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Modern Korea and Its Others: Perceptions of the Neighbouring Countries and Korean Modernity (Routledge Advances in Korean Studies) Kindle Edition
by Vladimir Tikhonov (Author) Format: Kindle Edition



Part of: Routledge Advances in Korean Studies (55 books)

The period spanning the 1880s to 1945 was a crucially important formative time for Korea, during which understandings of modernity were largely shaped by the images of Korea’s neighbours to the east, west and north. China, Japan and Russia represented at some moments modern threats, but also denoted a range of alternative modernity possibilities, and ultimately provided a model for Korea’s pre-colonial and colonial modernity.

This book explores the way in which modern Korea perceived its geographic neighbours from the 1890s until 1945. It shows that Korea's modern nationalism was at the same time internationalist in its orientation, as the vision of Korea’s ideal place in the world and brighter national future was often linked to the examples (positive and negative), threats (perceived and real) and allies abroad. Exploring the importance of the international knowledge and experience for the formation of the Korean nationalist paradigms, it offers nuance to the existing picture of the international connections and environment of the Korean national movements. It shows that the picture of Japan inside the anti-Japanese independence movement of the colonial period was more complicated than simple hatred of the invaders: modern achievements of Japan were admired even by anti-colonial nationalists as a possible model for Korea. The book also demonstrates the extent to which Chinese and Soviet revolutions influenced the thinking of modern Korean intellectuals across the whole ideological spectrum.

Introducing new sources presented in English for the first time, and including themes such as race and ethnicity, global revolution, and gender, this book will be of great interest to students and scholars of Korean, East Asian and Russian history, as well as historians of the colonial/modern era more generally.
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Preface

Acknowledgements

Introduction

PART I Russia – an Oriental occident?

PART II China – centre-turned-periphery-turned-hope for the future

PART III Japan – model and conqueror, eternally alien?

Conclusion

References

Index

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Part of series

Routledge Advances in Korean Studies
Print length

242 pages

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Vladimir Tikhonov

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My 2015 book on modern Korea's perceptions of its neighbours, including China, is now published in Chinese by 江苏人民出版社. I am overjoyed, and not only for personal reasons. We live in the time of rising xenophobia and intolerance. We live in the time when people are reportedly assaulted on Seoul streets if they speak Chinese loudly close to the sites of fascist rallies. We live in the time when the museum of 정율성(鄭律成), a great Communist Sino-Korean composer in his hometown, was closed down (https://www.joongang.co.kr/article/25248352 ) due to aggressive demands of the local anti-Communists and Sinophobes. In these times, we need to talk more about both traditional (and modern) culture and revolutionary history (Republican, Communist and anarchist) which we share with China. We really need our shared history as a shield against hare-brained nationalism and xenophobia.








All reactions:9You and 8 others
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Book Reviews, Northeast Asia

Volume 90 – No. 2

MODERN KOREA AND ITS OTHERS: Perceptions of the Neighbouring Countries and Korean Modernity | By Vladimir Tikhonov

Routledge Advances in Korean Studies, 33. London; New York: Routledge, 2016. xiv, 228 pp. US$160.00, cloth. ISBN 978-1-138-85552-6.

Vladimir Tikhonov, the Russian-Korean historian better known in South Korea as Bak No-ja, has published an engaging analysis of Korean perspectives on the country’s bordering countries in the roughly half-century before its 1945 liberation from Japanese colonial rule. This is ultimately a study of Korean nationalism, a topic endowed with plentiful scholarship, although not as much recently in English. Tikhonov’s work adds new insights by focusing on views on other nationalities and by drawing extensively from literary sources.

The book devotes two chapters each, in order, to Russia, China, and Japan, with the first chapter providing a general overview of often divergent perceptions that emerged at the turn of the twentieth century, and the second chapter mining mostly novels for evidence of how such views developed in the colonial period. What results is a symmetrical argument: For each country, there emerged an initial “othering” process of establishing what Koreans, in developing their own sense of collective self, were not. This discursive formation was largely driven by concerns over imperialism, but was eventually joined by countervailing sentiments that regarded the neighbouring civilization in question as a model of (alternative) modernity, particularly as anti-colonial or anti-imperialist revolutionary movements came to prevail in Russia and China. Such fluid ambiguity, plurality, and variety, which the author characterizes as a mixture of “fears and desires” (182–183), are explained through plentiful historical contextualization, such as Koreans’ interaction with Russian emigres in Manchuria, or the disdain for Chinese migrants within Korea.

