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The Israeli-
e "Palestinian-Israeli conflict" or the Palestinian issue - the "Palestinian issue") is a conflict between the Jewish inhabitants of the Land of Israel ( the settlement ), and later also the State of Israel they established, and the Arabs of the Land of Israel ( Palestinians ). The accepted position is that the origin of the conflict is the Balfour Declaration in 1917.[1]
However, some consider that the history of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict begins in 1860 , when Mishkent Shananim was established - the first Jewish neighborhood outside the walls of the Old City of Jerusalem . For example, the victims of the hostilities are officially included , starting this year. But this despite the fact that the first Jew to be murdered by Arab assassins in the Land of Israel was Rabbi Avraham Shlomo Zalman, a goldsmith who was murdered in 1851.

This conflict between the two parts of the population living in the Land of Israel, Jews and Arabs , began before the establishment of the State of Israel , and continued vigorously after it. Although the term "Palestinians" in its current accepted meaning was not used before the establishment of the state - today the meaning of the phrase "Israeli-Palestinian conflict" is extended even to the beginning of the conflict between the Jews and the Arabs in the Land of Israel. And it also includes the struggle between the Jews of the Land of Israel and the Arabs of the Land of Israel during the end of the Ottoman period in the Land of Israel and the period of the British Mandate .

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict, even in its expanded meaning as mentioned, is actually the heart of the wider Israeli-Arab conflict .

Six main issues, which are currently at the center of the dispute between the parties are - the permanent borders, the status of the Palestinian refugees ( the right of return ), the control of Jerusalem and the Temple Mount , the distribution of water resources , the settlements and the security arrangements.

Over the years, many attempts have been made to resolve the conflict, such as the Israeli-Palestinian peace process . Most of the proposals tried to promote a permanent solution which involves the creation of Palestinian autonomy (for example the autonomy plan ) or a Palestinian state alongside an independent Jewish state (until 1948) or alongside the State of Israel (after its establishment), known as the two-state solution . Another solution that has been proposed to resolve the conflict is a " one state solution " according to which all of Western Israel including the Gaza Strip and Judea and Samaria will become a binational state , with increased control of one of the parties or egalitarian rule. The attempts were unsuccessful due to differences of opinion in many areas on the nature of the solution as well as due to mutual mistrust between the parties. 

A prominent feature of the conflict is the severe manifestations of terrorism from the Palestinian side, which have existed for almost the entire duration of the conflict. Fighting is carried out by regular armies, paramilitary forces, terrorist cells and individuals. Over the years, the conflict has led to a large number of deaths among the civilian population on both sides.

Prominent international parties are involved in attempts to resolve the conflict. The two main parties involved in the negotiations are the Israeli government and the PLO organization , before the establishment of the Palestinian Authority , and the Authority since its establishment. Mediators between the parties are an international delegation known as the Quartet for Middle East Affairs , which consists of representatives from the United States , Russia , the European Union and the United Nations .

The conflict had ups and downs and reached its peak after Hamas's surprise attack on Israel , an attack that led to a war of iron swords .

Starting in 1996

In May 1994, the IDF withdrew from all concentrations of the Palestinian population in the Gaza Strip and transferred control of the population and the space in which it lived to the newly established Palestinian Authority . In January 1996, Israel withdrew its forces from the populated areas of Judea and Samaria - the area included in Areas A and B. On January 20, elections were held for the Palestinian Legislative Council , and shortly after, the Civil Administration and the Military Government were abolished in Areas A and B and replaced by the Coordination and Liaison Mechanism. Since January 1996, when the redeployment was carried out in Hebron, more than 90% of the Palestinian population in Yesh is under Palestinian control.

History

Extended value - history of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict

Periods

On the timeline, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, as part of the Jewish-Arab conflict, is divided into seven periods, fundamentally different from each other:

Controversial issues

The positions described above are the official positions of the parties, however the two parties are not made as one piece. Both the Israelis and the Palestinians have compromising and extreme bodies, Ionians and hawks.

In Israel, there are those who see the Palestinians as planning the complete occupation of the Land of Israel and their official claims as a temporary strategy - the PLO's phased plan . They cite as proof of this the rise of Hamas, whose charter requires an Islamic space from the Jordan to the sea, the Palestinian textbooks that the State of Israel is absent from their maps , the attacks inside the Green Line, and the words of the Palestinian leaders, such as the speech of the Palestinians. On the other hand, there are Palestinians who believe that Israel is not really interested in the settlement, but in the entire area from the Mediterranean Sea to the Jordan and even beyond, up to the promised borders The rule of the left, the claim that it was always Israel that occupied territories in Arab countries, the entry of the IDF into Palestinian cities during the intifada, as well as quotes from right-wing and religious Israelis in favor of a complete Land of Israel and transfer .

Due to the multitude of voices and interpretations, the very question regarding the real demands of the other side is a political position on which many differ in Israel, but also in the Palestinian Authority.

Core issues [ edit source code | edit ]

Jerusalem [ source code editing | edit ]

Extended values ​​- the legal status of Jerusalem , the Western Wall , the Temple Mount , Al-Aqsa Mosque

The issue of the belonging of the city of Jerusalem and the holy sites to the different religions. A central part is the control of the Temple Mount , which both sides claim sovereignty over. This issue is very sensitive for both sides. Also, Israel does not see the Israeli neighborhoods in East Jerusalem as settlements but as neighborhoods of Jerusalem as their sisters in the west of the city.

The border of Jerusalem is a particularly sensitive issue due to the fact that both sides claim ownership of the city. Israel claims that the city should not be divided and should remain united under Israeli control. The Palestinians claim ownership of parts of the city according to the June 4, 1967 borders.

