Full text of "The story of Korea"
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THE STORY OF KOREA
BY JOSEPH H. LONGFORD
LATE H.M. CONSUL AT NAGASAKI; PROFESSOR OF JAPANESE, KING'S
COLLEGE, LONDON ; BARRISTER- AT-LAW, MIDDLE TEMPLE
AUTHOR OF "THE STORY OF OLD JAPAN"
WITH 33 ILLUSTRATIONS
AND THREE MAPS
NEW YORK : CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS
LONDON: T FISHER UNWIN
1911
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PREFACE
The welcome so heartily accorded both by critics
and the public to the " Story of Old Japan " has
tempted the writer to endeavour to tell, in the same
easy and popular way, the Story of Korea, a story
scarcely less replete than that of Japan with
picturesque and romantic incidents of war, politics,
and social life. During the last thirty years Korea
has been the pivot of all the politics of the Far
East. It has been the subject of two great wars,
as the result of which it has ceased to exist as an
independent kingdom . Few people in England know
it otherwise than as a geographical expression.
Fewer still realise the great addition which its incor-
poration in the dominions of the Emperor of Japan
will make to the military and commercial resources
of his Empire. Its magnificent harbours will pro-
vide new bases, and its coast population, which
produced brave and skilful sailors in the Middle
Ages, will afford abundant recruits for his fleet. Its
peasants will furnish a large contingent to his armies,
which scientific training, discipline, and good treat-
ment, the writer, judging from his own experience
in Japan, believes, will convert, ere another generation
has passed away, into soldiers not less fearless or
efficient than are now the Japanese themselves. Its
abundant natural resources, favoured by a good
climate, by rainfall and sunshine that are both
abundant, and by entire exemption from the disasters
of floods and earthquakes that are the terrors of
Japan, only require intelligent, honest, and scientific
development to convert their potentialities into
realities of industrial and commercial wealth. All
this will be given by Japanese administrators, who
will bring to Korea the methods which they have
already so successfully exploited in their own country
as to raise it, within half a century, from impotence
and indigence, into the position of one of the great
military and commercial powers of the world. Korea,
both in its own history and as a factor in the future
status of our ally and in the political balance of the
Far East, may, the writer hopes, prove of sufficient
interest to English readers to induce them to extend
to a volume in which its story is told simply, as it
has never been told before, without fear or favour,
without either exaggeration or concealment, no less
cordial a welcome than they generously gave to his
work on Japan.
The Appendix contains a bibliography of the long
list of works which have been consulted in the
preparation of this volume. Part of the material is
founded on or has been taken from Dallet's " Histoire
de l'Eglise de Coree," the contributions to the
" Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan " of
Dr. Aston and Mr. E. H. Parker, the latter, like Dr.
Aston, a profound Oriental scholar, and Mr. Homer
Hulbert's scholarly and complete " History of
Korea/' published at Seoul in 1904, in two large
and closely printed volumes, a work full of interest,
but one which demands attentive study on the part
of its readers. Acknowledgment is made in the
text in all places in which the writer has used or
quoted from these works. He is also indebted to the
Rev. John Ross's very learned "History of Korea"
for some of the material for his story of the relations
between Korea and China under the Imperial
dynasties of the Tsin, Mongols, and early Manchus.
His "Story of Modern Korea," since 1870, is
founded almost entirely on his own personal know-
ledge of the events which are related, acquired during
his official career in Japan.
His best thanks are due to his Excellency the
Japanese Ambassador, and to Mr. Sakata, Consul -
General in London, for some of the photographs
with which the volume is illustrated ; and to Mr.
Sakata, Mr. Kishi, Secretary of Embassy, and to Mr.
Y. Komma, Secretary of the Consulate-General, for
their assistance in elucidating obscure points in
ancient history.
J. H. L.
King's College,
June 25, 191 1.
