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We Can Have Peace in the Holy Land Kindle Edition
by Jimmy Carter (Author) Format: Kindle Edition
4.3 4.3 out of 5 stars 50
President Carter has been a student of the biblical Holy Land all his life. For the last three decades, as president of the United States and as founder of The Carter Center, he has studied the complex and interrelated issues of the region's conflicts and has been actively involved in reconciling them. He knows the leaders of all factions in the region who will need to play key roles, and he sees encouraging signs among them.
Carter describes the history of previous peace efforts and why they fell short. He argues persuasively that the road to a peace agreement is now open and that it has broad international and regional support. Most of all, since there will be no progress without courageous and sustained U.S. leadership, he says the time for progress is now. President Barack Obama is committed to a personal effort to exert that leadership, starting early in his administration.
This is President Carter's call for action, and he lays out a practical and achievable path to peace.
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Review
"Its most important intended reader should take seriously Carter's advice to pursue peace." -The New York Times Book Review
About the Author
Jimmy Carter was the thirty-ninth President of the United States, serving from 1977 to 1981. In 1982, he and his wife founded The Carter Center, a nonprofit organization dedicated to improving the lives of people around the world. Carter was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2002. He is the author of thirty books, including A Full Life: Reflections at Ninety; A Call to Action: Women, Religion, Violence, and Power; An Hour Before Daylight: Memoirs of a Rural Boyhood; and Our Endangered Values: America's Moral Crisis.
Publisher : Simon & Schuster UK (18 February 2010)
Language : English
Print length : 256 pages
Jimmy Carter was the thirty-ninth President of the United States, serving from 1977 to 1981. In 1982, he and his wife founded The Carter Center, a nonprofit organization dedicated to improving the lives of people around the world. Carter was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2002. He is the author of thirty books, including A Full Life: Reflections at Ninety; A Call to Action: Women, Religion, Violence, and Power; An Hour Before Daylight: Memoirs of a Rural Boyhood; and Our Endangered Values: America's Moral Crisis.
Publisher : Simon & Schuster UK (18 February 2010)
Language : English
Print length : 256 pages
Best Sellers Rank: 1,013,551 in Kindle Store (See Top 100 in Kindle Store)81,254 in Social Sciences (Books)
925,433 in Kindle eBooksCustomer Reviews:
4.3 4.3 out of 5 stars 50
About the author
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Jimmy Carter
James D. Carter, who is known as Jimmy to his friends, IS NOT THE FORMER PRESIDENT. Jimmy was born in Milwaukee, Wiscosin before the other one ran for office.
He lives in Wisconsin with his best friend and wife Karen. His spiritual journey to maintain sanity progresses one day at a time, it has passed through time as an art teacher, artist, and insurance agent.
The stories that dwell in his head and heart have finally started emerging. The Element is his first novel. His next book, coming out in late 2012 is entitled Dear Mr. Lincoln. It is a historic supernatural/thriller.
Top reviews
Gordon
5.0 out of 5 stars An urgent issue: Peace and justice in the Holy Lands
925,433 in Kindle eBooksCustomer Reviews:
4.3 4.3 out of 5 stars 50
About the author
Follow authors to get new release updates, plus improved recommendations.
Follow
Jimmy Carter
James D. Carter, who is known as Jimmy to his friends, IS NOT THE FORMER PRESIDENT. Jimmy was born in Milwaukee, Wiscosin before the other one ran for office.
He lives in Wisconsin with his best friend and wife Karen. His spiritual journey to maintain sanity progresses one day at a time, it has passed through time as an art teacher, artist, and insurance agent.
The stories that dwell in his head and heart have finally started emerging. The Element is his first novel. His next book, coming out in late 2012 is entitled Dear Mr. Lincoln. It is a historic supernatural/thriller.
Top reviews
Gordon
5.0 out of 5 stars An urgent issue: Peace and justice in the Holy Lands
Reviewed in Canada on 3 October 2013
Verified Purchase
Jim Carter communicates with experience, insight and a passionate commitment to peace. I found his personal encounters with key players and organizations to be enlightening. The vexing issue of the settlements is explained in a helpful manner. However, the reader becomes frustrated by the provocative actions of the government of Israel and the overall apathy toward negotiations with Palestinians. I am very grateful to President Carter for his leadership and dedication to building peace in this troubled area. Highly recommended!!!
