2022-03-02

John J. Mearsheimer, Why-the-Ukraine-Crisis-Is.pdf

Why-the-Ukraine-Crisis-Is.pdf

Why the Ukraine Crisis Is the West’s Fault
The Liberal Delusions That Provoked Putin
John J. Mearsheimer


According to the prevailing wisdom in the West, the Ukraine 
crisis can be blamed almost entirely on Russian aggression. 
Russian President Vladimir Putin, the argument goes, annexed Crimea out of a long-standing desire to resuscitate the Soviet 
empire, and he may eventually go after the rest of Ukraine, as well as 
other countries in eastern Europe. In this view, the ouster of Ukrainian 
President Viktor Yanukovych in February 2014 merely provided a pretext for Putin’s decision to order Russian forces to seize part of Ukraine.
But this account is wrong: the United States and its European allies 
share most of the responsibility for the crisis. The taproot of the trouble is NATO enlargement, the central element of a larger strategy to 
move Ukraine out of Russia’s orbit and integrate it into the West. At 
the same time, the EU’s expansion eastward and the West’s backing of
the pro-democracy movement in Ukraine—beginning with the Orange Revolution in 2004—were critical elements, too. Since the mid1990s, Russian leaders have adamantly opposed NATO enlargement 
and in recent years, they have made it clear that they would not stand 
by while their strategically important neighbor turned into a Western 
bastion. For Putin, the illegal overthrow of Ukraine’s democratically 
elected and pro-Russian president—which he rightly labeled a 
“coup”—was the )nal straw. He responded by taking Crimea, a peninsula he feared would host a NATO naval base, and working to destabilize Ukraine until it abandoned its e*orts to join the West. 
Putin’s pushback should have come as no surprise. After all, the 
West had been moving into Russia’s backyard and threatening its core 
John J. Mearsheimer

2 FOREIGN AFFAIRS

strategic interests, a point Putin made emphatically and repeatedly. 
Elites in the United States and Europe have been blindsided by events 
only because they subscribe to a 0awed view of international politics. 
They tend to believe that the logic of realism holds little relevance in 
the twenty-)rst century and that Europe can be kept whole and free 
on the basis of such liberal principles as the rule of law, economic interdependence, and democracy.
But this grand scheme went awry in Ukraine. The crisis there shows 
that realpolitik remains relevant—and states that ignore it do so at 
their own peril. U.S. and European leaders blundered in attempting 
to turn Ukraine into a Western stronghold on Russia’s border. Now 
that the consequences have been laid bare, it would be an even greater 
mistake to continue this misbegotten policy.

THE WESTERN AFFRONT
As the Cold War came to a close, Soviet leaders preferred that U.S. 
forces remain in Europe and NATO stay intact, an arrangement they 
thought would keep a reuni)ed Germany paci)ed. But they and their 
Russian successors did not want NATO to grow any larger and assumed 
that Western diplomats understood their concerns. The Clinton administration evidently thought otherwise, and in the mid-1990s, it 
began pushing for NATO to expand.
The )rst round of enlargement took place in 1999 and brought in 
the Czech Republic, Hungary, and Poland. The second occurred in 
2004; it included Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania, Slovakia, and Slovenia. Moscow complained bitterly from the start. During NATO’s 1995 bombing campaign against the Bosnian Serbs, for 
example, Russian President Boris Yeltsin said, “This is the )rst sign 
of what could happen when NATO comes right up to the Russian Federation’s borders. . . . The 0ame of war could burst out across the 
whole of Europe.” But the Russians were too weak at the time to derail NATO’s eastward movement—which, at any rate, did not look so 
threatening, since none of the new members shared a border with 
Russia, save for the tiny Baltic countries.
Then NATO began looking further east. At its April 2008 summit in 
Bucharest, the alliance considered admitting Georgia and Ukraine. 
The George W. Bush administration supported doing so, but France 
and Germany opposed the move for fear that it would unduly antagonize Russia. In the end, NATO’s members reached a compromise: the 