The government offices , the Knesset and the Supreme Court , have been located in the western part of the new city since 1949. In the Six Day War, the State of Israel liberated East Jerusalem and applied its sovereignty over it. In 1980, the " Basic Law: Jerusalem is the capital of Israel " was enacted, which declared in section 1: "Jerusalem, complete and united, is the capital of Israel."

During the Camp David and Taba summits held in 2000 and 2001, the United States proposed a plan in which the parts of Jerusalem with an Arab population would be included in the future agreement as part of the Palestinian state, while the parts of Jerusalem with a Jewish population would remain in Israel's hands. All archaeological work under the Temple Mount will be conducted in cooperation between the Israeli government and the Palestinian Authority. Both sides accepted the proposal in principle, although in the end both summits failed.

In Israel, there is concern about the survival of the holy places for Jews and the preservation of the rights of religious worship for members of all religions if they are transferred to Palestinian control, for example, in 1996 during illegal construction on the Temple Mount[2]- Shlomo's Stables Mosque , the Palestinians dug up about 12,000 tons of antiquities-saturated fillings and poured them into the Kidron River . In 2000, a Palestinian mob took over Joseph's tomb , which is considered sacred to both Jews and Muslims, looted and burned the building and turned it into a mosque .

Israel, on the other hand, only rarely blocked access to the holy places for other religions. The Israeli security agencies monitor internal extremist elements and in the past even stopped planning to attack Mt. As a result there have been almost no serious incidents in this area over the past twenty years. Furthermore, Israel granted almost complete autonomy to Waqf on the Temple Mount.

Israel has expressed concern about the safety of its residents if the neighborhoods of Jerusalem are transferred to Palestinian control. Jerusalem has been a main target for terrorism since 1967. In the past, shooting was carried out at different Jewish neighborhoods from the areas where the Arab population lives. If these areas become part of a Palestinian state, the proximity to the territories of the Arab population will pose a threat to the safety of the city's Jewish residents.

The Palestinians have previously expressed their concern that the holy places for Christians and Muslims are under Israeli control. They point to a number of attacks that took place in Al-Aqsa Mosque from 1967 by Jewish extremists, a severe fire that was started by a Christian in 1969 that destroyed the south wing, as well as the discovery in 1981 of ancient tunnels under the structure of the mosque which Muslim archaeologists believe caused the weakening Structural stability of Al Aqsa Mosque square.

The refugee problem and the right of return [ edit source code | edit ]

Expanded values ​​- the Jewish refugees from Arab countries , the refugee problem , the right of return , the Nakba

The Palestinians demand a solution to the refugee problem of 1948 and 1967, compensation by the Israeli government, and the right of return . Israel is not ready to settle refugees in its territory, but only in the territories of the Palestinian entity that will be established, and refuses to take responsibility for the creation of the refugee problem.
The State of Israel and international parties demand that, as part of negotiations to achieve a just and sustainable peace, a lawsuit will also be raised on behalf of approximately 900,000[3] Jewish refugees from Arab countries and Iran to be recognized and they will be compensated for the nationalization of their property by the governments of Arab countries, including property that was owned by the Jewish communities, in support of this claim the law was enacted to protect the rights of Jewish refugees from Arab countries and Iran, 2010.

The number of Palestinians who were expelled or fled from Israel after its establishment was estimated in 1949 at approximately 711,000. Because UNRWA 's definition of Palestinian refugees includes all descendants of refugees, in contrast to the definition of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees , which does not grant refugee rights to descendants of refugees. According to UNRA, as of 2015, the number of registered refugees is about 5.15 million[4]. Most of these people were born outside of Israel but they claim the right of return to the Land of Israel. Palestinian officials who participated over the years in the process of negotiations with Israel, the most prominent of whom was Yasser Arafat , insisted on the principle that Palestinian refugees have the right to return to the places where they lived before 1948 and before 1967, and asserted their claim in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and in Resolution 194 of the UN General Assembly .

Over the years, various Palestinian and international parties have raised a number of claims regarding the justification of granting the right of return to the Palestinian refugees:

  • Various sources, including the new historians , have stated that the Palestinian refugees were persecuted or expelled from the Land of Israel as a result of the actions of the Haganah , the Lehi and the Etzal .
  • The traditional Israeli view that the Arab leaders encouraged the Palestinian residents to flee the Land of Israel is also disputed by the new historians, who instead presented evidence that the Arab leaders ordered the Palestinian Arab population to remain in the area.
  • There are those who think that the Israeli Law of Return , which grants citizenship to every Jew, regardless of whether he is a Jew, is guilty of discriminating against the non-Jewish Israeli population, and especially the Palestinian population, because they cannot apply for Israeli citizenship and they are not allowed to return to the place from which they were expelled or left.
  • The main legal basis for this issue is UN Resolution 194 , which was adopted in 1948 and states that "...the refugees who wish to return to their homes and live in peace will be allowed to do so at the earliest possible time from a practical point of view, for the property of those who prefer not to do so will be paid compensations according to the principles of international law and that compensations will be paid for the property of those who would prefer not to do so and for loss or damage to property according to the principles of international law, which should be carried out by the responsible governments or authorities." Resolution No. 3236 passed in 1974 restated that The right of the Palestinians to return to their homes or to property from which they were expelled or from which they left and calls for their return should not be transferred." Resolution 242 of the UN Security Council confirms the necessity of "achieving a just settlement for the refugee problem", however, Resolution 242 does not explicitly state that a "just settlement" must or should include the Palestinian right of return.