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Anna H. Bedford
5.0 out of 5 stars Peace Is Possible--Perhaps
Verified Purchase
Jim Carter communicates with experience, insight and a passionate commitment to peace. I found his personal encounters with key players and organizations to be enlightening. The vexing issue of the settlements is explained in a helpful manner. However, the reader becomes frustrated by the provocative actions of the government of Israel and the overall apathy toward negotiations with Palestinians. I am very grateful to President Carter for his leadership and dedication to building peace in this troubled area. Highly recommended!!!
Report
Anna H. Bedford
5.0 out of 5 stars Peace Is Possible--Perhaps
Reviewed in the United States on 5 September 2009
Verified Purchase
Writing in his usual modest style, Nobel Peace Laureate former President Jimmy Carter lays out the history of political and diplomatic events in Israel/Palestine since 1948. In the first 12 chapters, he provides a clear and even-handed summary that favors no country--including the U.S.--over another. He makes a strong case for engaging Israel/Palestine's neighbors, Egypt, Jordan, Syria, Lebanon, in any solution of an apparently intransigent situation.He does not praise or blame, but simply lays out the facts gleaned from first-hand experience.
In the 13th chapter and the 5 enormously insightful appendices that follow, he lays out the agenda for peace. Jimmy Carter understands the deep need of both Israelis and Palestinians to live in peace and safety. He believes that the moment of decision is close, and that strong, unbiased U.S. presidential leadership willing to deal with both Fatah and Hamas is vital.Despair in lack of progress will lead to disaster: one state instead of the majority-desired two-state solution.
I am using this book for group discussion. It's great for that, although it provides no discussion guide. The 5 maps are terrific, although I would have liked more. That, and the fact that he does not mention the plight of ancient Christian communities in the region,might be the only reason not to give this book 5 stars.
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CG
4.0 out of 5 stars A non-partisan review of this book.
Verified Purchase
Writing in his usual modest style, Nobel Peace Laureate former President Jimmy Carter lays out the history of political and diplomatic events in Israel/Palestine since 1948. In the first 12 chapters, he provides a clear and even-handed summary that favors no country--including the U.S.--over another. He makes a strong case for engaging Israel/Palestine's neighbors, Egypt, Jordan, Syria, Lebanon, in any solution of an apparently intransigent situation.He does not praise or blame, but simply lays out the facts gleaned from first-hand experience.
In the 13th chapter and the 5 enormously insightful appendices that follow, he lays out the agenda for peace. Jimmy Carter understands the deep need of both Israelis and Palestinians to live in peace and safety. He believes that the moment of decision is close, and that strong, unbiased U.S. presidential leadership willing to deal with both Fatah and Hamas is vital.Despair in lack of progress will lead to disaster: one state instead of the majority-desired two-state solution.
I am using this book for group discussion. It's great for that, although it provides no discussion guide. The 5 maps are terrific, although I would have liked more. That, and the fact that he does not mention the plight of ancient Christian communities in the region,might be the only reason not to give this book 5 stars.
Read less
Report
CG
4.0 out of 5 stars A non-partisan review of this book.
Reviewed in the United States on 18 February 2009
Verified Purchase
Too many of the reviews here are politically motivated. My goal here is to step back and write an objective review about the book only, politics aside.
This book is genuine, intelligently written, and has a well-thought out premise backed by Jimmy Carter's decades of experience working with key leaders on all sides of the Middle-East peace process. The political tide in the United States has turned, and the timing of this book is no mistake: Carter is hoping take advantage of the change to encourage another attempt of peace in the Holy Land.
The main body of the text provides a relevant history of peace efforts in the Middle-East. I found this review to be quite helpful. It reads much easier and more interesting than "The Blood of Abraham," Carter's 1985 detailed history of the various groups involved in the Middle-East. The reason I rated this book as 4 stars instead of 5 is because there really isn't a lot of new information or ideas for those who are well-read on Carter. But I can still highly recommend this book since most people out there haven't read lots of Carter.