The second chapter then proceeds to examine certain themes in literary works, such as the problem of Korean-Japanese intermarriage during the wartime mobilization years of the late 1930s and early 1940s, or the sexualized demonization of Chinese merchants. In conjunction with the opening chapters in each couplet that draw considerably from non-fictional accounts like newspaper articles, these chapters present a rich tapestry of cultural and intellectual expression in this era and advance the book’s core argument that Korean nationalism, which reflected the striving for a “subaltern, peripheral modernity” (4) given the political circumstances, resulted not only from internal traditions, realities, and constructs, but also from the formulation of a collective identity in relation to external groups. This is certainly not new, but Tikhonov draws from novel sources and suggests that these ideological formations regarding Korea’s neighbours had a much more substantial and enduring impact than what is commonly acknowledged. Both of these strengths, however, can also present pitfalls, or at least further questioning and concerns.

First, this book’s ample analysis of literature does not constitute literary analysis. The stories are mined by a historian for historical purposes, so there is no interpretive deconstruction, and little coverage of characters, narrative devices, symbolic gestures, etc. within the works’ internal dynamics. To be sure, Tikhonov’s overriding goal is to demonstrate how fictionalized depictions reflected and helped to construct Korean perspectives on neighbouring peoples and societies. The challenge remains, though, of providing more than a survey of various expressions, but to demonstrate prevailing or common sentiments that reflected the historical circumstances of the time. It is uncertain how well the author follows his own caveats about literature’s limitations as historical sources (153), and it would take a specialist to provide a more definitive evaluation of the representativeness of the works that Tikhonov examines.

More manageable is to locate Tikhonov’s study in the historiography of Korea’s ideological and cultural history of this period. As noted above, Korean nationalism, in regard to the outside world, has enjoyed plentiful scholarly attention, but most of this has focused, understandably, on Japan, as well as on China, particularly the ideological and political interactions with the Chinese republican and communist movements. Tikhonov, however, emphasizes the impact of Chinese migrant communities on Koreans’ views. For Japan, this book does not add significantly to the proliferation of studies on colonial intellectual and cultural history, even on the theme of ethnic intermarriage. One can also suggest that, given the realities of colonial rule, it is nearly impossible to treat views on Japan as a comparable topic to those of China and Russia.

When it comes to Russia, however, this book’s contributions are on very solid ground, at least in the English-language scholarship. The author’s access to Russian sources, including influential literary works, provide a revelatory analysis of Russia’s wide-ranging cultural impact in Korea at the time—as a source and model for a semi-western, albeit alternative, path to modernity, and as a target of phobias for communism that gradually enveloped the state-dominated colonial cultural sphere, an ideological construct that very well could have fueled enmity, in some quarters, toward the Soviet Union in the post-liberation period.

Indeed a consciousness of the post-colonial developments looms over the book. The problem is that the accumulated Korean perspectives on the neighbouring “other,” given their variety, could just as well have worked against the particular manifestations of nationalism that came to prevail in the two Koreas—from Juche, the anti-Japanese backlash, and anti-Chinese chauvinism to pro-Russian and pro-Chinese revolutionism, racist opposition to intermarriage, or sexual subservience under imperialism. In other words, an inescapable but justifiable teleology pervades the author’s coverage, though this appears explicitly in only the final sentences of chapters and in the book’s Conclusion, when Tikhonov considers historical legacies all the way to the end of the twentieth century.

In any case, despite the proliferation of parenthetical notes (ostensibly a mixture of the social science and history styles, with minimal footnotes), which to some readers will be distracting, this book is highly readable, providing a thorough and textured intellectual history, with due consideration of historical context always at the forefront of the author’s concerns. It also offers an enlightening introduction to both well-known and more obscure authors and their works. These are some of the many qualities that make this book highly recommended.

Kyung Moon Hwang

University of Southern California, Los Angeles, USA

pp. 372-374

===

 

Modern Korea and its Others

The period spanning the 1880s to 1945 was a crucially important formative time for Korea, during which understandings of modernity were largely shaped by the images of Korea’s neighbours to the east, west and north. China, Japan and Russia represented at some moments modern threats, but also denoted a range of alternative modernity possibilities and ultimately provided a model for Korea’s pre- colonial and colonial modernity.

 This book explores the way in which modern Korea perceived its geographic neighbours from the 1890s until 1945. It shows that Korea’s modern nationalism was at the same time internationalist in its orientation, as the vision of Korea’s ideal place in the world and brighter national future was often linked to the examples (positive and negative), threats (perceived and real) and allies abroad. Exploring the importance of the international knowledge and experience for the formation of the Korean nationalist paradigms, it offers nuance to the existing picture of the international connections and environment of the Korean national movements. It shows that the picture of Japan inside the anti-J apanese independence movement of the colonial period was more complicated than simple hatred of the invaders: modern achievements of Japan were admired even by anti- colonial nationalists as a possible model for Korea. The book also demonstrates the extent to which the Chinese and Soviet revolutions influenced the thinking of modern Korean intellectuals across the whole ideological spectrum.