There are Israelis who are willing to compromise on the refugee problem, through various means such as providing financial compensation as proposed by Ehud Barak at the Camp David summit in 2000. Others, however, opposed this. The most common counterclaims are:

  • The Israeli government claimed that the refugee problem was caused, to a large extent, as a result of the refusal of all Arab governments except Jordan to grant citizenship to the Arab-Palestinians who live within those countries. This factor led to the formation of most of the poverty cases and economic problems of the refugees, according to the documents of the Israeli Foreign Ministry .
  • The Palestinian refugee problem is managed by a separate authority from other refugees, that is, by UNRWA and not by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees . Most people who identify themselves as Palestinian refugees would integrate into the current country in which they live and would not maintain refugee status if separate entities existed.
  • The Palestinian refugees enjoy preferential treatment over other refugees around the world due to the fact that they get to inherit the refugee status despite the fact that they were born after the war. According to Israel, the discriminatory treatment of the Tova comes at its expense.
  • Regarding the origin of the Palestinian refugees, the official version of the Israeli government is that during the War of Independence the Supreme Arab Committee and Arab countries encouraged the Palestinians to flee, so that the military forces could defeat the Jewish state more easily, or they did so in order to flee the battles out of fear. The Palestinian narrative is that the refugees were expelled and dispossessed of their property by Jewish militias and by the Israeli army, in accordance with plans formulated even before the war. The reasons for the migration of the Palestinian refugees in 1948 are still disputed among historians.
  • Because none of the 900,000 Jewish refugees , most of whom were forced to flee Arab countries following acts of violence directed at them, was compensated or allowed to return to their homeland in the countries where they used to live before - a precedent according to which it was actually established that the responsibility to integrate the refugees lies with the nation that receives them .
  • Even though Israel is willing to accept the argument regarding the right of the Palestinian refugees to return to a Palestinian state once it is established, Israel insists that their return to the territories of the State of Israel would endanger the stability of the state and that an influx of Palestinian refugees would actually lead to the destruction of the State of Israel, and is therefore not applicable.

Settlements in Judea, Samaria and the Gaza Strip [ source code edit | edit ]

Extended value - settlement

The Palestinians demand the cessation of construction in the settlements[5]and evacuation. Israel is ready to discuss the evacuation of some of the settlements, but strongly opposes damage to the settlement blocs and the Jordan Valley. In practice, since the Oslo Accords, the number of settlers has doubled and various outposts have been built , which the Palestinians also resent.

In the years after the Six Day War, and especially during the peace process in the 1990s , Israel rebuilt settlements that were destroyed in 1948 and 1929 and also established many new settlements in the regions of Judea, Samaria and the Gaza Strip. As of 2016, approximately 421,400 people live in these settlements. Most of the settlements are located in the western part of Judea and Samaria , while other settlements are located deep in the area near Palestinian settlements and overlook the Palestinian cities.

Until 2005, the issue of Israeli settlements in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip was marked by the international media and by many international political parties (including the United States, Great Britain, and the European Union) as a fundamental obstacle on the way to a peaceful resolution of the conflict. These sources also stated that the Israeli settlements are illegal according to international law , moreover, the International Court of Justice and international and Israeli human rights organizations consider the settlements to be illegal. Nevertheless, Israel is appealing this dispute. Although this issue is also in dispute among a large number of researchers and commentators, the polemic did not change the view of the international community and human rights organizations .

Until 2006, 267,163 Israelis lived in the areas of Judea and Samaria (not including East Jerusalem which was annexed to Israel) beyond the " Green Line ". The establishment and expansion of the settlements in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip have been marked by the United Nations Security Council in several resolutions as violations of the Fourth Geneva Convention . The European Union as well as the United Nations General Assembly consider the settlements to be illegal. Those in favor of the settlements justify their legality through reasons that are based on Article 2 and 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention, as well as Resolution 242 of the UN Security Council. On a practical level, the counterarguments put forward by the Palestinians are that the settlements use the resources required for Palestinian cities, such as land, water, and other resources, and that the very existence of the settlements in the West Bank does not allow Palestinians to move freely on the local roads due to security considerations.

In 2005, Israel's unilateral disengagement plan was fully implemented, a step initiated by Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon . During the disengagement plan, all Jewish residents of the Gaza Strip were evacuated and all residential buildings were destroyed.

Over the years, a variety of mediators who were involved in the negotiation process between Israel and the Palestinians, offered within the framework of the various agreements a certain degree of openness for Israel to continue to hold a small part of the settlements in the West Bank. This openness is based on a wide range of considerations, such as the real desire to find a territorial compromise between the Israelis and the Palestinians, the Israeli position which holds that it should maintain some of the land and settlements in the West Bank as a buffer zone in the event of future aggression, and Israel's position that the settlements are a legitimate part of Israel, Because they were built in the absence of a diplomatic arrangement, therefore they did not violate any agreement.

The President of the United States George Bush stated that he does not expect Israel to completely return to the 1949 borders because "there is a new reality on the ground today". One of the main compromise proposals brought forward by the United States during Bill Clinton 's term was that Israel would continue to hold a number of settlements in the West Bank, especially the large settlement blocs near the 1967 borders. In return, the Palestinians would receive a number of concessions on various lands in other areas of the State of Israel. Most of the settlers, but not all, refuse to discuss this idea.

The Palestinian National Convention , which is the founding document of the PLO , forbids Jews to remain in their territory and demands that the territory given to them be cleared of Jews, with the exception of Jews who can prove ties to a place before 1918, in Hebron for example. (The Palestinian Convention states that only Jews who lived in Israel before 1917 will be allowed to stay in her).