CHAP. PAGE
I. THE COUNTRY AND ITS PEOPLE . . -9
II. THE SOCIAL SYSTEM OF OLD KOREA . . 32
III. THE DARK AGES . . . . . 50
IV. THE STORY OF THE THREE KINGDOMS . . ■ 65
V. EARLY RELATIONS WITH JAPAN . . .89
VI. UNITED KOREA . IO4
VII. CHOSEN — FIRST PERIOD . . . . 123
VIII. HIDEYOSHl'S INVASION — THE FIRST STAGE . 139
IX. HIDEYOSHl'S INVASION — THE SECOND STAGE . 167
X, CHOSEN — SECOND PERIOD * I96
XI. EARLY EUROPEAN RELATIONS . . . 2l6
XII. CHRISTIANITY TO THE FIRST PERSECUTION . 242
XIII. CHRISTIANITY — PERSECUTION AND TOLERATION . 273
XIV. MODERN KOREA — 1 868-84 • • • 29^
XV. MODERN KOREA — 1884-I905 . . . 32O
XVI. THE JAPANESE PROTECTORATE I905-IO , -351
XVII. TRADE AND INDUSTRY .... 366
BIBLIOGRAPHY ..... 385
INDEX . . . . . . 389
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THE STORY OF KOREA
CHAPTER I
THE COUNTRY AND ITS PEOPLE
The kingdom of Korea, which possessed an authentic
history extending over three thousand years and
traditional legends dating from a period more than
a thousand years prior to the dawn of its history,
lay in the peninsula which extends southwards into
the Sea of Japan from the north-eastern boundaries
of the Chinese Empire and is fringed on its southern
and western sides by numerous islands. Its existence
first became known in Europe through the Arab
geographer Khordadbeh, who, in the ninth century
of our era, described it in his book of roads and
provinces, quoted in Baron Richtofen's great work
on China, as "an unknown land beyond the frontiers
of Kantu " — the modern Shantung — " rich in gold,
and exporting ginseng, camphor, aloes, and deerhorn,
and such manufactured products as nails, saddles,
porcelain, and satin." M Mussulmans," he said,
" who visited it were often so attracted by it that
they were induced to settle there." It was visited in
the sixteenth century by one of the Jesuit priests
from the mission in Japan, who was permitted to act
as chaplain to the Christian soldiers who formed a
large contingent of Hideyoshi's invading armies in
10 THE STORY OF KOREA
the closing decade of the century ; but the earliest
European description of it which now survives was
furnished by Hendrik Hamel, a Dutch seaman, who
was shipwrecked in the year 1653 on the Island of
jQuelpart, when on a voyage from Texel to- Japan, in
the service of the Dutch East India Company. A
translation of his graphic description of the country
and people and of his own romantic experiences and
sufferings is contained in the seventh volume of
Pinkerton's " Voyages. " Hamel and thirty-five of
his shipmates, out of a total complement of sixty-four,
were saved from the wreck, and they remained in the
country for over thirteen years, when Hamel and
seven other survivors succeeded in making their
escape to Japan, from which in due course they
returned to their native land.
Late in the eighteenth and early in the nineteenth
centuries the Korean coasts were visited by British,
French, and Russian vessels of war when on voyages
of exploration in the Pacific, and the commanders
have left memorials of their discoveries in the
geographical names that still distinguish the islands
and bays in our charts and maps. None of the
explorers ever ventured to leave the coasts. None
ever slept outside their own ships. In all the long
interval that passed between Ha-mel's escape and
Captain Broughton's memorable voyage in 1797
Korea was left unregarded in its national isolation
by Europeans, whether sailors, travellers, traders, or
missionaries ; and it was not until the nineteenth
century was well advanced into the years of its middle
age that missionaries of the Roman Catholic Church,
who never knew fear when in the service of their
Master, stole through the barriers within which the
Koreans secluded themselves from all the world, and
were able to penetrate into the interior and to
describe, with the skill and accuracy of scholars and
THE COUNTRY AND ITS PEOPLE 11
scientists, the history, manners, and customs of a
country and people of whom our only previous direct
knowledge was founded on the writings of an humble
Dutch sailor and the fragmentary notice of an ancient
Arab geographer.
The peninsula extends from 430 02' to 330 12'
north latitude and from 1240 18' to 1300 54' east
longitude. Its extreme width in its widest part, from
the mouth of the Yalu to that of the Tumen, is over
350 miles, but this narrows in the latitude of the
capital to 120 miles. Its length is about 500 miles,
and its total coast -line is said to be over 1,700
miles. Its total area is estimated as 84,000 square
miles, or, roughly, about that of Great Britain and
half that of Japan. It is bounded on the north by
the Russian Asiatic province of Primorsk, with
which it is coterminous for 1 1 miles from the Pacific
coast, and by Manchuria, its confines being delimi-
tated by the River Tumen, flowing into the Pacific
on the east, by the River Yalu, flowing into the
Yellow Sea on the west, and between the two by the
lofty Sh,an Yan Range or Ever White Mountains, in
which are the sources of both rivers. On the east it
has the Sea of Japan, and on the west the Yellow
Sea. On the south it is separated from Kiusiu by the
Straits of Korea, in which, midway between the
Korean and Japanese coasts, lies the Japanese island
of Tsushima, from which Korea is visible on clear
days. The number of Korean islands exceeds two
hundred. One small, solitary island, Dagelet Island
— so named by the French navigator La Perouse, who
discovered it, in honour of the great French
astronomer — lies in the Japan Sea, as lonely as St.
Helena in the Great Ocean, 45 miles off the
east coast, but with that exception all the islands
are on the southern or western coasts of the penin-
sula. The majority of these are inhabited, cultivated
12 THE STORY OF KOREA
or well wooded, but some are bare volcanic rocks,
rising with picturesque precipitousness out of the
sea £o a height of from i,ooo to 2,000 feet. The
largest and most important among them is Quelpart
— more correctly Quelpaert — the scene of Hamel's
shipwreck, and in more recent days of that of H.M.S.