 Introducing new sources presented in English for the first time and including themes such as race and ethnicity, global revolution and gender, this book will be of great interest to students and scholars of Korean, East Asian and Russian history, as well as historians of the colonial/modern era more generally.

Vladimir Tikhonov is a professor of Korean and East Asian studies at the Department of Culture Studies and Oriental Languages, Oslo University, Norway. He recently published Social Darwinism and Nationalism in Korea: 

The Beginnings (2010).

 

Modern Korea and its Others

Perceptions of the neighbouring countries and Korean modernity Vladimir Tikhonov

 

 

First published 2016 by Routledge 

2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 

711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017

Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business

© 2016 Vladimir Tikhonov

The right of Vladimir Tikhonov to be identified as author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.

Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe.

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data 

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data 

A catalog record for this book has been requested

ISBN: 978-1-138-85552-6 (hbk) ISBN: 978-1-315-72032-6 (ebk)

Typeset in Times New Roman by Wearset Ltd, Boldon, Tyne and Wear

 

To my deceased teacher, Mikhail Nikolaevich Pak (1918–2009)

 

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Contents

  Preface xi

  Acknowledgements xiii

  Introduction 1

PART I Russia – an Oriental occident? 7

1 Russia as a threat and a hope in Korean intellectual life, 

1880s to 1945 9

2 The joys of utopia, the sorrows of exile: Russia, Russians 

and the USSR in Korean colonial-period literature 47

PART II China – centre- turned-periphery- turned-hope for the 

future 81

3 The Other to learn from at a distance: China in the 

pre- 1910 modern Korean press 83

4 Aliens in our midst and the hope for the future: the image 

of China and Chinese in 1910s–1930s’ Korea 104

 

PART III Japan – model and conqueror, eternally alien? 131

5 To learn from Japan in order to overcome it: Japan as the significant Other in the Korean intellectual life of the 

1900s–1920s 133

6 The assimilation which never happened: Korean-Japanese  

mixed marriages in colonial Korea 151

  Conclusion 183

  References 189

  Index 220

 

Preface

Academia is perhaps one of the least ‘nationalized’ spheres of activity in the otherwise nation state- based world of today’s neo-l iberal capitalism. For most universities, employment of foreign- born or/and foreign- educated instructors and the enrollment of international students is highly desirable, as it tends to improve their rankings. Academics, almost by definition, are expected to be internationally mobile, sensitive towards foreign cultures and – at least, outside of the English- speaking world – mostly bilingual or polyglot. At the same time, the universally adapted classificatory principles in the area studies field remain principally predicated on the epistemological supremacy of the nation state. In the world where the knowledge of East Asia’s modern history and literature is neatly divided between the areas of Korean, Chinese and Japanese studies, where would, for example, the research on resident Chinese in pre- colonial and colonial-e ra Korea (1882–1945) belong? As a matter of fact, in contemporary South Korea, the resident Chinese of the Korean Peninsula are studied both by the historians of Korea (Korean studies) and historians of China (Chinese studies), the latter evidently dominating the field (see literature reviews in: Chŏn 2003; Son 2009). Koreans’ perceptions of Japan and Japanese are traditionally researched upon by Japanese studies practitioners (see the literature review in: Ha 1989) recently joined by a handful of Korea historians concomitantly interested in Japan (typically, see: Hŏ 2009). Generally, my impression is that such studies are thoroughly peripherialized in both Korean and Japanese/Chinese studies – despite the degree to which intra-r egional mutual perceptions and images contributed to the formation of all the nationalisms of East Asia, including the Korean one.

 This book is an attempt to put the international/regional aspect of early twentieth-c entury Korean nationalism into its proper place and to provide the reader with a fuller understanding of the role the diverse images of Russia/ USSR, China and Japan played in the making of Koreans’ ethno- national consciousness and self- perception. My principal starting point is that the modern Korean ethno- national Self was being made in the process of direct and indirect (symbolic) interactions with diverse foreign Others. With the background in Martin Buber’s (1878–1965) insights into the essentially inter-s ubjective, relational nature of any ‘I’ (Buber, 1984), I would argue that the Korean nationalist 

 

Preface

Selves as they emerged in pre- colonial and colonial time in the Korean discursive space, are a result of complicated interactions with an array of foreign Others. Excluding the ‘aliens’ from the Korean ethno- national ‘I’ and at the same time embracing them as revolutionary allies; distancing ‘them’ and at the same time narrowing the inter- subjective distance in a search for more intimately related Others – these interactions, in the end, produced the landscape of the Korean ethno- national subjectivities as we know it.