Carter recounts the trial-and-error Camp David negotiation process that he used as President in 1978. He reminds us of the bickering and accusations made by both sides, but also the compromises they were ultimately able to agree upon. Carter's role was to lay down and enforce some rules, be willing to ad lib, be determined, and to act as friend and intermediary to both sides.
Carter is not getting any younger, and I think the take-home message is clear. This is an urgent issue that still requires a lot of hard work. Too many lives are being lost everyday on all sides. The Camp David Accords, the Oslo Accords, and other agreements were ground-breaking in their day, but time marches on. It's up to our generation and our country to go to work and use our influence in the pursuit of peace. The process will be difficult and may seem impossible at times. With this book, Carter urges us to try.
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Report
W. Price
5.0 out of 5 stars Jimmy Carter rules!Reviewed in the United States on 8 June 2014
Verified Purchase
I was a kid during his Presidency and actually wore a Halloween outfit as the man during his term. However, then I couldn't tell you what his politics were and now I could care less what they were. I just know he has done a lot of good work since...that he will be known for as much as he is for his presidency. I think he is a brave man to speak up on the Isreal / Palestine issues and not take the popular side of the pair. I hope he has many more years to do the good work he does. Got this book, because I am half way through the previous one...and like it, so I got this to follow-up on his view of the issues around the Holy Land.
Report
Jonathan Zasloff
3.0 out of 5 stars Informative and well-intentioned, but naive
Verified Purchase
Too many of the reviews here are politically motivated. My goal here is to step back and write an objective review about the book only, politics aside.
This book is genuine, intelligently written, and has a well-thought out premise backed by Jimmy Carter's decades of experience working with key leaders on all sides of the Middle-East peace process. The political tide in the United States has turned, and the timing of this book is no mistake: Carter is hoping take advantage of the change to encourage another attempt of peace in the Holy Land.
The main body of the text provides a relevant history of peace efforts in the Middle-East. I found this review to be quite helpful. It reads much easier and more interesting than "The Blood of Abraham," Carter's 1985 detailed history of the various groups involved in the Middle-East. The reason I rated this book as 4 stars instead of 5 is because there really isn't a lot of new information or ideas for those who are well-read on Carter. But I can still highly recommend this book since most people out there haven't read lots of Carter.
Carter recounts the trial-and-error Camp David negotiation process that he used as President in 1978. He reminds us of the bickering and accusations made by both sides, but also the compromises they were ultimately able to agree upon. Carter's role was to lay down and enforce some rules, be willing to ad lib, be determined, and to act as friend and intermediary to both sides.
Carter is not getting any younger, and I think the take-home message is clear. This is an urgent issue that still requires a lot of hard work. Too many lives are being lost everyday on all sides. The Camp David Accords, the Oslo Accords, and other agreements were ground-breaking in their day, but time marches on. It's up to our generation and our country to go to work and use our influence in the pursuit of peace. The process will be difficult and may seem impossible at times. With this book, Carter urges us to try.
Read less
Report
W. Price
5.0 out of 5 stars Jimmy Carter rules!Reviewed in the United States on 8 June 2014
Verified Purchase
I was a kid during his Presidency and actually wore a Halloween outfit as the man during his term. However, then I couldn't tell you what his politics were and now I could care less what they were. I just know he has done a lot of good work since...that he will be known for as much as he is for his presidency. I think he is a brave man to speak up on the Isreal / Palestine issues and not take the popular side of the pair. I hope he has many more years to do the good work he does. Got this book, because I am half way through the previous one...and like it, so I got this to follow-up on his view of the issues around the Holy Land.
Report
Jonathan Zasloff
3.0 out of 5 stars Informative and well-intentioned, but naive
Reviewed in the United States on 3 February 2009
Verified Purchase
This really is less a book about the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and more a book about Jimmy Carter. Those who are searching for his peace plan will not find it until the last few pages of the book; instead, we get a fairly interesting history of his own interest in the region and many of his recent activities at the Carter Center. Fair enough, but perhaps the book could have had a better title.
