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Once Upon A Country: A Palestinian Life Kindle Edition
by Sari Nusseibeh (Author) Format: Kindle Edition
4.3 4.3 out of 5 stars 135 ratings
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As a child growing up in East Jerusalem, the world puzzled Sari Nusseibeh: the prosaic co-existed too closely with the mythical and sacred whilst the political world seemed to him ever-changing and incomprehensible. The young Nusseibeh revelled in the city's rich past. He played in the streets of his beloved Old City which were steeped not only in the histories of the three great religions but also in his family's history: for the Nusseibehs had lived here for thirteen centuries serving as judges, teachers, Sufi sages, politicians and, most extraordinary of all, as doorkeeper to the Church of the Holy Sepulchre. It is perhaps this intimate knowledge of the interconnections between the three religions which led to an open-mindedness in Nusseibeh rarely seen in, let alone expressed by, any protagonist in the Palestine-Israel conflict. Like most Palestinians, his family suffered the upheavals and displacements - if not the economic consequences - of the first Arab-Israeli war of 1948, which we witness through his father's active participation in defining, and infinitely disputed, moments in the Palestine-Israel conflict. Simultaneously a pan-Arab idealist and healthy sceptic, his father became a legendary figure who never succumbed to nationalist ideology or rhetoric. A philosopher by training and profession, Nusseibeh's political activism developed after his education at Oxford and Harvard, and was both gradual and reluctant. A firm and idealistic believer in the possibility of a one-state solution where Jews and Arabs could co-exist in dignity, he was forced to re-assess these ideas as the Israeli occupation affected Palestinian life irrevocably. While teaching at Birzeit University in the West Bank, he was appointed head of the union, which soon brought him into direct confrontation not only with Israeli military law in the West Bank, but also with the PLO leadership. From then on Nusseibeh realized the power of civil disobedience and developed this into a strategic political tool, coupled with his innate respect for personal freedom and his ability to think rationally. Not afraid to criticize either the Israelis or the Palestinians, he has managed to receive death threats from extremists on both sides and has even been termed "the smiling face of Palestinian terror" by some Israelis. Appointed by Arafat as the PLO representative in Jerusalem in 2001, Nusseibeh's relationship with him had long been tenuous and reserved. Always aware of Arafat's achievements, he nevertheless remained highly critical of many aspects of his leadership as well as of the second intifada. Nusseibeh's unflinching opinions are a fascinating and rare insider's view into the workings of the first Palestinian Authority. Sari Nusseibeh sees himself on a double mission. He is fighting the Israeli occupation from eradicating the Arab civilization he loves from his native Jerusalem. And at the same time, building the Palestinian institutions necessary to achieve peace, while battling the corruption of Palestinian politics and the extremism of political Islam. Seen by some as a local Don Quixote, his vision of a healthy, democratic society based on respect and tolerance for others and on the freedom of ideas, is crucial to the modern world.
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"One of the best personal accounts of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict ever written . . . A fascinating and deeply intelligent memoir." --Ethan Bronner, The New York Times
"There are villains and victims, patriots and fools, war and peace, betrayal and corruption, and an inevitable romance. . . . The book dramatizes recent history in Palestine as few others have done." --Amos Elon, The New York Review of Books
"Terrific . . . highly recommended for those who want to appreciate the dilemma of the Palestinian democrat." --Christopher Hitchens, Slate
"A deeply admirable book by a deeply admirable man." --Leon Wieseltier, The New York Times Book Review
"Once Upon a Country is an often enthralling book, with a lucid unfolding of the issues and subtle analysis of the games played by both sides. . . . This complicated man--shrewd, idealist, pragmatic, dreamer, peaceful warrior---is very much worth knowing." --Charles Matthews, San Francisco Chronicle
"Captivating . . . Once Upon a Country is a magnificent study of hope under siege." --Robert Malley, The Washington Post
"A bighearted, admirable, and exceptionally interesting account of Nusseibeh's struggle for an equitable peace in a conflict in which compromise is often interpreted as treason. This is a rare book." --Jeffrey Goldberg, Los Angeles Times
"Once Upon a Country is a subtle, sad, and humorous memoir that casts a fresh light on the Israeli-Palestinian tragedy and a vivid picture of Palestinian society as well." --Amos Oz, author of A Tale of Love and Darkness
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Jeanne S.
5.0 out of 5 stars Thorough and touching exposition of the Palestinian struggleReviewed in India on 1 March 2019
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A comprehensive history of the Palestinian struggle for statehood, starting from the very beginning. Hugely informative and empathetic.
