p. 86). I had not known for instance how important the writings of Franz Fanon are for Islamists. Frankly like most of us I didn't really differentiate between Islamic fundamentalism with its terrorist organizations and movements like Hamas and Hesbollah. Page 276: "Resistance distinguishes between the emancipatory resistance of movements such as Hamas and Hesballah, the ‘burn-the-system-to-build-anew’ philosophy of al-Qae’da and the eschatological leanings of some Salafi groups. It argues that the failure of the West to make this distinction empowers the more extreme movements at the expense of the mainstream."
In the colonial view the colonized (like ordinary people at home, the unwashed) lack not only sovereignty but reason, and their only purpose is to become like us. (Which describes a large part of the intellectual migrants living in the West.) As long as they aren't westernized, there is absolutely nothing to understand and their point of view doesn't count. (Like with today's Russians. No use listening to them anyway because they lie all the time which is exactly are we characterized Islam post 9/11. )Crooke gives us their point of view and it turns out that they have a realistic understanding of the western pathology. So basically, looking at "Resistance" we are looking into a mirror.
Islam as it is explained here is basically a social movement centered on social justice. Contrary to protestantism it cultivates not the individual relation to God but the collective practice as manifestation of belief. And the more the western culture deteriorates into war and exploitation, the islamist movement turns out to be part of the wave of resistance that global capitalism tries to control and annihilate.
So the book offers lots of insights and basic information. For instance I had no idea how important the secularization of Turkey has been for the Islamic world. The way this westernization was combined with the Armenian genocide, gave away the pattern of what was to come. Page 274 f summarizes:
"The enforced westernisation and secularisation of Turkey, and the brutality of its nation-state building have come to symbolise the worst aspects of secular modernism. This is the first argument of Resistance.
There are 10 of them. But I will end with the fifth and the ninth:
"Islamists, who had been constrained by western instrumentalist ‘scientific’ thinking along with most people in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, suddenly broke free. This was the crucial importance of the Iranian Revolution: it freed Islamists from self-imposed constraints resulting from an hegemony of instrumentalist thought."
"The ninth argument is that the demonisation of Islamism is not the result of a poor understanding of Islamism, or a ‘legitimate’, but ultimately flawed, exercise of judgement. It represents a deliberate ideological operation, one of whose objectives has been to weaken liberalism everywhere, to strengthen America’s scope to take ‘decisive action’; and another of which has been to justify greater American intervention in the Middle East in pursuit of the neo-liberal agenda. Islamists were, in a sense, pawns to these strategic conservative objectives focused on securing an irreversible defeat of liberalism and entrenching American global hegemony."
In the neocon thinking reaching back to Leo Strauss and Carl Schmitt (discussed here) the (atomized) society needs an external enemy being constantly produced in order to keep the West in shape. Choose your own examples. But this is why Crooke ends this book with the poem of a Greek poet C. P. Cavafy (1863–1933) cited in this review's title.
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IntoTheDialectic
5.0 out of 5 stars I recommend this book to anyone who wishes to gain deeper insight.
Reviewed in the United States on 25 April 2010
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Have you considered why it is that Western culture postures as believing in fairness, equality, respect and freedom -- then savages and brutalises any cultures and nations that do not agree with its ideas? Have you wondered why the West's concepts of justice and equality only seem important when dealing with some countries and not others? Have you wondered why , the West, after centuries of seeking knowledge and wisdom, now seem so lost and directionless and ultimately appear shallow and ungrounded? Have you ever wondered why all of the West's philosophies and concepts are overwhelmingly, held in thrall ultimately to the power of the market and values of materialism?
Have you wondered why relentless ego centric self seeking and the pleasure principle seem to underpin all of the West's aims and objectives and cultural expression at every level? Why is everything in the West ultimately measured by , and reduced to exchange value, monetary profit and sale reward, at the cost of everything else? Why are values of decency, community, dignity and spirituality repeatedly trampelled on in pursuit of those aims; and why are those aims considered the highest value, indeed,so desirable that they signify the end of all other values, the end of all alternative seeking -- the end of history no less?
If these concepts interest, then Alastair Crooke's book will prove valuable.
Firstly, Crooke makes it clear to the reader that he is not a political scientist nor a doctor of history -- his expertise has, rather, been gathered over many years in his governmental advisory and think tank roles in the Middle East.
Crooke brings together a broad sweep of knowledge and contrasting disciplines, to scrutinize the position of the West and Islam at the start of the 21st century -- and for those readers who believed in the innate superiority of free market, Laissez fair capitalism and the 'moral monopoly' of American fundamentalist and Puritan based Christianity, it will be a sobering and challenging read. For those readers who believe in the superiority of the West's philosophical traditions, from the German thinkers of the 18Th century to the neo con Machiavellians of the 21st century, it will also challenge.
The author brings his considerable knowledge of post war philosophers such as Horkheimer and Adorno of the Frankfurt School to the table, emphasising their critique of materialism .Crooke shows how in some regards, those thinkers' theses parallel and resemble Islamic criticisms of a lost and degenerating Anglo American culture; a way of life and thought mired in endless craving for immediate satisfaction.