Security [ edit source code | edit ]

The Palestinians demand an Israeli withdrawal from all the territories occupied in 1967. The recent Israeli governments have announced that they are willing to give up only some of the territories, a willingness that is consistent with Security Council Resolution 242 , without the settlements and the Jordan Valley. The establishment of a border by the State of Israel on the Green Line outlines a country whose waistline is 14 km wide, and all of its security and civil infrastructure in the plain and coastal plain are vulnerable in a way that is inconsistent with Israel's claim to defensible borders[6]- One of the principles that guide Israel's security concept .

A steep trajectory and a direct formation by Hamas from the Gaza Strip , before the disengagement and even more so after it, paralyzing the entire south and center of Israel is an illustration of a similar scenario that could occur from the direction of Judea and Samaria.

Therefore, Israel demands continued security control over the territories of Judea and Samaria, given any arrangement.

Israel sometimes demands sovereignty over the Jordan Valley partly because of its claim to defensible borders against the threat of an attack from the east.

International status [ edit source code | edit ]

In the Paris Agreements (which formed the economic chapter of the Oslo Agreements) it was agreed that Israel would control the border crossings between the Palestinian Territories with Jordan and Egypt and this as a result of Israel's demand in return for the Palestinian Territories to form one economic unit with it (a situation the Palestinians aspired to in order to facilitate their exports and imports as well as on the collection of taxes).

The Palestinians demand that the future Palestinian state contain a continuous territory that will break the territorial continuity of the State of Israel. As part of the interim agreements reached by the parties in the Oslo I Agreement, the Palestinian Authority received full civil and security control in the cities (areas A), while the rural areas went under civilian control of the Palestinian Authority and security control of the Israeli security forces ( areas B ) or under full Israeli control (territorial C). Later, Israel built additional bypass roads to allow Israelis to cross problematic areas without entering Palestinian cities. The areas under the control of the Palestinian Authority are numerous and non-contiguous. The territories changed over time due to the negotiation process between the parties which continued and included, among other things, the Oslo II Agreement, the Vai Agreement , and the Sharm el-Sheikh Agreement .

Hamas' takeover of the Gaza Strip and the separation between it and the Palestinian Authority causes problems on this issue.

According to the Palestinians, the current reality in which the territories under their control are separated means that the establishment of a sustainable Palestinian state is not possible and, in addition, this situation does not satisfy the security needs of the Palestinian people.

Distribution of resources [ edit source code | edit ]

For the feasibility of a sustainable state, the Palestinians demand "a state with an adequate land area, with geographical continuity, and with the ability to absorb all of its citizens, including refugees... it will have full control over its water sources, within its borders, with the ability to develop its own independent economy."[7].

In the Middle East, non-desalinated water is a resource in dire shortage year by year. A large part of the water that Israel pumps comes from two aquifers (underground rock layers used as a water reservoir) located along the Green Line . The distribution of the use of these water sources is a main bone of contention. Because some of the wells that are used to pump the water are in the territories of the Palestinian Authority, there is an international claim that denies the legality of using these water resources for Israeli needs. Those who support Israel's right to use the waters of the two aquifers for its own needs point out that approximately 40 mlm3 (million cubic meters ) per year of the water pumped by Israel is supplied to the West Bank and constitutes approximately 77% of the Palestinians' water supply in the West Bank. Israeli consumption of these water sources is In a slight decrease since 1949, however, Israel still consumes most of this water: in the 1950s , Israel consumed 95% of the water resources in the western aquifer, and 82% of the water resources in the northern aquifer. Although the pumping from these water sources that took place before 1967 was carried out on the Israeli side of the border (at that time), the source of these water resources is in the groundwater drainage basin which lies both in the West Bank and in Israel, until 1999, these numbers dropped to 82% and 80% respectively.

As part of the Oslo II agreement, both sides agreed to maintain "the utilization of the existing amounts of resources." And because of this, the Palestinian Authority gave its consent to the pumping of water by Israel in the area of ​​Sharon and Samaria bordering the Green Line. Israel undertook in this agreement to supply water to Palestinian industry, and also agreed to allow the Palestinians to drill in the eastern aquifer. Many Palestinians argue on the other hand that the Oslo II agreement was supposed to be temporary and was not intended to remain in force over a decade later.

A very serious water problem exists in the Gaza Strip, which is located in a semi-desert area where only a small part of the coastal aquifer is located. The salting of well water due to over-pumping since the implementation of the Oslo agreements as well as the serious deterioration of the pipeline since then due to lack of treatment (a problem that also exists in Judea and Samaria) is causing a worsening shortage of water required for the Gaza Strip.

The Oslo Agreement granted the Palestinian Authority the right to explore and drill for natural gas , fuel and oil in its territory and in the territorial waters that are within its territory.

Additional issues which are controversial [ edit source code | edit ]