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5.0 out of 5 stars Interesting and informativeReviewed in Germany on 7 September 2013
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Nusseibeh, the main author, is a professor of phylosophy and, as his father, was very much involved into the palestinian politics during the recent decades. He is a palestinean trained in Oxford/UK and worked also as an accademic in Massachusetts. The book is more or less an eyewitness report embeded in a historic development, in this case in the middle east. It starts during world war II and ends at the beginning of this century. Although quite critical, Nusseibeh describes the palestinian position of the constant palestinian-jewish conflict in the middle east. The english language stil is quite formidable but good readable even for me as a non-native English speaker. I liked this book because it describes the political and social developement of the recent decades in the middle east, which I only knew from the histroy books or reports from the media. It opened my eyes how complicated life in Israel for Palestinians, as well as in general the arabic-jewish conflic is, and how difficult living conditions of the ordinary arabic people in this region are.
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Ayman S. Ashour
5.0 out of 5 stars Once Upon a Peace Maker!Reviewed in the United States on 8 August 2007
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This is a truly important book for anyone wishing to understand fully the Arab / Palestinian - Israeli conflict. It sheds tremendous light on very important events, thus far not fully presented from the Palestinian side, especially that of the non rejectionist Palestinian camp. Sari Nusseibeh is a truly visionary man with tremendous courage and is a highly gifted activist and indeed very clever politician despite his own denials.
I have thoroughly enjoyed, and was often moved by, the first half of the book which dealt with the history of Nusseibeh's family and contained his even handed description of the events leading to 1948 and all the way through the 1967 war and his subsequent return to live in Palestine with his British wife. Nusseibeh's portrayal of the lives of the Palestinians between the wars of 1948 and 1967 was very helpful.
In the second half of the book Nusseibeh hammers in, over and over again, on the tacit unspoken alliance of the extremists on both sides and shows how Israel supported the creation of Hamas as a counter weight to the Fateh and PLO. He coherently and very persuasively presents the thought process that he went through to move from the one state solution to the two state solution and demonstrates very effectively the threats that prolonging the conflict would cause to it.
Nusseibeh was often right at the center of things or at least presents himself as such; we see him as a leading figure in standing up to the Israelis and to the Islamists, we see him as the key engine behind the first intefada, or uprising, and we see him winning the respect and approval of Yasir Arafat. In this, second, half, this book moves from being a truly exceptional account of the personal and family history more into an aggrandizing politician's memoir. This should not reduce nor detract from the tremendous personal sacrifice and commitment Nusseibeh made to his cause.
I have heard of the peace work of Dr. Nusseibeh and read some of his articles and interview for some years and while I admire him more than any other Palestinian public figure, this book troubled me in a number of ways. Unlike the other three Palestinian memoirs, originally written in English, that I have read (Gada Karami, Fay Kenfani & Edward Said) Nusseibeh sought to justify every action he has ever taken, to defend his various historic positions and to settle the scores with those of differing views. Most unlike the other three biographies, the book contained virtually no retrospective sole searching whatsoever and important topics such as his obvious passion and skill for politics vs. his academic eccentric persona were packaged for the purpose rather than thought through. Nusseibeh repeatedly simply presented himself as the reluctant professor, yet left us wondering about his very savvy organizational, political and survival skills. He seemed to know exactly how to deal with wily old Arafat, Hamas, the Israeli intelligence and the various factions of the PLO yet retain the freedom to advance his own agenda as well as build important relationships with Israelis.
The tremendous heights, in which, Nusseibeh holds his father, a former Governor of Jerusalem, ambassador and member of cabinet gives the feeling of an immature biography lacking in the distance to be objective. Indeed the first half of the book contains rework of the some of the father's own unpublished memoirs. Obvious points such as the father's commitment to an idealistic form of pan Arabism, albeit non Bathist and non Nasserist, and Nusseibeh own movement into being Palestinian nationalist, seeing Palestine being in natural alliance with Israel did not cause him to reflect further on the role and thinking of his father. A respectful critique and contrast of the views would have enhanced and not hindered the understanding of his father and need not be disloyal to his memory.
Most grating perhaps is the competitiveness displayed with other Palestinian peace advocates and the various attempts at discrediting them. This was particularly evident in describing the efforts that led to the Geneva Accord, which Nusseibeh referred as the plan by the name of the Israeli negotiator, thus marginalizing the Palestinian partner. At some point Nusseibeh clearly fell out with Hanan Ashrawi and Dr. Barghouti, both articulate advocates of the Palestinian cause and for peace and coexistence with Israel, he made his disdain of them very obvious and has not troubled himself to analyze their positions even in retrospect.