 Two important caveats are to be mentioned from the beginning. First, this book is not a history of modern Korea’s relations, diplomatic or cultural, with its neighbours, nor do I attempt to narrate the history of Japanese colonial policies in Korea and the Korean reactions to them. What interests me primarily are images and perceptions, rather than interactions per se on the institutional or material plane. Primarily, I attempt to understand how Korea’s neighbours were represented in the discursive formations of Korea’s early modernity and how they were positioned in the diverse nationalistic discourses of the first half of the twentieth century. Second, narrating the history of Korea’s modern perceptions of the world as a whole would require me to produce a long series of books rather than one monograph. Given the essentially Eurocentric nature of the modern capitalist system and the degree of US diplomatic and missionary involvement in East Asia since the late nineteenth century, it is only natural that the perceptions of Europe and especially the USA played the dominant role in the formation of Korea’s modernity consciousness. However, chiefly due to considerations of space, I limit myself here only to the Korean images of Korea’s geographically most proximate neighbours – Russia/USSR, China and Japan. It has also to be mentioned that the history of Koreans’ (mis)understanding of the USA has been already narrated elsewhere in the English-l anguage scholarship (see, for example, Lew et al. 2006). By contrast, modern Korean visions of China, for example, were almost never studied before in the Anglophone scholarly tradition. Thus, my intention was to cover the hitherto under- researched fields of study first. At the same time, I see this book as just a beginning of a systematic study of the role the perceptions of the outer world played in the formation of the Korean modernity consciousness.

 

Acknowledgements

Being devoted to Korea’s modern dialogue with its neighbouring Others, this book is a fruit of intellectual dialogue in itself – a result of the author’s diverse interactions with dozens, or perhaps even hundreds of colleagues, as well as funding institutions. Alas, due to the space restrictions, only the most important of those interactions can be mentioned here.

 My deep gratitude, first and foremost, goes to Konrad Lawson (St. Andrew’s University), whose skillful editing of the whole manuscript made my original Soviet- style English incomparably more readable. The work on the manuscript took, overall, more than seven years, included countless travels to South Korea, Japan and Russia for material collection and archive work and was made possible by hundreds of thousands of Norwegian krones in research financing from my department, Oslo University’s Department of Culture Studies and Oriental Languages (Faculty of Humanities). I am also deeply grateful to Routledge which decided to publish this book despite its obvious lack of prospective for a commercial success and its two anonymous readers whose reports helped me a lot in improving my writing and preparing the book for publication.

 Part I, on the images of Russia and USSR in Korea, is based on two journal papers I have previously published (Tikhonov 2009; Tikhonov 2015a); both were essentially rewritten and supplemented with new materials. Much of these materials were supplied by Tatiana Simbirtseva (formerly Russian State University for Humanities), to whom I feel the most sincere gratitude. Criticisms by Susanna Soojung Lim (University of Oregon) were of great help for improving this part, as well as suggestions by Ross King (University of British Columbia) and Lev Kontsevich (Institute for Oriental Studies, Moscow). The latter generously enlightened me on the Soviet- period research on Tolstoy’s reception in colonial-period Korea. Additionally, exchanges with the veteran scholars of  Russo- Korean relations, both in Moscow (Dr. Bella Pak, Institute for Oriental Studies) and Seoul (Dr. Pak Chonghyo, formerly Moscow State University) played an important role in forming my basic understanding of the interactions across the Russo- Korean border.

 In Part II, dealing with the images of China in Korea, Chapter 3 is based on a previously published paper (Tikhonov 2011); the paper was significantly augmented in the process of rewriting. Chapter 4 is partly based on a previously 

 

  Acknowledgements published book chapter (Tikhonov 2015b), also thoroughly rewritten. The part benefited greatly from the exchanges with South Korea- based authorities on the colonial-era resident Chinese, especially Yi Chŏnghŭi (Incheon University) and  Michael Kim (Yonsei University). Conversations with Bruce Fulton (University of British Columbia), a noted translator of modern Korean fiction, who pointed out rather negative portrayals of Chinese protagonists in many important prose works of the colonial period, were a major inspiration. One of the earlier versions of Chapter 4 was presented orally for the first time at Yanbian University (China) in summer 2008; the ensuing conversation with the Korean literature experts there, especially Kim Ho’ung, were stimulating and encouraging. In a similar fashion, a later version of Chapter 4 was presented for professors and students at Stanford University in autumn 2014; the commentaries by Moon Yumi, a Stanford historian of Korea, were important for further improving my writing.