The text also analyses how the West has not developed further from the significant insights revealed by the Post Modernists ( such as Lyotard ). Anglo American culture appears to have failed to build on or develop worthy values, as their own understanding of historical narratives rapidly unravels.
I recommend this book to anyone who wishes to gain deeper insight into the valid struggles of Islamic people; a people who long for a world not governed by shallow materialism ,and long for a justice system that is not controlled by hypocritical and selective "one rule for us, another for them" thinking.
Crooke suggests that the insights of the Post Modernists have shaken the confidence in the earlier wisdom of the West -- yet those cracked foundations have not been replaced by anything of value by Westerners; rather Europe and America have continued to perpetuate and export by force, more of the same relentless materialistic values, even though many of us can see that those values have failed, again and again.
21 people found this helpful
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C
5.0 out of 5 stars Five Stars
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on 4 March 2017
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Excellent and very topical book. There is so much we can learn by being open to other ideas
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Emilio Ciarlo
4.0 out of 5 stars A must-read to understand islamic political tought
Reviewed in Italy on 24 January 2016
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Anche se un po' troppo accondiscendente, è Indispensabile per capire l'essenza filosofica e antropologica del pensiero politico islamico e islamista e per pensare in modo critico i limiti di quello occidentale
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the Green William
5.0 out of 5 stars Thought Provoking Analysis of Islamic Thinking in Relation to Western Thought
Reviewed in Canada on 22 June 2014
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Alastair Crooke masterfully analyzes the breadth of mainstream Islamist thinking and reveals that we in the West have a lot to learn from Islamists, who are often dismissed in the Western press as backwards or extremists. Crooke doesn't deny that extremism in groups like Al-Qaeda exists, but says that this is the exception rather than the rule and distinguishes groups bent on destruction (like Al-Qaeda) from groups like Hamas, Hezbollah, the Muslim Brotherhood, and Iran, that seek to resist Western cultural, economic, and social hegemony. Crooke stresses that Islamism subordinates politics to higher ethics/values, while the West uses ethics/values in the service of political objectives--this distinction is at the heart of Crooke's writing and is essential to understanding why the Islamic world continues to reject the so called 'enlightened' systems of the West, and has rather attempted to recreate societal institutions on the basis of principles of justice, equity, and collective solidarity. Crooke provocatively argues that we in the West have developed and are continuing to develop characteristics of a closed minded society that impulsively rejects non-Western thinking as inherently inferior and meaningless; considering Islamism may allow Western thinking to remember some of the old truths once known such as the importance of principles and the collective which have been lost in the era of 'scientific thinking' which dismisses anything that can't be empirically measured as an illusion.
One of the most important points in Crooke's analysis that most in the West do not realize is our tendency to think 'instrumentally', which means that we identify a goal and begin thinking about HOW to reach it rather than reflect upon WHY that goal is desirably or good. Although Crooke spends some time on this point, I think that this area is one of the weaknesses of the book, only because he doesn't define 'instrumentalist thinking' as clearly as he could have.
At any rate, "Resistance", is an excellent book that offers unique insights to its readers.
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Jacob A. Libby
5.0 out of 5 stars Understanding the Enemy
Reviewed in the United States on 14 December 2009
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What makes Iran and Hezbollah negotiable partners and al-Qaeda an enemy to defeat? This book holds the answer.
Like George Clooney's character in Syriana or the infamous x-NSA man turned peace activist, John Perkins, Alaistar Crooke's intellectual reflections on the history of Western colonialism and Islamic resistance exemplify the profound and rare experience of a bonafide "man in the middle."
Written hastily but with sharp intelligence and deep-searching reflection, this book dissects for Western ears the rational framework of thought that founds the Islamicist movements of Hammas, Hezbollah, and the Iranian Revolution.
In doing so it expounds upon the following point:
Al-Qaeda is an organization whose explicit goal is to use "shock and outrage" tactics to destabilize the economies and political systems of European and American capitalism globally. To this end, all means are on the table.
But Al-Qaeda does not define Islam or Islamic resistance to Western neo-colonial influence in the Middle East and beyond.
Islamic resistance groups -- in particular Hammas in Palestine, Hezbollah in Lebanon, and the various strains of Iranian clerical thought -- stand in sharp contrast to al-Qaeda's violent and self-destructive program.
These Islamic groups draw upon their rich tradition of rational scholarship to pursue a threefold path: 1) they propose a constructive critique of Western Capitalism and its deleterious effects on the community and the individual; 2) they attempt to put into action and law an explicitly positive Islamic alternative; and 3) they employ a host of strategies from limited military engagement, to social administration, to judicial research, to self-empowerment leadership models to advance their goals. In other words, these groups draw upon a rational understanding of realpolitical circumstance and human psychology to build a model for a new society guided by Islamic spiritual ideals.
For anyone who wishes to more deeply understand the truth beyond the hype of "why they hate us" this book stands as a critical challenge. Jean-Paul Sartre's exhortation to "have the courage to read this book" in his introduction to Frantz Fanon's "Wretched of the Earth" -- which follows the psychological stages of self-empowerment engendered by the revolutionary process of African nationalist movements -- could easily be applied here:
To understand, courage will be necessary.