  • Recognition of a Palestinian state - the Palestinians are interested in the establishment of a completely independent state, which has all the characteristics of a sovereign state, in Israel they prefer a demilitarized sovereign body with fewer powers than a state.
  • Recognition of the State of Israel as a Jewish state and its right to exist - the Palestinians do not recognize the nature of the State of Israel as a Jewish state and do not recognize Judaism as a nation but as a religion[8]. It is claimed that senior officials in the Palestinian Authority and the PLO , including the Palestinian ministries of education and media, preach the destruction of Israel[12]. As part of the Oslo Accords with the PLO, the Palestinian Authority undertook to cancel the Palestinian treaty calling for the annihilation of Israel, but according to the Israeli right, it did not do so.
  • The separation fence - The Palestinians demand that the separation fence be built on the Green Line and not in the territory occupied during the Six Day War, which they see as theirs. According to Israel, the Palestinians oppose any construction of a fence between them and Israel, and their claim is for propaganda purposes. In legal forums, Israel presents the fence as a "temporary security obstacle".
  • Incitement - Israel demands that the Authority stop inciting and encouraging terrorism against it[13].
  • The safe passage - a land passage from Judea and Samaria to Gaza that will be a substitute for territorial continuity. Israel and the Palestinians agree in principle to a land crossing, but differ on the way, regarding the control of cargo and passengers and the type of Israeli presence in the crossing, most of the demands include the establishment of a railway line or a road that will connect Judea and Samaria to the Gaza Strip.
  • The terrorist organizations - Israel demands the cessation of violence against it and the dissolution of the terrorist organizations as a condition for the permanent settlement, the Palestinians refuse to disband until Israel fulfills its side of the agreement, according to them.
  • The prisoner problem - Israel holds many prisoners, some of them from the period before the signing of the Oslo Accords, who participated in terrorist attacks against Israelis and have been in prison for a long time. The Palestinians and the prisoners' families demand their release.
  • Cessation of IDF activity in Judea, Samaria and the Gaza Strip - The Palestinians demand a complete withdrawal of the IDF from Judea, Samaria and the Gaza Strip and an end to targeted countermeasures. Israel sees countermeasures as a defensive move and is only willing to leave the city centers.
  • Demilitarization of the Palestinian state - Israel demands that the Palestinians have only one police (and not military ) body with light weapons (pistols for police officers, not rifles for soldiers) in as small numbers as possible.
  • Seaport and airport - The Palestinians demand a seaport in Gaza and an airport without Israeli supervision. Israel refuses, in order to prevent the passage of weapons and terrorists.
  • Border crossings - The Palestinians demand crossings under their supervision, at the borders with Jordan and Egypt . Israel refuses, to prevent the passage of weapons and terrorists.

Proposals on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict [ edit source code | edit ]

Extended value - the Israeli-Palestinian peace process

See also category: peace initiatives for the Israeli-Palestinian conflict

Myths [ edit source code | edit ]

During the conflict, the companies on the parties to the conflict began to believe in myths concerning the conflict. Myths, although they have a kernel of truth, have a significant fiction component, which leads to the formation of the public discourse and the art of the public and the decision makers. Both societies, the Israeli and the Palestinian, unite around the myths, and these have become a significant part of their art.

In the Palestinian society [ edit source code | edit ]

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In Israeli society

In relation to the disengagement plan , the "Singapore myth" prevails among the Israeli public, the Israelis believe that the disengagement was a move of goodwill that gave the Palestinians an opportunity to prosper and even "turn Gaza into Singapore". The didactic message in the myth seeks to see the results of the cleansing program as confirmation of the belief that the Palestinians are not interested in peace, but are taking advantage of every opportunity to escalate the conflict. In practice, the disengagement was carried out as a unilateral move and disconnected from the political agreements that preceded it, and without coordination with the Palestinian Authority led by Abbas. The disengagement was seen by the Palestinian public, accordingly, as an achievement for the armed struggle of the Hamas movement, rather than the negotiation path of the PLO and the Palestinian Authority, and weakened support for this path respectively. The historian of the conflict Shaul Arieli explains that under these conditions, a Hamas victory in the elections in the Gaza Strip was expected, and that Israel even made it easier for Hamas with the sanctions it imposed on the PA, which left its people unable to face the militants of the Islamic organization.[16]Arieli believes that the purpose of the disengagement was to create a differentiation between the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, in order to allow the conditions for the annexation of the West Bank in due course.

Some believe that the claim that "there is no Palestinian partner" is nothing but a myth. For example, in his book "This is exactly how it happened? 12 myths about the Israeli-Palestinian conflict", Shaul Arieli claims that the main obstacle to reaching a solution is not found on the Palestinian side or in the reality on the ground, but in the lack of political feasibility on the Israeli side, and in the fading of the truth and the crisis in the public discourse in democratic countries. Arieli bases his position on the limitations of military power, the costs of the conflict, and a belief that Israel can guarantee its security within the framework of the security arrangements agreed upon with the Palestinians during the negotiations. In addition, Arieli believes that the PLO is a partner, because of the change in its position in November 1988, when it accepted UN resolutions 181, 242 and 338 and accordingly amended its charter which included the destruction of Israel.

As for the myth "a people without a land returning to a land without a people", Arieli explains that the density of the Palestinian population in the area of ​​the Land of Israel, before the beginning of Zionism, was higher than that of other Arab countries. Arab immigration to Israel was a marginal factor in the annual Arab increase, and this was mainly based on natural reproduction and an increase in life expectancy.

As for the myth according to which "there is no Palestinian people", Arieli explains that the other nationalities in the region were also formed during similar periods, and just as there is no doubting the existence of a Jordanian, Syrian or Iraqi people, so there is no reason to dispute the existence of a Palestinian people. Beyond that, the very fact that Palestinian nationalism has often formed in contrast to Israeli nationalism, does not negate it or its right to exist, and this is no different from other national trends.

As for the "Jordan is Palestine" myth, Arieli explains that although the definition of "Palestine" includes the past of the eastern Jordan, the Balfour Declaration was in any case aimed at establishing a national home in part of Palestine, something that was even emphasized by Churchill in the White Paper. In addition, Arieli explains that in the proposal of the Zionist movement itself, which expressed the maximalist demands of the Zionist movement, the entire eastern Jordan was not included - but a strip of land west of the Hijaz railway. On the contrary, Arieli points out that the Zionist movement unanimously accepted the relinquishment of East Jordan anyway, and its connection to Israel is not legally or politically relevant. Arieli adds and emphasizes that in his opinion, it is not in Israel's interest to claim the East Bank, when the goal of the Zionist movement is to establish a Jewish and democratic state.