 Part III, on the Korean- Japanese inter-subjectivity, took its shape as a result  of continuous interactions with a number of colleagues on both sides of the Korea Strait and elsewhere. Lim Kyŏnghwa (Institute of Humanities, Seoul National University) did not spare time and efforts finding and sending me the needed materials. I am deeply grateful for her help, especially for the photocopying of a number of Korean literary works in Japanese (by Kim Saryang, Han Sŏrya and a number of other authors) I utilized while writing Chapter 6. Marc Caprio (Rikkyo University) made a number of important criticisms and suggestions for an earlier version of Chapter 6 which I presented for AKSE (Association for Korean Studies in Europe) conference in Vienna in June 2013. All his comments were thankfully received and helped greatly to improve the chapter in question. A number of important sources and references (including English translations of some of Kim Saryang’s works) were suggested by Micah Auerback (Michigan University). One more important inspiration were comments by Reiko Abe Auestad (Oslo University), my department colleague, who was luckily among the listeners when I presented a more developed version of Chapter 6 for NAJAKS (Nordic Association for Japanese and Korean Studies) conference in Bergen, August 2013. Cooperation and generous help by Itagaki Ryuta (Doshisha University) enabled me to explore the riches of Doshisha University library; in Seoul, the kindness of Yi Hyegyŏng (Institute of Humanities, Seoul National University) made it possible to use Seoul National University’s library on several occasions, finding there most Korean sources I needed.

 I have to make it clear that, due to the inevitable space limitations, I am in no position to name here all the people and institutions to which I owe a debt of gratitude. These whose names do not appear here, I gratefully ask for their kind understanding. Last but not least, I would like to belatedly ask my children, Yuri and Sarah, to excuse their perpetually absent father for his inability to spend as much time with them as he himself would have ideally wished. I feel genuinely guilty for my inability to satisfactorily combine academic work and child-rearing  and only hope that at some point, my children – by then adults – will fully understand themselves the all-absorbing nature of the scholarly modus of existence. 

 

Introduction

Today, more than 30 years have lapsed since Edward Said’s Orientalism (1978) once and forever changed our understanding of how, when and by whom the stereotypic image of the timeless, feminine and passive Orient was formed. Now it is a commonplace to say that the images of the ethno-c onfessional and national Others produced by societal elites tend to conform more to the needs and ambitions of these elites than to ‘objective’ reality – if the existence of such a reality may be postulated at all. It is commonly understood now, at least inside the field of Asian studies, that the formation of Orientalist discourse in the West was matched by changing perceptions within the countries victimized by imperialism, where modernizing elites were increasingly inclined to view the West simultaneously as the hegemonic or/and aggressive force and the model of a rational, modern society (see, for example, Bonnett 2002; Hutchinson 2001; Spencer 2003).

 In Korea, from the earliest direct contacts with the USA and European countries from the early 1880s onward, the westernizing intellectuals tended to regard the modern Western concept of ‘civilization’ as the universal yardstick (Shin 2006, 28). While the Western powers were seen as embodiments of civilization and progress, their aggression was – in a Social Darwinist and self-O rientalizing way – explained as Koreans’ own collective fault. Korea itself was to be blamed, since it was visibly unable to live up to the standards of militaristic grandeur supposedly set by its own glorious ancient history and was losing the battle for survival in modernity’s Darwinist jungles (Jager 2003, 3–43). However, the ‘naturalness’ of the Western – or Japanese, in Korea’s case – aggression did not necessarily make it more appealing and attractive for its victims. Thus, the early modern Korean images of the West and Japan often betray an inherent tension, since the Koreans were now expected to learn the universal civilization norms from their very own actual or potential victimizers.

 Korea’s modernizing intelligentsia used to regard the West in its entirety as the fountainhead of civilization par excellence. However, its image was not undifferentiated. From the very beginning of their direct contacts with Western interlocutors in the 1880s, Korean diplomats were acutely aware of the complicated web of interstate relations between the ‘civilized powers’. After all, the interstate treaties – with the USA (1882), Great Britain (1883), Germany (1883), 

 

  

Italy (1884), Russia (1884) and France (1886) – were to be negotiated and concluded with the different states individually. It was precisely those treaties that gave Korea hope it might be included in the new, ‘civilized’ system of international relations (Lee Keun- Gwan 2008). The overall image of the West, thus, was in the end also the sum of the images of the individual Western powers. Those images, naturally enough, differed a lot from each other.