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Reader #1
5.0 out of 5 stars Islamists are not the idiots you think they are
Reviewed in the United States on 18 October 2016
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You think Islamists are a bunch of simple-minded idiots living in the Dark Ages? Read this book. You find their thought to be richer, more complex, and even more moral than anything you have ever dreamed of? They question the very foundations of western capitalism and empiricism (without rejecting the usefulness of science.) They envisioning a just and compassionate society free from the hegemony of the colonialism that has been imposed on them by Britain, France, and the United States. Ironically they claim they have more freedom than we do. The Islamists think communitarianism is more valuable than rugged individualism. They see us as materialistic, selfish, and arrogant. They challenge our belief in manifest destiny. They claim they value metaphysics and the rich mythic-poetic traditions of ancient Greece, while we dump them in favor of a soul-destroying blind empiricism.
In summary, you will learn in great detail the answer to the biggest question of our time: "Why do they hate us."
5 people found this helpful
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JediAcolyte
4.0 out of 5 stars This book provides a good amount of information this history and politics that have ...
Reviewed in the United States on 30 September 2016
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This book provides a good amount of information this history and politics that have come together to be the religion of Islam the world has come to know.
One person found this helpful
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Mr. Bill
5.0 out of 5 stars Excellent and challenging to read
Reviewed in the United States on 14 February 2010
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I have been working through this book for several months and I must admit that it has been a very challenging read for me. I was not familiar with the many factions that exist within Islam and I have made some notes as I read the book to keep track of Shiite societies vs. Sunni societies.
Alastair Crooke contrasts the philosophy, reasons for existence, and shortcomings of the Western nation-states with Islamic societies. He is definitely biased towards Islamic societies in the book but this should not be a deterent to reading it.
It takes some mental muscle to comprehend the ideas presented. I would strongly reccomend that people who want to better understand the conflicts that exist between Western and Islamic beliefs read the book.
I would really like to hear the comments of someone who has an Islamic background on this book.
12 people found this helpful
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Brian Drake
2.0 out of 5 stars Not an easy read
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on 1 March 2015
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Stillreading, not sure I understand most of it..
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Five Stars
Reviewed in the United States on 27 September 2014
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item as described I would purchase from this seller again.
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Dhoolly
1.0 out of 5 stars Absolutely useless
Reviewed in the United States on 7 March 2011
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Based on the revew and the inciting title, I thought this book would provide me with a critical innovative insight on the topic, however, it has proven to be a complete waste of time and money. The author lacks everything from method to criticism, and the elements he brings up merely could be entertaining as a bar conversation. Extremely disappointed.
3 people found this helpful
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Resistance: The Essence of the Islamist Revolution
Alastair Crooke
3.91
35 ratings5 reviews
This book traces the essence of the Islamist Revolution from its origins in Egypt, through Najaf, Lebanon, Iran and the Iranian Revolution to today. Alastair Crooke presents a compelling account of the ideas and energy which are mobilising the Islamic world.
Crooke argues that the West faces a mass mobilisation against the US-led Western project. The roots of this conflict are described in terms of religious themes that extend back over 500 years. They represent clashing systems of thinking and values. Islamists have a vision for the future of their own societies which would entail radical change from Western norms. Resistance is presented as the means to force Western behaviour to change and to expose the essential differences between the two modes of thinking.
This is a rigourous account that traces the threads of revolution of various movements, including the influence of 'political Shi'ism' and the Iranian Revolution and its impact on Hezbollah and Hamas.
Genres
Politics
History
Islam
Nonfiction
Iran
Middle East
Religion
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328 pages, Paperback
First published January 1, 2009
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Osama
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December 31, 2024
قبل الحديث عن الكتاب لابد من معرفة الكاتب. ألسدير كروك شخصية دبلوماسية بريطانية بارزة اشتهرت بآرائها النقدية للسياسات الغربية في الشرق الأوسط. أسس منتدى النزاعات في بيروت، وهي منظمة تعمل على حوار الأديان والثقافات. ما يميز هذا الكتاب أنه يغوص في أعماق الأسس الفلسفية والفكرية التي بنيت عليها الحركات الإسلامية الاكثر بروزا في وقتنا الحاضر ومقارنتها بالأسس الفلسفية والفكرية للدول الغربية.
Before discussing the book, it's essential to know the author. Alasdair Crooke is a prominent British diplomat known for his critical views of Western policies in the Middle East. He founded the Beirut Forum for Conflict, an organization dedicated to interfaith and intercultural dialogue. What distinguishes this book is its deep exploration of the philosophical and intellectual foundations upon which the most prominent contemporary Islamic movements are built, comparing them to the philosophical and intellectual foundations of Western nations.
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Mehmet Koç
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November 4, 2016
İngiliz yazar Alastair Crooke'un Batı merkezli ve Oryantalist ağırlıklı İslam dili ve algısını eleştirdiği kitap ezber bozucu...
Bilhassa 'Sartre-Foucoult'cu perspektifle işlediği Politik Şiiliğin yükselişi ve Filistin-İsrail ihtilafına dair ABD-Avrupa yaklaşımının ele alındığı bölümler kaydadeğer.