In any event, who is the Carter that we find? Certainly not the anti-semite or anti-Israel zealot that some would have you believe. Carter clearly believes that were Israel to remove its West Bank settlements, a peace deal could be reached. But he strongly defends the existence of the state of Israel, and is careful to emphasize the fact that Israel is democracy. Indeed, that is part of the problem, Carter believes: the vibrancy of Israel's political democracy means that small parties representing settler interests are able to block negotiations because they can threaten to bring down the government. Of particular interest is a revelation that I had never seen before: Carter relates that during a recent trip to the region, Israel's deputy prime minister, the ultra-orthodox Eli Yishai, wanted to negotiate with Hamas about captured Israeli soldier Gilad Shalit, but Hamas refused to see him. So much for the idea that it is all Israel's fault.
No--the Carter you see here is committed and well-intentioned: a genuine lover of Israel. He is also extraordinarily naive. For all the (justified) attention he gives to the noxious Israeli settlements, he gives virtually no attention to the issue that really killed the 2000-01 negotiations: the Palestinian demand for a "right of return" to Israel itself -- a demand that, if satisfied, would destroy the Jewish state. Outside of Sari Nusseibeh, no major Palestinian leader or public figure has agreed to relinquish this demand (unlike the many Israeli leaders who have called for evacuating West Bank settlements.). Perhaps this is because they feel they cannot say it in order to keep a bargaining chip. But Carter does not even acknowledge the issue.
It's not that Carter thinks the Palestinians are right about this: at the end of the book, when he sets forth his peace plan, he (finally) states quite clearly that Palestinian refugees should only have a right of return to the Palestinian state, and any who do not return should get monetary compensation. But why does Carter think that the Palestinians, who believe this right to be a sacred principle, will suddenly give it up? He doesn't say; indeed, he doesn't even think it's an issue. It's almost as if he thinks, "oh yes, by the way, that has to go." But why would the Palestinians accept it? And if they wouldn't accept it, how can there be a peace deal? He repeatedly references the Arab League's "acceptance" of Israel in the 2002 Saudi initiative, and that initiative was indeed an important development. But the Saudi initiative also insisted on the right of return. Isn't that a problem? Again, the silence is deafening.
The reader can expect as much after reading the first part of the book. There, Carter reflects on the use of the term "apartheid" in the title of his previous book. He explains that he only meant it as referring to conditions in the territories, not Israel itself. He notes that the use of the term to describe these conditions is often used in Israeli journalism (an overstatement, but true enough), and when he published the book, it did not dawn on him that it would receive the reaction it did, that American supporters of Israel might not take kindly to the idea that Israel itself is an apartheid state or that Israel in any way could be compared to the apartheid regime. He now admits that it was a mistake. You think?
And that's what makes the book so frustrating. Here is a very good man, who cares deeply about both Israelis and Palestinians, who is frustrated that a deal hasn't been reached, and has faith -- a sincere, compassionate, abiding faith -- that a deal can be reached. Since the deal hasn't been reached, he will show us the way. But it never seems to occur to him that there are real, significant issues between the parties, that it's not just that they ran out of time, and that real, serious, painful concessions must be made by both sides that they might not be ready for.
And because of that, he cannot really give us a clear idea of what, precisely, the United States should do. As much as he understands people, he doesn't seem to understand political forces -- a strange condition for a man who was, after all, elected President of the United States (and maybe the reason he wasn't re-elected). He seems to think that if only those terrible settlers would get out of the way (and they are truly terrible), then everything would be okay. I hope he's right. But he gives us little reason to believe him.
For those who know little about the region, the book is okay. He has some anti-Israel biases, but they are not strong, at least not in this book. But for those who really want the details of the region, of peacemaking, of the obstacles on both sides, you won't find much here. You are much better off just reading the online English version of the Israeli newspaper Ha'aretz: [...]
I note that although this book averages 3 stars, the majority of reviews are either 5 stars or 1 star. So it goes.