 This book opens with Part I, dealing with Korean intellectuals’ perceptions of Russia and subsequently the Soviet Union (USSR) since the end of the nineteenth century until the collapse of Japanese colonialism in 1945 – when the Soviet army took over the territory of what eventually was to develop into North Korea. In the context of the new perceived hierarchy of the ‘civilized’ world, its centre squarely identified as Western powers (United States, Great Britain, France and Germany viewed as archetypal civilized centres in pre- colonial and colonial-age Korea; see Ryu 2014, 195–226), Russia/USSR presented Koreans  with a vexing example of geographical and civilizational ambiguity. On the one hand, it was a bona fide great power, its rivalry with Japan over Korea in 1895–1905 being more than obvious proof. In its Soviet incarnation, it was also considered the number one potential enemy of Japan, Korea’s colonial master (Bix 2001, 151). On the other hand, the Western arbiters of ‘civilized-ness’  never recognized it as either fully Western or fully civilized (Neumann 2004); the Soviet Union especially was seen as standing outside of the pale, definitely not belonging to the ‘decent’ international society of interwar period (Leffler 1994, 3–33). As I argue in Part I, such an ambiguous reputation actually ended up facilitating a certain sense of closeness to Russia and Russians, seen as more ‘Oriental’ than the stereotypic ‘arrogant Westerners’ of the imperialist age. While Tsarist Russia exemplified the imperialist aggressiveness to Koreans, the Soviet Union was seen as the site of the alternative modernity just as much attractive to subaltern colonial intellectuals as it was repellent to the Western (or Japanese) establishment.

 Yet another neighbouring state of paramount importance to Korea was China, the perceptions of which are dealt with in Part II. In a way, the evolution of these perceptions paralleled the changes in the vision of Russia related to the revolutionary event of 1917 and afterwards. China before the 1911–1912 Xinhai Revolution was viewed by the modernist intellectuals just as negatively as Tsarist Russia, but for a slightly different reason. Tsarist Russia, in addition to being a ‘backward’ autocracy, was also seen as a threat to Korea’s independence until its stunning defeat by ‘progressive’ Japan in the 1905–1905 Russo- Japanese War. Qing China hardly represented any threat after being separated from Korea in the course of the 1894–1895 Sino- Japanese War. However, it was represented in Korean media and publications as incomparably more backward than even the Tsarist regime – which, at least, could boast of Peter the Great (reigned 1682–1725) and his reforms, avidly examined by the Korean modernizers. Qing China, in a word, epitomized everything Korea’s new intelligentsia did not want Korea itself to be. China’s revolutions, however, brought an essential change to these perceptions. While the Russian 1917 Revolution was admired as something 

 

Introduction  3

accomplished, a successful renovation of a society which ended with the creation of the ‘first- ever socialist state’ (USSR), China’s revolutions – both Nationalist (Guomindang) and Communist – were all in the making in the 1920s and 1930s, eagerly followed by Korean publications and cheered by diverse segments of the Korean public. A number of Korean exiles in China acted also as participants in the revolutionary events. However, in contrast with the generally sanguine perceptions of the world- shattering experiences in China, the resident Chinese in Korea were subject to a consequent exclusion, both on a discursive and practical level. Revolutionary China could be imagined as a future ally; resident Chinese, however, were primarily market competitors, for Korean capitalists and workers alike.

 While being Korea’s significant Others, both China and Russia were still foreign in the legal sense of the word. Neither resident Chinese nor several hundred White Russian exiles who settled in colonial-era Korea had the citizen ship of the Japanese Empire, which was, however, forced upon Koreans by the act of Korea’s annexation in 1910. Japan – to the perceptions of which the Part III is devoted – was thus simultaneously a part of the domestic colonial landscape and a foreign power. The attitudes towards Japan and the Japanese were, however, much more complicated that the easily imaginable gamut of sentiments shared by the colonial subalterns towards their foreign masters. Korea’s 1910 annexation was, after all, preceded by two decades which saw Japan triumphing over China and Russia with Korea being one of the war theaters. These victories, interpreted by Korea’s progressive intellectuals as triumphs of civilization, constitutionalism and national unity over backward autocracies, strengthened Japan’s image as a modernization paragon, often shared even by those Korean nationalists who opposed Japanese colonialism politically. For those who chose to collaborate with the colonizers – and in such decisions, vague hopes for restoration of Korean statehood after some decades of ‘material progress’ under the Japanese and a dose of banal opportunism were often mixed up in an exquisite, complicated way – Japan’s perceived ‘modern-ness’ was the legitimation of  choice. In 1938, former Marxist and USSR admirer and now a wartime Japanese propagandist, writer and critic Paek Ch’ŏl (1908–1985) glorified Japan’s capture of Wuhan as a victory of Japanese ‘modernity’ over China’s uncorrectable ‘feudalism’ (Paek 1938) – pretty much in the same way Tongnip sinmun (1896–1899), Korea’s first- ever privately run vernacular newspaper perceived Japan’s triumph over the Qing Empire in 1894–1895 (Chu 1995, 171–172). By the early 1940s, indeed, Japan was claiming that it was constructing a new, East Asian version of modernity transcending (‘overcoming’) all the shortcomings of the Euro-centric ‘civilized world’. Such a challenge to the modernist centrality  of the West seemingly did appeal strongly to a number of Korean intellectuals keenly aware of their peripheral position under the global system of Western dominance (Han and Kim 2003).