alliance did not begin the formal process leading to membership, but 
it issued a statement endorsing the aspirations of Georgia and Ukraine 
and boldly declaring, “These countries will become members of NATO.” 
Moscow, however, did not see the outcome as much of a compromise. Alexander Grushko, then Russia’s deputy foreign minister, said, 
“Georgia’s and Ukraine’s membership in the alliance is a huge strategic mistake which would have most serious consequences for pan-European 
security.” Putin maintained that admitting those two countries to NATO would 
represent a “direct threat” to Russia. 
One Russian newspaper reported that 
Putin, while speaking with Bush, “very 
transparently hinted that if Ukraine 
was accepted into NATO, it would cease 
to exist.”
Russia’s invasion of Georgia in August 2008 should have dispelled 
any remaining doubts about Putin’s determination to prevent Georgia 
and Ukraine from joining NATO. Georgian President Mikheil Saakashvili, who was deeply committed to bringing his country into 
NATO, had decided in the summer of 2008 to reincorporate two separatist regions, Abkhazia and South Ossetia. But Putin sought to keep 
Georgia weak and divided—and out of NATO. After )ghting broke out 
between the Georgian government and South Ossetian separatists, 
Russian forces took control of Abkhazia and South Ossetia. Moscow 
had made its point. Yet despite this clear warning, NATO never publicly abandoned its goal of bringing Georgia and Ukraine into the alliance. And NATO expansion continued marching forward, with 
Albania and Croatia becoming members in 2009.
The EU, too, has been marching eastward. In May 2008, it unveiled 
its Eastern Partnership initiative, a program to foster prosperity in 
such countries as Ukraine and integrate them into the EU economy. 
Not surprisingly, Russian leaders view the plan as hostile to their 
country’s interests. This past February, before Yanukovych was forced 
from o2ce, Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov accused the EU
of trying to create a “sphere of in0uence” in eastern Europe. In the 
eyes of Russian leaders, EU expansion is a stalking horse for NATO
expansion. 
The West’s )nal tool for peeling Kiev away from Moscow has been 
U.S. and European leaders 
blundered in attempting to 
turn Ukraine into a 
Western stronghold on 
Russia’s border.

its e*orts to spread Western values and promote democracy in Ukraine 
and other post-Soviet states, a plan that often entails funding proWestern individuals and organizations. Victoria Nuland, the U.S. assistant secretary of state for European and Eurasian a*airs, estimated 
in December 2013 that the United States had invested more than $5 
billion since 1991 to help Ukraine achieve “the future it deserves.” As 
part of that e*ort, the U.S. government has bankrolled the National 
Endowment for Democracy. The nonpro)t foundation has funded 
more than 60 projects aimed at promoting civil society in Ukraine, 
and the NED’s president, Carl Gershman, has called that country “the 
biggest prize.” After Yanukovych won Ukraine’s presidential election 
in February 2010, the NED decided he was undermining its goals, and 
so it stepped up its e*orts to support the opposition and strengthen 
the country’s democratic institutions.
When Russian leaders look at Western social engineering in 
Ukraine, they worry that their country might be next. And such fears 
are hardly groundless. In September 2013, Gershman wrote in The 
Washington Post, “Ukraine’s choice to join Europe will accelerate the 
demise of the ideology of Russian imperialism that Putin represents.” 
He added: “Russians, too, face a choice, and Putin may )nd himself
on the losing end not just in the near abroad but within Russia itself.”

CREATING A CRISIS
The West’s triple package of policies—NATO enlargement, EU expansion, and democracy promotion—added fuel to a )re waiting to ignite. The spark came in November 2013, when Yanukovych rejected a 
major economic deal he had been negotiating with the EU and decided 
to accept a $15 billion Russian countero*er instead. That decision 
gave rise to antigovernment demonstrations that escalated over the 
following three months and that by mid-February had led to the 
deaths of some one hundred protesters. Western emissaries hurriedly 
0ew to Kiev to resolve the crisis. On February 21, the government and 
the opposition struck a deal that allowed Yanukovych to stay in power 
until new elections were held. But it immediately fell apart, and Yanukovych 0ed to Russia the next day. The new government in Kiev 
was pro-Western and anti-Russian to the core, and it contained four 
high-ranking members who could legitimately be labeled neofascists. 
Although the full extent of U.S. involvement has not yet come to 
light, it is clear that Washington backed the coup. Nuland and Repub-