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Charles Freeman
5.0 out of 5 stars An essential book.Reviewed in the United Kingdom on 20 October 2007
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I used to teach a course on the politics of the Middle East. If I was doing so again I would make two books compulsory reading, Amos Oz's A Tale of Love and Darkness and Sari Nusseibeh's Once Upon a Country. Both show individuals who are deeply rooted in their respective cultures caught up in the maelstrom which saw the birth of modern Israel. Nusseibeh's family have been connected to Jerusalem for some 1,300 years and much of this memoir is an account of how his heritage has been fragmented by Israeli occupation of East Jerusalem. Yet whatever the pressures on him from Israelis and radical Palestinians he has tried to keep a dialogue open centred not just on his own humanity but on the assumption that both sides stand to benefit from a fair peace. Philosophical (in both the academic and emotional sense), quirky at times, a real one-off he shows how it was and is possible to survive with ideals intact, despite everything that the croneyism of Arafat and the aggressive settlement policy of Sharon did to undermine them.
Both Judaism and Islam have made immense contributions to cultural and intellectual life over the centuries and perhaps the low point of the book comes with Sharon's attempt to drive his notorious concrete wall through the middle of the Palestinian university of which Nusseibeh was President. To her credit Condoleezza Rice finally put pressure on her Israeli allies to build the wall elsewhere (it was a pity she did not go further and stop it altogether). I hope she and the fellow members of her government have time to read this book, not only to understand how an ancient culture has been crushed but to absorb its central message that both sides will gain from a fair peace. It needs the courage of a Nusseibeh to keep the flame alive.
Anyone reading this book will want to pay tribute to Nusseibeh's English-born wife Lucy who kept the family together at times of tension and danger and who has made her own contributions to the search for non-violent solutions of the conflict.
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Ranjit Powar
4.0 out of 5 stars Four StarsReviewed in India on 18 December 2017
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Brilliant window into the Israeli conflict.
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Yair Ben-Zvi
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June 11, 2019
Sari Nusseibeh's work is a grand one; while not without its flaws it is still a testament to the tireless endeavors of those for peace against those for war.
Much like Mr. Nusseibeh I was born in Jerusalem. And, again, similar to Sari, I was raised with many stories about my people's integral and indelible connection to the city and the land. But unlike the Arab Muslim Nusseibeh I was born an Israeli Jew. And of course my stories were much more tinged with my people's narrative, that of the Jewish people rising from the ashes and ignominy of exile and Holocaust to reclaim our ancestral homeland. For the longest time I just accepted what I had heard from my father, my brothers, and most who agreed with them, as received fact.
But life isn't so simple. I don't pretend that Mr. Nusseibeh is without agenda. And I also don't pretend that his sympathies don't, even if only by pure knee-jerk instinct, rest more with his than with mine. But Mr. Nusseibeh wants peace and seems to mean it. I can't denigrate anyone for wanting that, not seriously.
Overall this is an informative primer to and for those with little to no knowledge of the Israel/Palestine conflict. Nusseibeh posits, overall, that two state solution with borders based on the results of 1967 war is the best possible resolution. I'm inclined to agree. I'm inclined to agree despite religious, nationalistic, cultural, and political screeching (on every side for every reason) to the contrary.
In the end I'm reminded of a line from James Jones' World War II "The Thin Red Line", specifically from the cynical character Lieutenant Welsh, "property property, it's all about property,". If it has to be about dirt and we have to share it, which we do, then, to quote every half-competent kindergarten teacher the world over, we'll have to learn and share and grow up.
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Scriptor Ignotus
541 reviews207 followers
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May 26, 2024
An engaging, and at times stirring, memoir of post-1948 Palestinian political and social life from a man who saw much of it up close through numerous lenses: as a scion of one of Jerusalem’s great patrician families, the Nusseibehs, who traced their residency in the city to the time of Umar, the second Caliph; as a professor, campus activist, and later as a university president; as a journalist-cum-polemicist and clandestine operative during the First Intifada, giving voice to its aspirations and steering it away from violence; as an informal diplomat; as a would-be state builder, helping design a shadow government that served as a guide for the negotiators at Madrid; as a humanist gadfly, articulating the necessity of education, critical thinking, and good-faith engagement with Israeli interlocutors for the achievement and viability of Palestinian freedom—all while facing down threats (and in one case, physical assault) from the fundamentalist factions that would ultimately coalesce around Hamas: factions, Nusseibeh repeatedly notes, which the Israeli government never seemed nearly as interested in suppressing as the peaceful, secular activists for equal rights and dignity who represented the predominant Palestinian political forces for most of this history; as a political prisoner, spending 90 days in “administrative detention” without charge in 1991, likely for working with the Israeli anti-occupation group Peace Now (Benjamin Netanyahu claimed that Nusseibeh was leading a spy ring for Saddam Hussein!); and as the Palestinian National Authority’s representative in Jerusalem.