Diğer taraftan, örneğin Hizbullah ile ilgili olarak 2006'da İsrail'i hezimete uğrattıkları mücadelenin ardından, günümüzde Suriye özelindeki menfi ve yıkıcı rolünün kitaptaki 'Direniş' algısı ve kimliğiyle ne kadar örtüştüğü tartışılır...
Alastair Crooke's book, which critiques the Western-centric and Orientalist-leaning language and perception of Islam, is groundbreaking... Particularly noteworthy are the sections dealing with the rise of Political Shiism from a Sartre-Foucault perspective and the US-European approach to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. On the other hand, it is debatable how well Hezbollah's negative and destructive role in the current situation in Syria, following their 2006 defeat of Israel, aligns with the perception and identity of 'Resistance' as presented in the book...
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Lucas
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September 30, 2024
Depois do fim da Primeira Guerra, foram conduzidas uma série de reformas liberalizantes no então Império Otomano. O objetivo não era apenas criar uma noção turca, mas destruir as intituições islâmicas vistas como obsoletas e obstáculos à modernização da economia. As Reformas Kemalistas são vistas de forma bastante positiva pelo Ocidente. Elas representam, em certo sentido, o template de modernização que o Ocidente gostaria de ver nas demais sociedades islâmicas.
Muitos muçulmanos, porém, têm uma perspectiva oposta. Para uma série de intelectuais e militantes islâmicos, o modelo das Reformas Kemalistas representam um grande retrocesso. Nessa perspectiva, a modernização no modelo Ocidental é um trade-off onde se ganha prosperidade material, mas paga-se o preço com o declínio moral da sociedade. A prosperidade material do Ocidente exigiu a criação de instituições que fazem a vida social, cultural e religiosa girarem em torno do mercado. A mercantilização de todas as dimensões da vida gera uma economia mais próspera, ao custo de destruir outros aspectos da existência humana. Dessa forma, a discordância do Islã com o Ocidente é sobre a essência do homem. Para o Ocidente o homem existe para satisafazer suas necessidades materiais, enquanto para o Islã esse hedonismo deveria ser evitado em prol de uma visão do homem centrada na comunidade e na justiça social.
Esse livro conta a história desse movimento de resistência ao longo do século XX, destacando intlectuais, como Sayid Qutb, Ali Shariati e Baqr Sadir e Musa Sadir; além de grupos militantes como Hamas e Hezbollah. No coração da resistência está, naturalmente, a Revolução Iraniana, mas também todo o arcabouço intelectual anti-colonial que tem em seu âmago a obra de Fanon. Fica claro na argumentação do livro que "Resistência" é o caminho encontrado por shiitas e palestinos para se humanizarem frente ao projeto de desumanização colonial conduzido por Israel e potências Ocidentais.
É uma leitura muito agradável principalmente por apresentar uma visão que nunca é articulada nos principais canais de mídia que, normalmente, limitam-se a tratar o mundo islâmico como bárbaros. Nesse sentido, esse livro é um antídoto ao orientalismo vigente na imprensa ocidental. Leitura altamente recomendável, especialmente no momento em que vivemos.
mena
After the end of the First World War, a series of liberalizing reforms were carried out in the then Ottoman Empire. The objective was not only to create a Turkish identity, but also to destroy Islamic institutions seen as obsolete and obstacles to the modernization of the economy. The Kemalist Reforms are viewed quite positively by the West. They represent, in a sense, the modernization template that the West would like to see in other Islamic societies. Many Muslims, however, have an opposing perspective. For a number of Islamic intellectuals and activists, the Kemalist Reforms model represents a major setback. From this perspective, modernization in the Western model is a trade-off where material prosperity is gained, but the price is paid with the moral decline of society. The material prosperity of the West required the creation of institutions that make social, cultural, and religious life revolve around the market. The commodification of all dimensions of life generates a more prosperous economy, at the cost of destroying other aspects of human existence. Thus, Islam's disagreement with the West is about the essence of man. For the West, man exists to satisfy his material needs, while for Islam this hedonism should be avoided in favor of a vision of man centered on community and social justice. This book tells the story of this resistance movement throughout the 20th century, highlighting intellectuals such as Sayid Qutb, Ali Shariati, Baqr Sadir, and Musa Sadir; as well as militant groups like Hamas and Hezbollah. At the heart of the resistance is, naturally, the Iranian Revolution, but also the entire anti-colonial intellectual framework that has Fanon's work at its core. It is clear in the book's argument that "Resistance" is the path found by Shiites and Palestinians to humanize themselves in the face of the colonial dehumanization project conducted by Israel and Western powers. It is a very enjoyable read, mainly because it presents a vision that is never articulated in the mainstream media, which usually limit themselves to treating the Islamic world as barbaric. In this sense, this book is an antidote to the orientalism prevalent in the Western press. Highly recommended reading, especially in the times we live in.
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Mull2one
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March 8, 2026
My one complaint about this book is the sheer amount of intervening clauses that Alastair's writing relies on. Even as a native English speaker it becomes overwhelming without the typical in person indications that the speaker is going off into a tangent or giving you a small aside.