As for the myth that "Jewish settlement determined the borders of Israel", Arieli points out that this was true only in relation to the proposed partition plan, but it was never realized anyway, while the borders were determined at the end of the day according to the 1949 armistice line. Arieli dismantles the myth of Tel - Chai and Kfar Giladi, and explains that these did not come up at all in discussions about the borders and there is no reason to claim that it was because of them that the finger of Galilee was included in Palestine, but that it was derived from Metula , which Britain and France identified with the biblical Dan. Arieli adds that although he can and in a permanent arrangement with the Palestinians as far as it is signed, the settlements will affect the border line, but Israel will have to compensate the Palestinian state with alternative territories as part of a territory exchange, and this is contrary to what is implied by the myth that the settlement will allow the expansion of the country's borders.

As for the myth according to which "the Jews wanted to immigrate to the Land of Israel and the British prevented them from doing so", Arieli explains that the Jews had the opportunity to immigrate to the Land of Israel in the 1920s without restriction, but they preferred the European and American meat pot.

As for the myth according to which "the Palestinians have not abandoned the theory of stages and they want to destroy Israel", Arieli explains that in 1988 the Palestinian movement accepted UN Resolution 242, so that the Palestinians actually accepted recognition of the right to exist of the State of Israel. Arieli refutes The myth according to which the true positions of the former chairman of the Palestinian Authority Yasser Arafat were revealed, and claims that those who want to claim that the PLO or the PA hold to the theory of stages are doing so speculatively, and without any connection to the actions or statements of the PA.

As for the "few against many" myth, Arieli explains that although in terms of the civilian population, Israel was small in comparison to the Arab world, but in this war of independence it enjoyed a numerical advantage of the fighting forces, and certainly when this is said to be against the Palestinian side. This is reflected in a greater number of young men of conscription age compared to the Palestinians, as well as in the number of soldiers, weapons, ammunition and organization, which were more than those of Arab countries. Arieli explains that although during the containment phase in some of the battles in the isolated settlements, the IDF soldiers fought almost against many, but this was because of the strategy of dispersing the forces within which they did not give up any point. Arieli maintains that the myth leads to a false and dangerous belief in heavenly and experimental intervention thanks to which Israel won the war, Something that prevents drawing rational and sober conclusions.[17]

Some believe that even the claim that during the negotiations at the Camp David Conference (2000) Barak offered the Palestinian side a generous offer and they dogmatically refused, is nothing but a myth. Arieli believes that Barak's offer was clearly unfair, and the Palestinian side could not accept it even if it wanted to. Among other things, Arieli explains that Barak wanted to annex the Temple Mount and East Jerusalem, and in exchange to give the Palestinians the neighborhoods surrounding Jerusalem to the Palestinian state and to see them as Jerusalem. Arieli further explains that Barak sought to annex a considerable percentage of the West Bank, and was even grossly negligent in preparing the representatives of the Israeli delegation to discuss core issues, including the content of the refugee issue. Arieli also adds that PLO Chairman Mahmoud Abbas presented a reasonable and reasonable proposal in the negotiations at the Annapolis Conference , and the parties were just a crime away from reaching a permanent settlement, which was interrupted but due to Ehud Olmert's criminal files.

Some believe that even the claim that the settlements in the West Bank make the two-state solution irrelevant is nothing more than a myth. Thus, Arieli claims that a solution to the division of the land is possible from the physical, security and demographic point of view, and even offers a map that is the result of years of research for an optimal division of the land. According to him, the land can be divided with minimal damage to the fabric of Palestinian life, minimal damage to the kibbutzim and moshavim that will be forced to give up areas as part of the exchange of areas within the Green Line, and while allowing 80% of the settlers.[18]

Economic cost [ edit source code | edit ]

This chapter is lacking. Please contribute to Wikipedia and complete it . You may find details on the conversation page . What is Israel's economic cost?

According to a report by the "Strategic Foresight Group" research group, the cost of the conflict in the Middle East between the years 1991-2010 is 12 billion dollars. The report calculated the cost of the GDP of the countries in the Middle East by comparing the current GDP to the "C. The hypothetical potential during peace. This means that if there had been peace and cooperation between Israel and the Arab countries, since 1991 the average income per capita in Israel would have almost doubled and would have stood at 44,000 dollars by 2010, instead of 23,000 dollars in 2009[19]. For the Palestinians, the average income per capita would have been $2,400 by 2010 instead of $1,220[20].

To this indirect cost must be added the direct costs of fighting (weapons, use of ammunition, salaries for soldiers, etc.).

Losses [ edit source code | edit ]

This chapter is lacking. Please contribute to Wikipedia and complete it . You may find details on the conversation page .

Over the years, tens of thousands of people have been killed by wars and terrorist attacks. According to an article by Gunnar Heinson and Daniel Pipes , published in "Front Page Magazine.com" on October 8, 2007, out of approximately 51,000 casualties since 1950, approximately 32,000 were caused by fighting between Arab states and Israel, and approximately 19,000 as a direct result of The Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Of these, the number of Arab victims reaches about 35,000 and the number of Jewish victims to 16,000.

A graph showing the annual number of deaths from terrorist acts in Israel and the British Mandate, in the years 1920 - 2021

Language and coverage in academia and the media [ edit source code | edit ]

Coverage of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is often biased in terminology, it is claimed[23]. Peter Beinart has even suggested that there is a pattern of "linguistic deception and a culture of Orwellian euphemism " in the coverage of the conflict[24]. In fact, each party has its preferred set of descriptive words. In a study done on news broadcasters of the British media about the second intifada, a preference for the Israeli perspective was discovered; Historical explanations, the military nature of the conflict, and the Palestinians' view that they are fighting against occupation, were mostly omitted. The word "occupation" is not used in the mainstream media of the United States, and has become almost taboo[23].