Not only an intimate history of the Palestinian experience through decades of war, occupation, and apartheid, it is also the story of Nusseibeh’s personal development as both a thinker and an activist, engaging with the humanities, classical Islamic philosophy (especially Ibn Sina and al-Farabi), and great literature to elaborate on the nature of personal and political freedom; testing his ideas, and those of his students, in the “laboratory” of a real, life-and-death struggle against oppression. Nusseibeh movingly describes how the fundamental human concerns addressed by a typical humanities education—freedom, justice, dignity, citizenship, war, peace—took on a much more immediate and visceral significance for his students—facing death, imprisonment, exile, and the daily deprivations and humiliations of life as members of a subordinate caste—than they ever could for a typical American or European student. The conditions of life imposed upon them by a system of domination that denies their humanity has made the recognition of this humanity, by themselves and others, an object of heroic struggle for Palestinians of all varieties; a dream rather than a fact of life which many people take for granted.
A touching and illuminating read for those looking to personalize their understanding of the Palestinian plight.
biography general-history middle-east
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Sherri
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January 17, 2015
I had high hopes for this book, but was somewhat disappointed. I like Nusseibeh, and it clear from the book that he has worked tirelessly to try to find a peaceful resolution between the Israelis and Palestinians. I admire him for that and for keeping hope in a situation that appears hopeless. The problem is that his book just isn't very good. It is disjointed and choppy. He often doesn't give enough background or information to help someone who does not live in those countries understand what he is discussing. More character development would have helped me understand the players and their motivations a little better and would have given the book more emotional impact. I read it because I wanted to understand the Israeli/Palestinian conflict from the perspective of a Palestinian. I think the book did help me with this, although it was more difficult --even tedious--than it had to be.
I do think this conflict would end quickly if there were more reasonable people like Nusseibeh on both sides. I hope for that in the future.
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Sivan N.
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November 11, 2020
I skipped 100 pages of this book and it was still too long. Nonetheless, Nusseibeh provides great insight into Palestinian life, struggle, and politics. You will probably need to know a little background Israeli/Palestinian history to get something out of the book.
I think Nusseibeh has an interesting voice, but I can't tell if I liked it. He was a bit repetitive, which is why I thought it was too long. Like we get it, you never really wanted to get into politics, didn't enjoy engaging in your family's salon conversations, and you are constantly rubbing your worry beads.
Still though, Nusseibeh led a pretty interesting life in terms of his role with the Al-Quds University and the Palestinian Authority.
As you can see, I keep teeter-tottering my review, which is why this is 3 stars.
I think Nusseibeh offers valuable insight into the Palestinian world, but you can certainly skim and only read about the eras that interest you. Overall, I basically agree with Nusseibeh's final proposed peace plan.
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Tariq Mahmood
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April 26, 2014
It's my first book on the struggle for Palestine and boy was I happy with my decision. Sari has really demonstrated a dignified and courageous approach to freedom struggle. I particularly enjoyed his analogies of the most acrimonious dispute in the world. I also gained a great understanding of the regional politics between Israeli, Hamas and Fatah. If only there were more statesmen like Sari the Arab world would be so much better. I found the book the world very engaging and deeply insightful, filled with one liners and anecdotes. My only criticism is at times the author seems slightly vain glorious. He seemed to know every Israeli move in advance and pointed out every flaw in PLO, almost too intuitively. Maybe he did, maybe he didn't, but parts of the book seem like a self appraisal to me at least in the true Middle Eastern fashion.
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Benjamin
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December 31, 2008
His descriptions of his childhood in pre 1967 Jerusalem were interesting as a period piece, and the guy's obviously a talented writer with stories to tell. I was unimpressed, however, with his historical analyses. He omits anything that reflects badly on the Palestinians, who are always just, and the Israelis are always in the wrong.