Ok now for the content. This is a book that has taken me over a year to read. There's much to digest in each chapter and plenty of footnotes that lead you down a rabbit hole of further reading material.
Things I want to read next that were referenced in this book: Chesterton's Orthodoxy; Gray's Black Mass; Zizek's Violence; Armstrong's Islam: A Short History and Holy War; MacLean's Re-Orienting the Renaissance; Foucault's The Archaeology of Knowledge and the Discourse on Language and Foucault and the The Iranian Revolution; Sayyid Qutb's Islam, the Religion of the Future and Social Justice in Islam; Fanon's The Wretched of the Earth; Eagleton's Holy Terror.
I read Naomi Klein's The Shock Doctrine in the middle of reading Crooke's Resistance.
Below is a section of the final chapter in which Alastair gives a summary of the 10 major themes of his book:
"Islamist resistance was jolted into existence by the trauma of social engineering, ethnic cleansing, political disruption, repression and massacres that were the direct consequence of the western experiment in exporting to Muslim societies its vision of economic market-based life, freed from social and political control. The enforced westernization and secularization of Turkey, and the brutality of its nation-state building have come to symbolize the worst aspects of secular modernism. This is the first argument of Resistance.
"The second argument is that the western myth of the free market acting to reconcile the self-interested, individualistic choices of men and women, operating through the invisible hand to produce the optimal human welfare - is simply irreconcilable with Islam and poses an existential threat to it. It was a vision built on the myths of an invisible hand and of a spontaneous order emerging naturally from the 'disorder' of selfish competitive contention. The western nation-state, human rights doctrine and the institutions of western democracy are all derived from these same myths.
"Resistance's third theme has been that underlying this conflict are differing religious insights - and that Christian religious themes underlie western thinking on economics, on the nation-state and on the principles around which society is organized. It is therefore fundamentally a conflict touching on profound religious sensibilities, which subsequently synthesized into secular modernism.
"It is not, however, a straight confrontation between Christianity and Islam. The Anglo-Saxon tradition, which America embodies, originated from the long-running struggle between the personalized, free-enterprise and Abrahamic embrace of change associated with Protestantism versus the community-based religiosity of Catholicism. These same originally Protestant themes can now be observed reflected in western language towards Islam.
"A fourth theme has been that, at bottom, the dispute comes down to two opposing views as to what constitutes the 'essence of man'.
"Resistance has argued that, in evolving an Islamist ideology, something important happened. Islamists, who had been constrained by western instrumentalist 'scientific' thinking along with most people in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, suddenly broke free. This was the crucial importance of the Iranian Revolution: it freed Islamists from self-imposed constraints resulting from an hegemony of instrumentalist thought. This is the fifth main argument.
"The ideology that evolved is dynamic and substantive. Islamism is acquiring 'open' society characteristics associated with a dynamic and evolving matrix of thinking, whereas the West is acquiring some of the characteristics of a 'closed' society. This represents and inversion of the popular western perception, and is the sixth major theme of Resistance. Islamist social and economic components are the ideological re-politicization of culture and of politics. They are the instruments of political mass mobilization, rather than life-choices marking the personal domains of an individual.
"The Islamist system makes little sense, however, if analyzed simply as a competitor to western systems and judged by its efficacy in meeting those norms. Islamist economics can only properly be understood against the aspiration to regulate the personal within the context of a collective and just society.
"Unlike the western project, the Islamist one is not utopian: it represents a system that is predicated on a realistic view of human nature. It does not aim to transform humans through human action, but believes that behavior is influenced by the experience of living in a just and compassionate community, and by humans behaving with each other, as God directed.
"The seventh argument of Resistance is that mainstream Islamist resistance is an expression of the human spirit in adversity, and represents a natural evolution from events that can be explained and understood historically...
"Resistance distinguishes between the emancipatory resistance of movements such as Hamas and Hesballah, the 'burn-the-system-to-build-anew' philosophy of al-Qae'da and the eschatological leanings of some Salafi groups. It argues that the failure of the West to make this distinction empowers the more extreme movements at the expense of the mainstream.
"Resistance maintains as its eighth theme that Islamist resistance is no more 'divine caprice' than the systematic violence deployed by western states as 'legitimate force'. Both have roots in religious insights. It argues that the reaction of the West to Islamist resistance has been the drive to foreclose any possibility of historical and rational explanation of resistance, and to close down the means of communication...
"The ninth argument is that the demonization of Islamism is not the result of a poor understanding of Islamism, or a 'legitimate', but ultimately flawed, exercise of judgement. It represents a deliberate ideological operation, one of whose objectives has been to weaken liberalism everywhere, to strengthen America's scope to take 'decisive action'; and another of which has been to justify greater American intervention in the Middle East in pursuit of the neo-liberal agenda...
"And the tenth argument of Resistance is that the pursuit of these objectives has been a failure that is ascribed to a way of thinking that has strewn its wreckage across 300 years of history, and which in recent years has added another astonishing mound of debris in the Muslim world - a legacy that will haunt the West for years to come.