lican Senator John McCain participated in antigovernment demonstrations, and Geo*rey Pyatt, the U.S. ambassador to Ukraine, 
proclaimed after Yanukovych’s toppling that it was “a day for the history books.” As a leaked telephone recording revealed, Nuland had 
advocated regime change and wanted the Ukrainian politician Arseniy Yatsenyuk to become prime minister in the new government, 
which he did. No wonder Russians of all persuasions think the West 
played a role in Yanukovych’s ouster.
For Putin, the time to act against Ukraine and the West had arrived. Shortly after February 22, he ordered Russian forces to take 
Crimea from Ukraine, and soon after that, he incorporated it into 
Russia. The task proved relatively easy, thanks to the thousands of
Russian troops already stationed at a naval base in the Crimean port 
of Sevastopol. Crimea also made for an easy target since ethnic Russians compose roughly 60 percent of its population. Most of them 
wanted out of Ukraine. 
Next, Putin put massive pressure on the new government in Kiev 
to discourage it from siding with the West against Moscow, making it 
clear that he would wreck Ukraine as a functioning state before he 
would allow it to become a Western stronghold on Russia’s doorstep. 
Toward that end, he has provided advisers, arms, and diplomatic support to the Russian separatists in eastern Ukraine, who are pushing 
the country toward civil war. He has massed a large army on the 
Ukrainian border, threatening to invade if the government cracks 
down on the rebels. And he has sharply raised the price of the natural 
gas Russia sells to Ukraine and demanded payment for past exports. 
Putin is playing hardball.

THE DIAGNOSIS
Putin’s actions should be easy to comprehend. A huge expanse of 0at 
land that Napoleonic France, imperial Germany, and Nazi Germany 
all crossed to strike at Russia itself, Ukraine serves as a bu*er state of
enormous strategic importance to Russia. No Russian leader would 
tolerate a military alliance that was Moscow’s mortal enemy until recently moving into Ukraine. Nor would any Russian leader stand idly 
by while the West helped install a government there that was determined to integrate Ukraine into the West. 
Washington may not like Moscow’s position, but it should understand the logic behind it. This is Geopolitics 101: great powers are 

 
6 FOREIGN AFFAIRS

always sensitive to potential threats near their home territory. After 
all, the United States does not tolerate distant great powers deploying 
military forces anywhere in the Western Hemisphere, much less on 
its borders. Imagine the outrage in Washington if China built an impressive military alliance and tried to include Canada and Mexico in 
it. Logic aside, Russian leaders have told their Western counterparts 
on many occasions that they consider 
NATO expansion into Georgia and 
Ukraine unacceptable, along with any 
e*ort to turn those countries against 
Russia—a message that the 2008 Russian-Georgian war also made crystal 
clear.
O2cials from the United States and 
its European allies contend that they 
tried hard to assuage Russian fears and that Moscow should understand that NATO has no designs on Russia. In addition to continually 
denying that its expansion was aimed at containing Russia, the alliance has never permanently deployed military forces in its new member states. In 2002, it even created a body called the NATO-Russia 
Council in an e*ort to foster cooperation. To further mollify Russia, 
the United States announced in 2009 that it would deploy its new 
missile defense system on warships in European waters, at least initially, rather than on Czech or Polish territory. But none of these 
measures worked; the Russians remained steadfastly opposed to NATO
enlargement, especially into Georgia and Ukraine. And it is the Russians, not the West, who ultimately get to decide what counts as a 
threat to them.
To understand why the West, especially the United States, failed to 
understand that its Ukraine policy was laying the groundwork for a 
major clash with Russia, one must go back to the mid-1990s, when the 
Clinton administration began advocating NATO expansion. Pundits 
advanced a variety of arguments for and against enlargement, but 
there was no consensus on what to do. Most eastern European émigrés in the United States and their relatives, for example, strongly 
supported expansion, because they wanted NATO to protect such countries as Hungary and Poland. A few realists also favored the policy 
because they thought Russia still needed to be contained. 
But most realists opposed expansion, in the belief that a declining 
Imagine the outrage if 
China built an impressive 
military alliance and tried 
to include Canada and 
Mexico in it.