His view of Abu Jihad was laughable and either intellectually dishonest or overly naive. He claims Abu Jihad was a gentleman and basically never inflicted harm on anyone. But the next page he would recount how, anytime anyone tried to intimidate the author, Abu Jihad would quickly step in and the intimidators would immediately back down. I wonder why that was?
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Al
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August 7, 2013
I feel like this book has done more to help me understand the heart of the issues in the Holy Land than anything else I have been exposed to. He is uniquely involved, and is indeed a very important voice. On the logical level of debate, his ideas ring true in my ears. On the philosophical level of the human experience, his arguments resonate with me as well. If you have any interest in the human experience at all, you really must read this book. Thank you to my Goodreads friend, Elisa, for recommending it.
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Sagheer Afzal
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February 4, 2024
The author is from a prominent family who had lived in Jerusalem for more than a thousand years and was deeply affected by the events of 1948. He provides a personal history of his youth in the City and his studies abroad. Throughout we are reminded that some facts can be viewed from differing perspectives and lead us to alternative conclusions. Not that he falls back on the old argument that one man’s terrorist is another man’s freedom fighter. What Nusseibeh does is to emphasize those facts that support his contention that the majority of Palestinians are peace loving people like himself who just want a normal life and he omits or downplays many of those facts that go against this narrative. Similarly while acknowledging the factions within Israeli society that seek a peaceful resolution, the Israeli government is always the villain no matter which party is in charge.
The author is rather even handed when identifying those responsible for the endless circle of violence and the failure of the multiple attempts to bring a lasting peace. He notes the often disingenuous approach of the Israeli politicians to any peace process but also the inability of those Palestinians in power - notably Arafat - to take advantage of the situations that have been presented . (And so the observation by Abba Eban that the Palestinians never miss an opportunity to miss an opportunity. This does seem a little unfair as on many occasions there may have been only the illusion of an opportunity.) The Israeli government is always painted as mean and devious and the Palestinians are simple, gullible and duped despite having a number of well educated people on their team including the author himself, Hanan Ashrawi, Saeb Erekat and many others.
Nusseibeh generally has a broad perspective on the conflict. He has worked with and praises peace activists on both sides and blames the intransigence on what he sees as the radical and violent minority within the Palestinian population and the aggressive tactics of the settlers and their supporters in the Israeli government. His ideas for peaceful coexistence are noble and rational but are overwhelmed by the vitriolic machinations of those on both sides for whom it is a desperate battle to annihilate the enemy at all costs.
Of course this is a tragic story. Despite knowing the continuing situation of conflict as it stands today (March 2019) with no signs of it ending, as I read about the various peace conferences and rounds of negotiation I kept hoping that one of those attempts to reconcile the two sides would conclude successfully.
Finally, although Nusseibeh writes about his interaction with Palestinians from all walks of life and social strata the book comes across as a viewpoint of an intellectual from a privileged family. It is difficult to determine if his ideas would ever be acceptable to those who suffer the daily indignities of the occupation to say nothing of those whose family members have been tortured or killed. His thoughts and actions are laudable but it is clear that without a willingness of a majority of Palestinians to go along with him and a strong leadership to mobilize them in a concerted effort to achieve a just peace through non-violent means the Israeli contention that there is no entity to deal with will continue to provide justification for their program of expansion, repression and segregation.
I would have liked to hear Sari's honest answer to the question of whether Palestine should have always been a part of Jordan. This is of crucial importance, because people too often neglect that the Mandate (and in particular the area around the Jordan river) was indeed promised to 2 peoples by the British, but the Arabs did get a part of it, when the Kingdom of Jordan was created. Its ruler was a Hashemite king, a totally acceptable ruler for the Arabs of Palestine. And indeed, many of them moved to Jordan and considered themselves Jordanians in Judea and Samaria and in Jerusalem.
In conclusion, this book is a brilliant insight into the manifold reasons why peace can never be attained in the holy city. Sari Nusseibeh towers in this book as though he were a force of nature. Eloquent and erudite, nobody deserves the epithet of intellectual more than Sari. Eschewing a life of comfort and ease for his homeland, seemingly glad to suffer the indignities of jail and work tirelessly with ilk such as the venal, self-serving Arafat, all for the homeland.
Reading this book you realise that peace can never be achieved because those in pulpits and political offices have realised that peace and harmony are best confined in textbooks because their realisation does not enrichen them. Discord and strife serve their ends much better. An impoverished angry man is a far more useful tool than an intelligent and dignified man such as Sari. His insights are pithy and profound. My favourite one is his analogy of why peace can never be achieved.