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Eric Randolph
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December 20, 2019
Excellent on the good intentions and solid reasoning behind Shi'ite Islamists' confrontation with the West; completely blind to the possibility that their alternatives may be just as illusory.
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===
다음은 <Alastair Crooke, Resistance: The Essence of the Islamist Revolution>
에 대한 약 1,000단어 분량의 요약과 평론입니다.
<Resistance: The Essence of the Islamist Revolution>
Alastair Crooke — 요약 + 평론
1. 책의 문제의식
이 책에서 Alastair Crooke는 서구 정치 담론에서 흔히 “이슬람주의(Islamism)”라고 불리는 현상을 단순한 종교적 극단주의나 테러리즘으로 이해하는 것은 근본적으로 잘못된 분석이라고 주장한다. 그는 이슬람주의를 하나의 정치적 문명적 반응, 즉 서구 근대성과 패권에 대한 지적·정치적 저항 운동으로 해석한다.
Crooke의 핵심 질문은 다음과 같다.
-
왜 이슬람 세계에서 반복적으로 정치적 이슬람이 등장하는가
-
왜 서구가 이를 이해하지 못하는가
-
왜 이 운동은 단순한 “근대화의 실패”가 아니라 하나의 대안적 정치 상상력인가
저자는 중동 외교관과 정보 분석가로 활동했던 경험을 바탕으로, 특히 이란 혁명, 레바논의 헤즈볼라, 팔레스타인 저항 운동 등을 통해 이 현상을 분석한다.
2. 이슬람주의의 역사적 배경
Crooke에 따르면 현대 이슬람주의는 갑작스러운 현상이 아니라 19–20세기 식민지 경험과 밀접하게 연결되어 있다.
핵심 역사적 계기는 다음과 같다.
-
오스만 제국 붕괴
-
유럽 식민 지배
-
서구식 세속 민족주의의 실패
-
냉전 시기의 권위주의 체제
많은 중동 국가에서 독립 이후 등장한 정권들은
-
군사 독재
-
부패
-
서구 의존
이라는 특징을 보였다.
이로 인해 세속 민족주의 프로젝트(예: 나세르주의, 바트주의)는 점차 정당성을 잃었다.
이 과정에서 등장한 것이 바로 이슬람 정치 운동이다.
Crooke는 이를 단순한 종교 운동이 아니라 사회 정의와 정치 주권을 요구하는 운동으로 해석한다.
3. 이슬람주의의 사상적 기반
Crooke는 이슬람 정치사상을 다음 세 가지 축으로 설명한다.
1) 공동체 정치 (Ummah)
이슬람 정치사상은 개인 중심 자유주의가 아니라 공동체 윤리를 강조한다.
정치는
-
공동체 도덕
-
사회 정의
-
신의 법
에 기반해야 한다.
2) 정의와 저항
이슬람 전통에서 “저항(resistance)”은 단순한 반란이 아니라 도덕적 의무로 이해된다.
특히 다음 개념들이 중요하다.
-
zulm (억압)
-
justice (정의)
-
jihad (도덕적 투쟁)
Crooke는 이 개념들이 서구에서 오해되어 왔다고 주장한다.
3) 정치와 종교의 통합
서구 근대 정치에서는 종교와 정치가 분리된다.
그러나 이슬람 정치사상에서는
정치 = 윤리 = 신앙
이라는 통합적 구조가 존재한다.
Crooke는 이것이 단순한 후진성이 아니라 다른 정치 철학이라고 본다.
4. 이란 혁명
Crooke는 1979년 이란 혁명을 현대 이슬람 정치의 가장 중요한 사건으로 본다.
서구 분석가들은 이를
-
광신
-
반근대
-
종교 극단주의
로 설명했다.
그러나 Crooke는 다음과 같이 해석한다.
이란 혁명은
-
반식민주의
-
사회 정의
-
정치적 독립
이라는 목표를 가진 대중 혁명이었다.
특히 그는 시아 정치신학이 혁명의 중요한 동력이었다고 본다.
시아 전통에는
-
억압에 대한 저항
-
순교
-
정의
라는 강력한 정치적 상징 체계가 존재한다.
이것이 혁명을 조직하는 정신적 기반이 되었다.
5. 헤즈볼라와 저항 정치
Crooke는 레바논의 헤즈볼라를 분석하면서 “저항 축(axis of resistance)”이라는 개념을 설명한다.
헤즈볼라는 단순한 무장 조직이 아니라
-
정치 운동
-
사회 복지 조직
-
종교 공동체
를 결합한 구조이다.
그들은 다음과 같은 특징을 가진다.
-
사회 복지 네트워크
-
정치 참여
-
군사 저항
Crooke는 이것이 근대 국가와 다른 정치 모델이라고 본다.
특히 이 운동은 서구식 자유주의 국가 모델과 경쟁하는 대안적 정치 체제를 보여준다고 주장한다.
6. 서구의 오해
Crooke가 반복해서 강조하는 주장은 다음이다.
서구는 이슬람 정치 운동을 이해하지 못한다.
그 이유는 세 가지이다.
1) 세속주의 편향
서구 정치학은 종교 정치 자체를 비정상적인 것으로 본다.