Read less
Report
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Verified Purchase
This really is less a book about the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and more a book about Jimmy Carter. Those who are searching for his peace plan will not find it until the last few pages of the book; instead, we get a fairly interesting history of his own interest in the region and many of his recent activities at the Carter Center. Fair enough, but perhaps the book could have had a better title.
In any event, who is the Carter that we find? Certainly not the anti-semite or anti-Israel zealot that some would have you believe. Carter clearly believes that were Israel to remove its West Bank settlements, a peace deal could be reached. But he strongly defends the existence of the state of Israel, and is careful to emphasize the fact that Israel is democracy. Indeed, that is part of the problem, Carter believes: the vibrancy of Israel's political democracy means that small parties representing settler interests are able to block negotiations because they can threaten to bring down the government. Of particular interest is a revelation that I had never seen before: Carter relates that during a recent trip to the region, Israel's deputy prime minister, the ultra-orthodox Eli Yishai, wanted to negotiate with Hamas about captured Israeli soldier Gilad Shalit, but Hamas refused to see him. So much for the idea that it is all Israel's fault.
No--the Carter you see here is committed and well-intentioned: a genuine lover of Israel. He is also extraordinarily naive. For all the (justified) attention he gives to the noxious Israeli settlements, he gives virtually no attention to the issue that really killed the 2000-01 negotiations: the Palestinian demand for a "right of return" to Israel itself -- a demand that, if satisfied, would destroy the Jewish state. Outside of Sari Nusseibeh, no major Palestinian leader or public figure has agreed to relinquish this demand (unlike the many Israeli leaders who have called for evacuating West Bank settlements.). Perhaps this is because they feel they cannot say it in order to keep a bargaining chip. But Carter does not even acknowledge the issue.
It's not that Carter thinks the Palestinians are right about this: at the end of the book, when he sets forth his peace plan, he (finally) states quite clearly that Palestinian refugees should only have a right of return to the Palestinian state, and any who do not return should get monetary compensation. But why does Carter think that the Palestinians, who believe this right to be a sacred principle, will suddenly give it up? He doesn't say; indeed, he doesn't even think it's an issue. It's almost as if he thinks, "oh yes, by the way, that has to go." But why would the Palestinians accept it? And if they wouldn't accept it, how can there be a peace deal? He repeatedly references the Arab League's "acceptance" of Israel in the 2002 Saudi initiative, and that initiative was indeed an important development. But the Saudi initiative also insisted on the right of return. Isn't that a problem? Again, the silence is deafening.
The reader can expect as much after reading the first part of the book. There, Carter reflects on the use of the term "apartheid" in the title of his previous book. He explains that he only meant it as referring to conditions in the territories, not Israel itself. He notes that the use of the term to describe these conditions is often used in Israeli journalism (an overstatement, but true enough), and when he published the book, it did not dawn on him that it would receive the reaction it did, that American supporters of Israel might not take kindly to the idea that Israel itself is an apartheid state or that Israel in any way could be compared to the apartheid regime. He now admits that it was a mistake. You think?
And that's what makes the book so frustrating. Here is a very good man, who cares deeply about both Israelis and Palestinians, who is frustrated that a deal hasn't been reached, and has faith -- a sincere, compassionate, abiding faith -- that a deal can be reached. Since the deal hasn't been reached, he will show us the way. But it never seems to occur to him that there are real, significant issues between the parties, that it's not just that they ran out of time, and that real, serious, painful concessions must be made by both sides that they might not be ready for.
And because of that, he cannot really give us a clear idea of what, precisely, the United States should do. As much as he understands people, he doesn't seem to understand political forces -- a strange condition for a man who was, after all, elected President of the United States (and maybe the reason he wasn't re-elected). He seems to think that if only those terrible settlers would get out of the way (and they are truly terrible), then everything would be okay. I hope he's right. But he gives us little reason to believe him.
For those who know little about the region, the book is okay. He has some anti-Israel biases, but they are not strong, at least not in this book. But for those who really want the details of the region, of peacemaking, of the obstacles on both sides, you won't find much here. You are much better off just reading the online English version of the Israeli newspaper Ha'aretz: [...]
I note that although this book averages 3 stars, the majority of reviews are either 5 stars or 1 star. So it goes.
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