 The problem, as I emphasize in Chapter 6, was that, declarations aside, Korea and Koreans remained a discriminated periphery in the Japan- centred scheme of things as well. While Korean- Japanese mixed marriages were in principle 

 

  encouraged – indeed, in late 1930s–early 1940s even actively promoted – by the colonial authorities, both Japanese and Korean writings on Korean- Japanese intimacy, romance and marriage clearly demonstrate that these policies had little effect on the realities of the inter- communal relationship. Colonial settlers continued to discriminate against Koreans – and, by association, against their Jap anese spouses as well. Nor were the latter to be accepted as members of the Korean community either: colonial discrimination patterns only strengthened the exclusionary ethno-nationalism which then, after the 1945 liberation of the  Korean Peninsula, formed the ground for popular acceptance of the ‘Korean ethno- national homogeneity’ theories in both South and North Korea. Indeed, even one of the extreme proponents of Korean- Japanese ‘unity’, Hyŏn Yŏngsŏp (1906–?) – who practised what he preached, moving to live in Japan after 1945 – suggested that to succeed, the Korean- Japanese couples would be forced to switch to a ‘neutral’ (preferably Western) style of living. Otherwise, the ‘difference in customs’ – reinforced by “mutual disdain and hatred” – could only prove insurmountable (Hyŏn 1939, 102). Paradoxically – or perhaps only logically – the top- down promotion of ethnic assimilation under the colonial settings resulted in the end in solidification of ethno- cultural barriers and boundaries. Post- colonial nationalism of both Koreas, with its characteristic emphasis on ‘bloodline’, language and history, had its sentimental foundations created under colonial circumstances when, under all sorts of administrative pressures, a number of Korean literati had to praise – often in Japanese – Korean- Japanese marriages as continuation of presumably common ancient history of the two peoples. Soon, the decolonization made it both possible and opportune to state exactly the opposite.

 In the end, diverse images of the neighbouring Others were important to the pre- colonial and colonial-era Korean intellectuals as they provided a number of  references needed for their attempts to solve what I would term the essential dilemmas of subaltern, peripheral modernity. Dilemma number one was how to construct a modernity without being entangled in the imperialist and colonialist hierarchies of domination and subordination, often underpinned by either White racism or the Japanese feelings of superiority vis- à-vis colonized Korean population. Here, both Russian and Chinese revolutions provided a blueprint of alternative modernity, which – as I will demonstrate in Parts I and II of this book – appealed strongly to a significantly large group of colonial-period intellectuals.  Japan’s ‘imperialization’ policy (see Chapter 6) purported to contribute to solving this dilemma by claiming that ethnic discrimination against Koreans ceased; however, even Japan’s most loyal local collaborators did not seem to be fully convinced. For the sake of balance it has to be added, however, that both Stalinist purges of Korean revolutionaries (see Chapter 1) and the Communist Chinese witch- hunts against assumedly ‘pro- Japanese’ Korean comrades (see 

Chapter 4) laid bare a sad reality: by mid- or late 1930s, Communist Chinese or Soviet alternative modernities were gradually turning into essentially nationalistic projects, although arguably less oppressive or exploitative compared to that of Korea’s Japanese colonial masters. Thus, even for the Korean internationalist 

 

Introduction  5

radicals, a strong streak of self- defensive nationalism was an unavoidable part of the modern outlook.