great power with an aging population and a one-dimensional economy did not in fact need to be contained. And they feared that enlargement would only give Moscow an incentive to cause trouble in 
eastern Europe. The U.S. diplomat George Kennan articulated this 
perspective in a 1998 interview, shortly after the U.S. Senate approved 
the )rst round of NATO expansion. “I think the Russians will gradually 
react quite adversely and it will a*ect their policies,” he said. “I think 
it is a tragic mistake. There was no reason for this whatsoever. No one 
was threatening anyone else.”
Most liberals, on the other hand, favored enlargement, including 
many key members of the Clinton administration. They believed that 
the end of the Cold War had fundamentally transformed international 
politics and that a new, postnational order had replaced the realist 
logic that used to govern Europe. The United States was not only the 
“indispensable nation,” as Secretary of State Madeleine Albright put 
it; it was also a benign hegemon and thus unlikely to be viewed as a 
threat in Moscow. The aim, in essence, was to make the entire continent look like western Europe.
And so the United States and its allies sought to promote democracy in the countries of eastern Europe, increase economic interdependence among them, and embed them in international institutions. 
Having won the debate in the United States, liberals had little di2-
culty convincing their European allies to support NATO enlargement. 
After all, given the EU’s past achievements, Europeans were even 
more wedded than Americans to the idea that geopolitics no longer 
mattered and that an all-inclusive liberal order could maintain peace 
in Europe. 
So thoroughly did liberals come to dominate the discourse about 
European security during the )rst decade of this century that even as 
the alliance adopted an open-door policy of growth, NATO expansion 
faced little realist opposition. The liberal worldview is now accepted 
dogma among U.S. o2cials. In March, for example, President Barack 
Obama delivered a speech about Ukraine in which he talked repeatedly about “the ideals” that motivate Western policy and how those 
ideals “have often been threatened by an older, more traditional view 
of power.” Secretary of State John Kerry’s response to the Crimea 
crisis re0ected this same perspective: “You just don’t in the twenty-
)rst century behave in nineteenth-century fashion by invading another country on completely trumped-up pretext.”