On the other hand, some hold the opposite opinion; In addition to the Israeli information channels , whose purpose is to deal with negative public relations for the country, there are also many private pro-Israel organizations, including Camera, Flame, Honest Reporting , Mbat for Palestinian media , Canary Mission and the Anti-Defamation League who claim that many reports are distorted against Israel, and the term Bollywood (The bread Palestinians - Hollywood ) was invented by them as a definition of propaganda in the guise of documentation, with the intention of defaming Israel[25].

The quality of media coverage of the Arab-Israeli conflict, as well as the research and debates on university campuses, have become the target of intense analysis and research. In connection with what is happening on campuses and universities, organizations such as Campus Watch closely report and denounce what they see as "anti-Israeli" attitudes. At the same time, attempts were made to silence some well-known critics of Israel's policy in the territories, including Tony Jatt , Norman Finkelstein , Joseph Massad, Nadia Abu Al-Hajj, and William Robinson. Critics of Israel are frequently accused of anti-Semitism.

Israeli studies have claimed that the coverage of the Israeli press is mostly conservative, and mainly reflects the view of the political and military establishment, with similar biases noted in the Palestinian report[26]. Tamar Leibs , who served as head of the Department of Communication at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem , claimed that Israelis working as journalists and publishers "see themselves as actors in the Zionist movement, and not as critical external factors."[27].

See also [ edit source code | edit ]

For further reading [ edit source code | edit ]

  • Shmuel Katz, Land of Contention - Reality and Imagination in the Land of Israel, Kinneret Zamora Beitan Publishing
  • Joanne Peters, Since and Before - The Origins of the Jewish-Arab Conflict over Israel , United Kibbutz Publishing House
  • Amnon Lin, Letter in Blue and White No. 2 - The truth about the essence of the uncompromising Arab enmity with the right to exist of the democratic Jewish state of Israel , the forum for political thinking named after Dr. Reuven Hecht , Haifa.
  • Amnon Lin , Before the Storm - Jews and Arabs in Israel Between Hopes and Disappointments , Carney Publishing , 1999
  • Benny Morris , Victims - The History of the Zionist-Arab Conflict 1881-2001 , Em Oved Publishing , 2003
  • Yehezkel Rahami and Daniel Bar-Tal (editors), I Only Knew to Talk About Conflict - Socialization to Conflict in Israeli-Jewish Society . Walter Levbach Institute for Education for Coexistence, Tel Aviv University , 2006
  • Eyal Ehrlich, Hodna - A Political Adventure , Aryeh Nir Publishing House , 2006
  • Benny Morris, One State, Two States: Israel and Palestine , Em Oved Publishing , 2012
  • Shaul Arieli, A border between us and you , the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the ways to its settlement, Attic - Yedioth Books , 2013
  • Nir Baram , The Land Beyond the Mountains , Tel Aviv: Am Oved, 2016

External links [ edit source code | edit ]

Wikimedia Foundation projects
WikiquoteCitations at Wikiquote: Nationalism and Morality
WikishareImages and media on Wikishare: The Israeli-Palestinian conflict

Footnotes [ edit source code | edit ]

  1. ^ Shaul Arieli, A border between us and you , Yedioth Books, Attic Books, 2013
  2. ^ Knesset Research and Information Center, excavation work on the Temple Mount , March 18, 2001
  3. ^ Amnon Rubinstein , The Other Refugees
  4. ^ On the Unra website
  5. ^ Danny Rubinstein, The Palestinian Economy: A livelihood is a livelihood, not politics , on the Calcalist website , December 1, 2008
  6. ^ Ya'akov Amidror , Israel's demands for Bnei Hagana borders , within Bnei Hagana borders a necessary condition for Israel's security , Jerusalem Center for Public and State Affairs, Jerusalem, 2005, p. 24
  7. ^ Ahmed Kirei to Tzipi Livni at the Annapolis Conference
  8. ^ Section 20 B of the Palestinian Charter : "The Balfour Declaration and the wording of the mandate and what arose from them shall be considered invalid. The claims of the historical or spiritual connection of the Jew to Palestine are not consistent with the truths of history, or with the elements of the state in their true meaning. Judaism as a heavenly religion (that is, of revelation) is not A nationalism that has its own reality, and likewise the Jews are not one nation, with its own personality, but are citizens of the countries in which they are found."
  9. ^ Palestinian Television for Children: The cities of Haifa, Jaffa, Lod, Ramla, Acre - "Occupied Cities" , Palestinian Television for Children: Israel is "Palestine" waiting to be liberated , Palestinian Television offers a $100 reward for denying Israel's existence . Palestinian
  10. ^ See the cutting of wigs of Jews in a program on the Palestinian Broadcasting Authority, the Arab World News website
  11. ^ Palestinian television: "The Jews are the enemies of Allah and humanity - kill them!" , Martyrs and terrorist prisoners are a source of pride for the Palestinians Mabat site for Palestinian media
    Friday sermon on Palestinian television (September 21, 2001) , Friday sermon on Palestinian television: The Jews are descendants of monkeys and pigs deserve death , Mamari site
  12. ^ A look at the Palestinian media ] He previously published that the Palestinian Broadcasting Authority broadcasts content that considers the entire territory of Israel to be " Occupied Palestine "[9]and encourage racism[10], violence and terrorism against Jews[11]
  13. ^ Channel 7 , Shin Bet: The killer was influenced by the incitement broadcasts , on the website www.inn.co.il
  14. ^ Bezalel Smotrich, The Decision Plan : The Key to Peace is on the Right , The Shiloh , September 6, 2017
  15. ^ David Weinberg, The main points of the institute's political-security plan for 2019 - "Strength in a test" , The Shiloh , issue 15 , June 2019
  16. ^ ziv, "Singapore myth" prevents Israelis from understanding the causes of October 7 | Dr. Shaul Arieli , Telam website, 2024-02-28
  17. ^ Few versus many? : Studies on the relationship of quantitative forces in the battles of Judah the Maccabee and the War of Independence : 965-439-231-8 : magnespress.co.il : Books , on the website www.magnespress.co.il
  18. ^ Other claims that Arieli diagnoses as a myth and pretends to refute are the claim that "the Mufti and the Arab countries told them (the Palestinians) to flee", "Jerusalem is united forever" and that "Netanyahu is in favor of a two-state solution". Regarding the latter, Arieli explains that Netanyahu actually supports a model like the one proposed in the Trump plan, in which the Palestinians will be given autonomy in enclaves in the West Bank.
  19. ^ Conflict costs Israelis, Palestinians dear: study by Reuters, January 20, 2009
  20. ^ Excerpts on the report on the ‘Cost of Conflict in the Middle East’ by Strategic Foresight Group, January 2009
  21. ^ Data on casualties in the first intifada , on the B'Tselem website
  22. ^ Database of deaths and house demolitions , on the B'Tselem website
  23. ^ Jump up to:1 2 Juliana Tiripelli, Media and Peace in the Middle East: The Role of the Press in Israel-Palestine , p. 24
  24. ^ Peter Beinart , George Orwell and Israel's 'democratic' occupation of the West Bank , on the Haaretz website , February 12, 2014
  25. ^ Ruth Aglesh, Israelis call her 'Shirley Temper'. Palestinians call her a heroine. , on the Washington Post website , December 19, 2017
  26. ^ Daniel Bar-Tal and Elai Alon, The Role of Trust in Conflict Resolution: The Israeli-Palestinian Case and Beyond , p. 324
  27. ^ Yonatan Mandel, How to become an Israeli journalist , on the London Review of Books website, March 6, 2008