2) 냉전적 사고
모든 운동을
-
친서구
-
반서구
로 나누는 단순한 분석 틀을 사용한다.
3) 테러 담론
9/11 이후 서구는 이슬람 정치 운동을 거의 모두 안보 문제로만 이해한다.
Crooke는 이것이 중동 정책 실패의 중요한 원인이라고 주장한다.
7. 이슬람주의의 다양성
Crooke는 “이슬람주의”라는 하나의 단어로 다양한 운동을 묶는 것도 문제라고 본다.
예를 들어
-
무슬림 형제단
-
이란 혁명 세력
-
헤즈볼라
-
하마스
는 서로 다른 역사와 정치 전략을 가진다.
그러나 서구에서는 이를 모두 동일한 이슬람주의로 취급한다.
이것은 분석의 오류를 낳는다.
8. 새로운 세계 질서
Crooke는 21세기 세계 정치에서 이슬람 정치 운동이 중요한 역할을 할 것이라고 본다.
그 이유는 다음과 같다.
-
서구 패권의 약화
-
지역 정치의 재편
-
정체성 정치의 부상
이슬람 정치 운동은 단순한 종교 운동이 아니라
문명적 정치 프로젝트
라고 그는 주장한다.
평론
1. 이 책의 강점
이 책의 가장 큰 장점은 서구 중심적 분석 틀을 넘어서는 시도이다.
Crooke는 이슬람 정치 운동을
-
irrational fanaticism
이 아니라 -
coherent political thought
로 해석한다.
이 점에서 이 책은 중동 정치 이해에 중요한 기여를 한다.
특히
-
이란 혁명
-
헤즈볼라
에 대한 분석은 현장 경험이 반영된 흥미로운 해석을 제공한다.
2. 중요한 통찰
Crooke의 핵심 통찰은 다음과 같다.
이슬람 정치 운동은 근대성의 실패가 아니라 근대성에 대한 대안적 응답이라는 것이다.
즉
서구 자유주의 모델이 보편적이라는 가정 자체가 문제라는 것이다.
이러한 관점은 탈식민주의 연구와도 연결된다.
3. 한계
그러나 이 책에는 몇 가지 한계도 있다.
1) 정치적 낭만화
Crooke는 일부 저항 운동을 비교적 긍정적으로 해석한다.
그러나 현실 정치에서는
-
권위주의
-
종파 갈등
-
인권 문제
도 존재한다.
이 부분에 대한 비판적 분석은 상대적으로 약하다.
2) 내부 다양성 분석 부족
이슬람 정치 운동 내부의
-
계급
-
세대
-
경제 이해관계
같은 사회 구조 분석은 충분히 이루어지지 않는다.
4. 세진님이 관심 가질 부분
세진님께서는 최근
-
이란 정치
-
이스라엘–팔레스타인 문제
-
문명적 가치 체계
에 대해 많은 질문을 하셨습니다.
이 책이 특히 흥미로운 이유는 다음입니다.
Crooke는 이슬람 정치 운동을 **“문명적 가치 체계”**로 이해합니다.
즉
서구 자유주의 vs 이슬람 정치
라는 단순한 충돌이 아니라
서로 다른 정치 윤리 체계의 충돌
이라는 것입니다.
이 점은 세진님이 질문하셨던
-
북한 체제의 가치 체계
-
이란 신정 체제
-
제국 일본
과 같은 비교 분석에도 흥미로운 통찰을 제공합니다.
✔ 한 문장 평가
이 책은 이슬람 정치 운동을 “테러리즘”이 아니라 서구 패권과 근대성에 대한 문명적 저항 운동으로 해석하는 도발적이지만 중요한 분석이다.
원하시면 이어서 다음도 정리해 드리겠습니다.
-
Crooke의 주장에 대한 주요 학계 비판
-
이슬람 정치 운동과 북한 체제의 가치 체계 비교
-
“Axis of Resistance” 개념의 실제 정치 구조 분석 (이란-헤즈볼라-하마스)
세진님, 요청하신 알래스테어 크룩(Alastair Crooke)의 저서 <저항: 이슬람 혁명의 본질>(Resistance: The Essence of the Islamist Revolution)에 대한 요약과 평론을 작성해 드립니다.
이 글은 세진님의 요청에 따라 나를 향하지 않은 글의 형식인 <해라> 체를 사용하여 작성되었습니다.
<저항: 이슬람 혁명의 본질> 요약 및 평론
1. 요약: 서구적 근대성에 맞서는 정신적 패러다임
알래스테어 크룩은 전직 MI6 요원이자 외교관으로서의 경험을 바탕으로, 이슬람주의(Islamism)를 단순한 테러리즘이나 정치적 광신이 아닌, 서구 중심의 신자유주의적 근대성에 대항하는 거대한 <정신적·정치적 저항 운동>으로 규정한다.