 
8 FOREIGN AFFAIRS

In essence, the two sides have been operating with di*erent playbooks: Putin and his compatriots have been thinking and acting according to realist dictates, whereas their Western counterparts have 
been adhering to liberal ideas about international politics. The result 
is that the United States and its allies unknowingly provoked a major 
crisis over Ukraine. 
BLAME GAME
In that same 1998 interview, Kennan predicted that NATO expansion 
would provoke a crisis, after which the proponents of expansion would 
“say that we always told you that is how the Russians are.” As if on 
cue, most Western o2cials have portrayed Putin as the real culprit in 
the Ukraine predicament. In March, according to The New York Times, 
German Chancellor Angela Merkel implied that Putin was irrational, 
telling Obama that he was “in another world.” Although Putin no 
doubt has autocratic tendencies, no evidence supports the charge that 
he is mentally unbalanced. On the contrary: he is a )rst-class strategist who should be feared and respected by anyone challenging him 
on foreign policy. 
Other analysts allege, more plausibly, that Putin regrets the demise 
of the Soviet Union and is determined to reverse it by expanding Russia’s borders. According to this interpretation, Putin, having taken 
Crimea, is now testing the waters to see if the time is right to conquer 
Ukraine, or at least its eastern part, and he will eventually behave aggressively toward other countries in Russia’s neighborhood. For some 
in this camp, Putin represents a modern-day Adolf Hitler, and striking any kind of deal with him would repeat the mistake of Munich. 
Thus, NATO must admit Georgia and Ukraine to contain Russia before it dominates its neighbors and threatens western Europe. 
This argument falls apart on close inspection. If Putin were committed to creating a greater Russia, signs of his intentions would almost certainly have arisen before February 22. But there is virtually 
no evidence that he was bent on taking Crimea, much less any other 
territory in Ukraine, before that date. Even Western leaders who supported NATO expansion were not doing so out of a fear that Russia was 
about to use military force. Putin’s actions in Crimea took them by 
complete surprise and appear to have been a spontaneous reaction to 
Yanukovych’s ouster. Right afterward, even Putin said he opposed 
Crimean secession, before quickly changing his mind. 
Why the Ukraine Crisis Is the West’s Fault
September/October 2014 9
Besides, even if it wanted to, Russia lacks the capability to easily 
conquer and annex eastern Ukraine, much less the entire country. 
Roughly 15 million people—one-third of Ukraine’s population—live 
between the Dnieper River, which bisects the country, and the Russian border. An overwhelming majority of those people want to remain part of Ukraine and would surely resist a Russian occupation. 
Furthermore, Russia’s mediocre army, which shows few signs of turning into a modern Wehrmacht, would have little chance of pacifying 
all of Ukraine. Moscow is also poorly positioned to pay for a costly 
occupation; its weak economy would su*er even more in the face of
the resulting sanctions.
But even if Russia did boast a powerful military machine and an 
impressive economy, it would still probably prove unable to successfully occupy Ukraine. One need only consider the Soviet and U.S. 
experiences in Afghanistan, the U.S. experiences in Vietnam and Iraq, 
and the Russian experience in Chechnya to be reminded that military 
occupations usually end badly. Putin surely understands that trying to 
subdue Ukraine would be like swallowing a porcupine. His response 
to events there has been defensive, not o*ensive.
A WAY OUT
Given that most Western leaders continue to deny that Putin’s behavior might be motivated by legitimate security concerns, it is unsurprising that they have tried to modify it by doubling down on their 
existing policies and have punished Russia to deter further aggression. Although Kerry has maintained that “all options are on the table,” neither the United States nor its NATO allies are prepared to use 
force to defend Ukraine. The West is relying instead on economic 
sanctions to coerce Russia into ending its support for the insurrection 
in eastern Ukraine. In July, the United States and the EU put in place 
their third round of limited sanctions, targeting mainly high-level individuals closely tied to the Russian government and some high-pro-
)le banks, energy companies, and defense )rms. They also threatened 
to unleash another, tougher round of sanctions, aimed at whole sectors of the Russian economy. 
Such measures will have little e*ect. Harsh sanctions are likely o*
the table anyway; western European countries, especially Germany, 
have resisted imposing them for fear that Russia might retaliate and 
cause serious economic damage within the EU. But even if the United 
John J. Mearsheimer
10 FOREIGN AFFAIRS
States could convince its allies to enact tough measures, Putin would 
probably not alter his decision-making. History shows that countries 
will absorb enormous amounts of punishment in order to protect their 
core strategic interests. There is no reason to think Russia represents 
an exception to this rule.
Western leaders have also clung to the provocative policies that 
precipitated the crisis in the )rst place. In April, U.S. Vice President 
Joseph Biden met with Ukrainian legislators and told them, “This is a 
second opportunity to make good on the original promise made by 
the Orange Revolution.” John Brennan, the director of the CIA, did 
not help things when, that same month, he visited Kiev on a trip the 
White House said was aimed at improving security cooperation with 
the Ukrainian government.
The EU, meanwhile, has continued to push its Eastern Partnership. 
In March, José Manuel Barroso, president of the European Commission, summarized EU thinking on Ukraine, saying, “We have a debt, a 
duty of solidarity with that country, and we will work to have them as 
close as possible to us.” And sure enough, on June 27, the EU and 
Ukraine signed the economic agreement that Yanukovych had fatefully rejected seven months earlier. Also in June, at a meeting of NATO