'The Arab simply wants to defend his land to feel at home whereas the Jewish man feels the need to keep expanding his land to feel at home'
The reasons for this maybe myriad. But ultimately the cause is a familiar. Indoctrination as opposed to education. Using terror to promote reciprocal terror. Demonising the enemy and ideating him as evil incarnate in the minds of your people and then feeding that demon through your own action thus creating a cast iron stereotype.
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Ron
761 reviews139 followers
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April 24, 2012
Written by Palestinian peace activist Sari Nusseibeh, this book is an immensely readable personal and political memoir - an account of a life lived in a "broken and violated land." Descendant of a patrician family in Jerusalem, tracing its history back to the seventh century, the author was educated in England and, following in his father's footsteps, devoted his years to advocating reason and nonviolence in the resolution of Arab-Israeli conflicts. A student and later a professor of philosophy, he first believed that Arabs and Israelis could live together as citizens of a single nation. Then, after the 1967 war, he came to the conclusion that a two-nation solution was in the best interests of both peoples.
Over the years, in his account, he has watched both of those objectives resisted and undermined by the objectives of those with political power - the Israelis through a campaign of seizing territory in the West Bank for Jewish settlements, and the PLO by demanding the return of all occupied lands. Meanwhile, moderates such as himself are cast as "dangerous," and his efforts at building bridges between Arabs and Jews are often frustrated. When the intifada of the 1980s flares up, Nusseibeh plays a strategic role in secretly writing and publishing materials that provide it with a voice and direction, channeling the energy of street demonstrations away from violence. And he is instrumental in building a nation-building organization to set the stage for Arafat's return from exile in Tunis to govern the West Bank and Gaza. At the same time, he is reaching out to peace activists among Israelis, even while the second intifada surges to life and Arab extremists begin to have a deadly impact with suicide bombs.
The entire story - which brings us to the present with the building of Sharon's walls and the victory of Hamas in Palestinian elections - is a continuing account of hopes raised and then crushed. While it can be read as an indictment of Israeli policies against the Palestinians, it portrays the PLO as ridden with corruption and the Islamist Hamas organization as blindly and dangerously irrational. Moved deeply by visions of Jeffersonian democracy, Nusseibeh is confronted over and again with the extreme difficulty of seeing reason prevail in the service of government, diplomacy, and building social institutions. What he falls back on at the end is a belief that the fundamental decency of humans - as reflected in sacred scriptures - will eventually lead people to see the folly of their ways. This is a fine book for portraying a moderate and measured history of the Arab-Israeli conflict from 1948 to the present. Readers may also enjoy Jeffrey Goldberg's "Prisoners: A Muslim and a Jew Across the Middle East Divide."
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Andrew
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August 7, 2011
I read this book from my perspective as a supporter of Israel, so I wasn't sure what to expect. Nusseibeh establishes himself as a decent and thoughtful observer of the Israeli/Palestinian conflict. On the whole, I'd say it's a relatively balanced view, although his recollection of specific incidents should be buttressed by further reading for the curious. For example, his account of the 1967 war is subtly flawed. He writes that Egypt's blockade of the Straits of Tiran "was for Israel, an act of war"; by law, though, it is an act of war. His recounting of how Jordan became involved in the war is correct in several respects (e.g., King Hussein's reluctance to become involved) but he also gave me the impression that Jordanian soldiers were firing potshots at Israel, when they in fact launched 6,000 shells at Jewish Jerusalem.
Later on, he cites the Mohammad Al-Dura incident as an article of faith, although as a result Philippe Karsenty's recent successful appeal regarding the France 2 camera footage, that incident was almost certainly staged. To be fair, though, the book was published before this judgement was handed down, although he could have at least acknowledged the ongoing controversy surrounding this incident.
In the grander scheme of things, Nusseibeh deserves credit for his courage and his willingness to challenge the Palestinian establishment's sacred cows, like the right of return.
If the book has one major flaw, it's that Nusseibeh doesn't connect the failures of Palestinian society with the failures of Islamic societies as a whole. Even if you believe that everything he writes concerning the history of the region is gospel, it does not entirely explain the Palestinian predicament. One might believe that suicide bombing is the product of "hopelessness", but then how do you explain 9/11, or Bali? There's more than just despair at the root of this phenomenon. Nusseibeh can't quite bring himself to make this leap, although there are times in the book when I thought he might.
In the end, it's still a worthwhile read, and one that hopefully inspires people to read more about the Middle East.
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