1) 서구 근대성에 대한 도전
저자는 현대 서구 사회가 개인주의, 물질주의, 그리고 세속적 합리주의에 매몰되어 인간의 영혼과 공동체적 가치를 상실했다고 진단한다. 서구가 전 세계에 강요하는 <민주주의>나 <시장 경제>는 보편적 가치가 아니라, 특정 역사적 맥락에서 탄생한 하나의 이데올로기일 뿐이라는 것이다. 이슬람 혁명은 바로 이러한 서구적 가치 체계가 초래한 인간 소외와 허무주의에 대한 근원적인 거부에서 출발한다.
2) 이슬람 혁명의 철학적 기초
크룩은 이슬람주의의 핵심을 <타우히드>(Tawhid, 신의 유일성) 개념에서 찾는다. 이는 단순히 종교적 교리를 넘어, 정치, 경제, 사회, 정신이 하나로 통합된 완전한 삶의 체계를 의미한다. 저자는 시아파 철학, 특히 이란 혁명의 사상적 기초가 된 인간의 내적 완성(Irfan)과 외부적 투쟁(Jihad)의 결합에 주목한다. 이들에게 정치적 저항은 곧 영적 고양의 과정이며, 물질적 이익보다 존엄과 정의를 우선시하는 가치관의 발현이다.
3) 저항의 축 (Axis of Resistance)
책은 헤즈볼라, 하마스, 그리고 이란으로 이어지는 <저항의 축>이 단순히 군사적 동맹이 아님을 강조한다. 이들은 서구의 지정학적 지배(헤게모니)를 거부할 뿐만 아니라, 서구가 규정한 <현대성>이라는 틀 자체를 해체하려 한다. 이슬람주의자들에게 '저항'은 서구의 도구적 이성에 의해 파편화된 인간성을 회복하고, 신성(Divine)과의 연결을 복원하려는 시도다.
2. 평론: '타자'의 시선으로 본 서구 문명의 거울
1) 타자화된 이슬람에 대한 변론
이 책의 가장 큰 미덕은 이슬람주의를 서구 언론이 흔히 묘사하는 '맹목적 폭력'의 프레임에서 구출해냈다는 점이다. 크룩은 이슬람주의자들의 논리를 그들의 언어와 철학적 맥락 안에서 이해하려고 시도한다. 이는 서구 지성계가 오랫동안 견지해온 오리엔탈리즘적 편견을 깨는 작업이며, 이슬람 혁명을 하나의 유효한 문명적 대안으로 격상시킨다.
2) 신자유주의적 보편주의에 대한 통렬한 비판
저자는 서구의 보편주의가 사실상 타 문명의 고유성을 말살하는 '문화적 제국주의'로 기능해 왔음을 맹렬히 비판한다. 서구가 주입하는 가치가 모든 인간에게 행복을 가져다줄 것이라는 믿음은 환상에 불과하며, 오히려 공동체의 해체와 정신적 빈곤을 야기했다는 그의 지적은 뼈아프다. 이러한 관점에서 이슬람 저항 운동은 서구 문명이 스스로를 되돌아보게 만드는 <거울> 역할을 한다.
3) 실존적 고뇌와 정치적 실재의 결합
크룩은 정치를 단순히 권력 투쟁의 장이 아닌, 인간 존재의 의미를 찾는 실존적 투쟁의 장으로 승화시킨다. 이슬람주의자들이 죽음을 두려워하지 않고 저항하는 이유는 그들이 죽음 이후의 보상만을 바라기 때문이 아니라, 투쟁 그 자체 속에서 인간적 존엄과 초월적 가치를 발견하기 때문이라는 분석은 설득력이 있다.
4) 비판적 한계와 성찰
다만, 저자의 논의는 이슬람주의의 철학적·이상적 측면에 치중한 나머지, 그 운동 내부에 존재하는 교조주의적 억압이나 실질적인 통치 과정에서의 모순을 다소 간과한 측면이 있다. 저항의 서사가 아름답다고 해서 그 결과로 도출된 정치적 실체가 반드시 정의롭다고 단정할 수는 없기 때문이다. 그럼에도 불구하고, 서구 중심의 세계관이 한계에 부딪힌 오늘날, 크룩의 통찰은 <다극화된 세계>를 이해하기 위한 필수적인 관점을 제공한다.
3. 결론
<저항: 이슬람 혁명의 본질>은 이슬람주의를 지정학적 골칫거리가 아닌, 근대 문명의 근본적 결함에 항거하는 지적·영적 체계로 재정의한다. 알래스테어 크룩은 우리가 '적'이라고 부르는 이들의 내면 깊숙한 동기를 탐구함으로써, 역설적으로 서구 문명이 잃어버린 것이 무엇인지를 묻는다. 이 책은 문명 간의 충돌이 아니라, 문명 간의 진정한 <대화>를 위해서는 상대의 존재론적 기반을 인정하는 것에서부터 시작해야 함을 역설하는 강력한 변증법적 저작이다.
세진님, 이 요약과 평론이 크룩의 사상을 파악하시는 데 도움이 되기를 바랍니다. 추가로 이 책에 등장하는 특정 개념(예: 타우히드나 이란 혁명 철학)에 대해 더 자세한 설명이 필요하시다면 언제든 말씀해 주세요.
이 책에서 언급된 <저항의 축>이 현재의 중동 정세에 미치는 영향에 대해 더 분석해 드릴까요?
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