members’ foreign ministers, it was agreed that the alliance would remain open to new members, although the foreign ministers refrained 
from mentioning Ukraine by name. “No third country has a veto over 
NATO enlargement,” announced Anders Fogh Rasmussen, NATO’s secretary-general. The foreign ministers also agreed to support various 
measures to improve Ukraine’s military capabilities in such areas as 
command and control, logistics, and cyberdefense. Russian leaders 
have naturally recoiled at these actions; the West’s response to the 
crisis will only make a bad situation worse. 
There is a solution to the crisis in Ukraine, however—although it 
would require the West to think about the country in a fundamentally 
new way. The United States and its allies should abandon their plan 
to westernize Ukraine and instead aim to make it a neutral bu*er between NATO and Russia, akin to Austria’s position during the Cold 
War. Western leaders should acknowledge that Ukraine matters so 
much to Putin that they cannot support an anti-Russian regime there. 
This would not mean that a future Ukrainian government would have 
to be pro-Russian or anti-NATO. On the contrary, the goal should be a 
sovereign Ukraine that falls in neither the Russian nor the Western 
Why the Ukraine Crisis Is the West’s Fault
September/October 2014 11
camp.
To achieve this end, the United States and its allies should publicly 
rule out NATO’s expansion into both Georgia and Ukraine. The West 
should also help fashion an economic rescue plan for Ukraine funded 
jointly by the EU, the International Monetary Fund, Russia, and the 
United States—a proposal that Moscow should welcome, given its 
interest in having a prosperous and 
stable Ukraine on its western 0ank. 
And the West should considerably limit 
its social-engineering e*orts inside 
Ukraine. It is time to put an end to 
Western support for another Orange 
Revolution. Nevertheless, U.S. and 
European leaders should encourage 
Ukraine to respect minority rights, especially the language rights of its Russian speakers. 
Some may argue that changing policy toward Ukraine at this late 
date would seriously damage U.S. credibility around the world. There 
would undoubtedly be certain costs, but the costs of continuing a misguided strategy would be much greater. Furthermore, other countries 
are likely to respect a state that learns from its mistakes and ultimately 
devises a policy that deals e*ectively with the problem at hand. That 
option is clearly open to the United States.
One also hears the claim that Ukraine has the right to determine 
whom it wants to ally with and the Russians have no right to prevent 
Kiev from joining the West. This is a dangerous way for Ukraine to 
think about its foreign policy choices. The sad truth is that might often makes right when great-power politics are at play. Abstract rights 
such as self-determination are largely meaningless when powerful 
states get into brawls with weaker states. Did Cuba have the right to 
form a military alliance with the Soviet Union during the Cold War? 
The United States certainly did not think so, and the Russians think 
the same way about Ukraine joining the West. It is in Ukraine’s interest to understand these facts of life and tread carefully when dealing 
with its more powerful neighbor.
Even if one rejects this analysis, however, and believes that Ukraine 
has the right to petition to join the EU and NATO, the fact remains that 
the United States and its European allies have the right to reject these 
requests. There is no reason that the West has to accommodate 
The United States and its 
allies should abandon their 
plan to westernize Ukraine 
and instead aim to make it 
a neutral bu!er.
John J. Mearsheimer
12 FOREIGN AFFAIRS
Ukraine if it is bent on pursuing a wrong-headed foreign policy, especially if its defense is not a vital interest for them. Indulging the 
dreams of some Ukrainians is not worth the animosity and strife it 
will cause, especially for the Ukrainian people. 
Of course, some analysts might concede that NATO handled relations with Ukraine poorly and yet still maintain that Russia constitutes an enemy that will only grow more formidable over time—and 
that the West therefore has no choice but to continue its present policy. But this viewpoint is badly mistaken. Russia is a declining power, 
and it will only get weaker with time. Even if Russia were a rising 
power, moreover, it would still make no sense to incorporate Ukraine 
into NATO. The reason is simple: the United States and its European 
allies do not consider Ukraine to be a core strategic interest, as their 
unwillingness to use military force to come to its aid has proved. It 
would therefore be the height of folly to create a new NATO member 
that the other members have no intention of defending. NATO has 
expanded in the past because liberals assumed the alliance would 
never have to honor its new security guarantees, but Russia’s recent 
power play shows that granting Ukraine NATO membership could put 
Russia and the West on a collision course.
Sticking with the current policy would also complicate Western 
relations with Moscow on other issues. The United States needs Russia’s assistance to withdraw U.S. equipment from Afghanistan through 
Russian territory, reach a nuclear agreement with Iran, and stabilize 
the situation in Syria. In fact, Moscow has helped Washington on all 
three of these issues in the past; in the summer of 2013, it was Putin 
who pulled Obama’s chestnuts out of the )re by forging the deal under which Syria agreed to relinquish its chemical weapons, thereby 
avoiding the U.S. military strike that Obama had threatened. The 
United States will also someday need Russia’s help containing a rising 
China. Current U.S. policy, however, is only driving Moscow and 
Beijing closer together. 
The United States and its European allies now face a choice on 
Ukraine. They can continue their current policy, which will exacerbate hostilities with Russia and devastate Ukraine in the process—a 
scenario in which everyone would come out a loser. Or they can switch 
gears and work to create a prosperous but neutral Ukraine, one that 
does not threaten Russia and allows the West to repair its relations 
with Moscow. With that approach, all sides would win.

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