Zionism Israel
The Israeli-Palestinian conflict
warsThe War of Independence • The Six Day War • The War of Attrition in the Jordan Valley • The First Lebanon War • The Iron Swords War
Notable promotionsOperation Karma • Operation Wrath of God • Operation Jonathan • Operation Wooden Leg • Operation Noah's Ark • Operation Protective Wall • Operation Summer Rains • Operation Cast Lead • Operation Pillar of Cloud • Operation Strong Cliff • Operation Guardian of the Walls • Operation Dawn • Operation Shield and Arrow • Home and garden operation
Palestinian terrorist actsThe terrorist attack at the Munich airport • The attack on the Avivim bus • The massacre of the athletes in Munich • The first intifada • The riots on the Temple Mount • The riots on the Temple Mount (1990) • The second intifada • Suicide attacks in Israel • Rocket launches from the Gaza Strip to Israel • The wave of Palestinian terrorism (2015-2016) ) • The Temple Mount riots (2017) • The terrorist attacks in 2017 • The terrorist attacks in 2018 • The riots in Israel (2021) • The terrorist wave in Israel (spring 2022) • The Temple Mount riots (2022) • The terrorist wave in Israel (2023) • Riots Temple Mount (2023) • Surprise attack on Israel (2023) • Palestinian stone terror
Israeli terrorist actsThe Front for the Liberation of Lebanon from Foreigners (1980-1983) • The Jewish Underground • The Massacre at the Rose Garden Junction • The Cave of the Patriarchs Massacre • Operation Price Tag • The Attack in Douma
The forces in conflict
Israel Israel IDF • General Security Service • Israel Police • Border Guard • Mossad   
The Palestiniansopening Fatah • Hamas •PLO•Islamic Jihad• Popular Resistance Committees • Al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigades • Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine •Abu Nidal OrganizationHamas  The Palestinian Islamic Jihad   The Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine
political eventsThe Autonomy Plan • The Five Finger Plan • The Madrid Conference • The Oslo Accords • The Hebron Agreement • The Wai Agreement • The Sharm El-Sheikh Memorandum • The Camp David Conference • The Road Map • The Saudi Initiative • The Aqaba Summit • The Sharm El-Sheikh Summit (2005) • The Disengagement Plan • The Annapolis Conference • The Freeze Plan • Trump's Peace Plan
concepts and termsThe refugee problem • Intifada • The right of return • Absentees present • Tadhya • Martyrdom • Targeted countermeasures • Separation policy • Coupled
Israeli personalitiesPrime Ministers of Israel • IDF Chiefs of Staff • Israel's Defense Ministers • Shin Bet Chiefs • Mossad Chiefs
Palestinian personalitiesAmin al-Husseini • Yasser Arafat • Mahmoud Abbas • Haider Abd al-Shafi • Ahmed Yassin • Khaled Mashal • Muhammad Dahlan • Faisal Husseini • Seri Nusayiba • Jibril Rajoub • Marwan Barghouti • George Habash • Naif Khawatma • Ismail Haniya • Muhammad Daf • Yahya Sanwar
historical backgroundHistory of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict • The Partition Plan • The Declaration of Independence • The Nakba • The Green Line • Judea and Samaria • The Gaza Strip • East Jerusalem
OtherUNRA • The trust for economic development and refugee rehabilitation • Encouragement of terrorism by the Palestinian Authority • Incitement to terrorism in the education system in the Palestinian Authority • The illegal Palestinian construction in Area C