 Dilemma number two was how to preserve Korea’s national or regional (East Asian) particularity in modernity’s universalizing world – ‘universalism’ often being a polite term for ubiquitous Westernization. On this point, both Russians and Japanese could offer some inspiring precedents. Japan’s appropriation of certain Confucian schools (especially Wang Yangming School teachings) in the course of Meiji modernization could easily enthuse even some politically anti- Japanese modernizing Confucians of Korea (see Chapter 5). Tolstoy’s version of an alternative, ‘anti- modern’ (anti- capitalist, anti- militarist and anti- imperialist) modernity, highly critical of Western ‘civilization’ and sensitive to the concerns and desires of the peripherialized, non-Western people, appealed both to Koreans  (see Chapter 2) and indeed to a good number of Japanese intellectuals as well (Konishi 2013, 93–142). That the Korean exile often regarded as the very epitome of the Sino- Korean revolutionary brotherhood, famed composer Chŏng Yulsŏng (Zheng Lucheng, 1918–1976) – who composed some of the best- known 

Chinese Communist songs, including the military anthem of China’s People’s Liberation Army (Zhongguo Renmin Jiefangjun Junge, 1939) – was deeply interested in Han Chinese and ethnic minority folk songs (Kim 1996), is symptomatic. ‘Modernity with national characteristics’ – understood as a counter-thesis  to an uncritical Westernization – was a common aim, broadly shared by a number of East Asian intellectuals.

 Dilemma number three was the dialectical interrelation between the individual and the national. Both individual/individualism and nation/nationalism were among the most important inventions of the modern era, in Korea just as elsewhere. The relationship between individuals’ autonomous inner worlds and the ethno- national boundaries remained, however, always unclear, to be negotiated and renegotiated again depending on historical, social and political context. The materials I analyze in this book suggest that the subaltern intellectuals of colonized Korea tended to view a ‘free’ individuality outside of the ethno- national context as practically impossible, albeit desirable in principle. As I describe in Chapter 6, in some literary works of the late colonial period a Korean- Japanese intermarriage could be seen as an act of individualistic overcoming of the ethno- historical boundaries. However, as the colonial state tended to classify any Korean as a (by definition subaltern) Korean first and foremost, rather than an ‘individual’, the literary works dealing with Korean- Japanese intimacy usually may be interpreted as both stories of concrete individuals with their mutual sympathies, personal enjoyments and tragedies and metaphors of larger inter- ethnic relations. For example, Frozen Fish (Naengdongŏ, 1940) by Ch’ae Mansik (1902–1950), one of colony’s best acclaimed prose authors, tells a story of an adulterous romance between two former socialists, one of them being a Japanese woman and the other – a Korean journal editor. This romance is clearly an individual act, but at the same time a number of details in the story suggests that it also can be interpreted as a criticism of Korea’s collaborating intellectuals’ ‘adultery’ with the wartime Japanese state (Ch’oe 2012). Was it 

 

possible to find a better metaphor than ‘frozen fish’ for the colonial intellectuals unable and unwilling to articulate their authentic selves, on both personal and collective/national planes?

 In a word, the Russian, Chinese and Japanese Others were all of cardinal importance for the creation of the modern Korean Self in its formative age, the first half of the twentieth century. The interactions with the neighbouring Others facilitated pluralization of modernities in Korea’s modern discursive space. Inside the hierarchical landscape of the modern world firmly centred on the Euro- American West, Korea’s three regional neighbours represented at some moments modern threats, but at the same time could also denote a range of alternative modernity possibilities. It was in the end their presence that made the space and time of Korea’s pre- colonial and colonial modernity into what it was, providing important ingredients for formation and growth of Korea’s diverse national/nationalist discourses.

 

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Modern Korea and its Others: Perceptions of the neighbouring countries and Korean modernity

January 2016

DOI:10.4324/9781315720326

ISBN: 9781315720326

Authors:

Vladimir Tikhonov

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Citations (9)

References (384)

Abstract

The period spanning the 1880s to 1945 was a crucially important formative time for Korea, during which understandings of modernity were largely shaped by the images of Korea’s neighbours to the east, west and north. China, Japan and Russia represented at some moments modern threats, but also denoted a range of alternative modernity possibilities, and ultimately provided a model for Korea’s pre-colonial and colonial modernity. This book explores the way in which modern Korea perceived its geographic neighbours from the 1890s until 1945. It shows that Korea's modern nationalism was at the same time internationalist in its orientation, as the vision of Korea’s ideal place in the world and brighter national future was often linked to the examples (positive and negative), threats (perceived and real) and allies abroad. Exploring the importance of the international knowledge and experience for the formation of the Korean nationalist paradigms, it offers nuance to the existing picture of the international connections and environment of the Korean national movements. It shows that the picture of Japan inside the anti-Japanese independence movement of the colonial period was more complicated than simple hatred of the invaders: modern achievements of Japan were admired even by anti-colonial nationalists as a possible model for Korea. The book also demonstrates the extent to which Chinese and Soviet revolutions influenced the thinking of modern Korean intellectuals across the whole ideological spectrum. Introducing new sources presented in English for the first time, and including themes such as race and ethnicity, global revolution, and gender, this book will be of great interest to students and scholars of Korean, East Asian and Russian history, as well as historians of the colonial/modern era more generally.

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