Bedford, a well -cultivated island, 40 miles in length
by 17 in breadth, with a resident population of
100,000 souls, lying about 60 miles from the south-
west corner of the mainland. Thirty-six miles to
the east of Quelpart is the Nan Hau Group of three
islands, ,which were occupied by Great Britain in
the years 1884-6, "when Russian aggression menaced
the integrity of Korea, and Japan had not yet won.
her spurs as a great military Power. The pic-
turesqueness of the seascapes throughout the whole
length of the western coast is increased by number-
less islets or rocks that rise boldly out of the deep
waters of the sea, whose cliffs and fir-clad peaks are
the joy of lovers of the grand in Nature, but whose
presence is a source of anxiety to the navigator when,
as is often the case, they are shrouded in the dense
summer fogs of the Yellow Sea. So thickly do
islands and islets cluster together along the entire
western shore of the peninsula that it is only at rare
intervals the mainland can be seen at all from the
deck of the passing sea-going steamer.
On the east, the long coast, from the Russian
frontier to the south-east corner, where the harbour
of Fusan fronts Tsushima and Kiusiu, is, with the
one exception already mentioned, destitute of islands,
and its line is broken only by what is called
Brought on Bay, after the great British navigator,
with its two harbours of Gensan and Port Lazareff.
On the south coast are the capacious, deep, and well-
sheltered harbours of Fusan and Masampo, each
capable of affording safe anchorage for a fleet of the
THE COUNTRY AND ITS PEOPLE 13
largest warships of the present day, the possession of
which is therefore a most valuable asset to a Power
that aspires to the naval hegemony of the Pacific.
On the west coast there are many harbours, and also
anchorages amid and under the shelter of the islands,
but both their naval and commercial importance is
discounted by the tides, which rise and fall, with
great rapidity and violence, from 25 to 30 feet. On
the east and south coasts the rise and fall are only
a few feet. Quelpart has no harbour, but the
Nan Hau Group enclose a deep and well-sheltered
harbour, which could hold all the fleets on the Pacific,
though they would have a poor time if seeking refuge
from the guns of a blockading enemy. Both east and
west coasts are bold and hilly, the east mountainous,
only a narrow strip of cultivated plains separating
the shore from the chain of lofty mountains which,
after starting from the sacred Paik-Tu peak of the
Ever White Range in the extreme north and passing
through the centre of the north-eastern province of
Ham Gyong, reaches the east coast about the fortieth
parallel of latitude and then extends in a continuous
line to the extreme south, here and there on its way
throwing out spurs that wind towards the western
coast. Among these spurs, nearly midway between
the extreme north and south, are the Diamond Moun-
tains, so called by the Koreans themselves, from the
resemblance of their " twelve thousand serrated
peaks " to rough diamonds, the site of the great
historic Buddhist monasteries of Korea, and famous,
not only in Korea but in China and Japan!, for the
sublime grandeur of their scenery.
All Korea is mountainous, not so much so as is
Japan, but still so broken that there is only one —
perhaps two may be admitted — extensive plain, and
the whole surface of the country was compared by
the French missionaries to the sea in a heavy gale.
14 THE STORY OF KOREA
The mountains in the north are thickly wooded and
their deep valleys and gorges afford scenes of impres-
sive beauty ; but those along the coast are mostly
bare^ their surface covered with coarse bamboo -grass,
the monotony of which is only varied by scattered
groves of stunted firs that rarely attain to a height
of more than four to five feet. The " land of treeless
mountains " is a common epithet for Korea among
Japanese. At a distance the coasts are not unlike
the Sussex Downs, though they rise to a greater
height from the sea -level, but it is only distance that
gives them this enchantment, the coarse grass which
covers them being woefully different to the soft turf
of the Downs.
Every mountain gorge and valley is watered by
its own stream, that rushes over a shallow, pebbly
bed ; but, as could not be otherwise in so narrow
a country, large rivers are few, and both their swift-
ness and shallowness render them unsuitable for pur-
poses of transport. The Yalu (called by the Koreans,
from the yividness of its colour after the melting
of the snow and ice, the Am Nok or Green Duck)
and the Tumen in the north have been already men-
tioned. Others, flowing into the Yellow Sea, are the
Tatong, which flows through a great part of the
north-western province of Phyong An, and, passing
the old historical capital of the province, enters the
sea at Chinampo about the thirty-ninth parallel, and
the Han, which, rising in the eastern province of Kang-
iWon and entering the sea at Chemulpo on the western
coast, divides the entire peninsula into two almost
equal portions. On it lies the capital Seoul. All
these rivers receive many tributaries, and all are
navigable for small craft for some distance from
their mouths. The Naktong, which finds its way
to the sea at Fusan in the south-eastern corner of the
peninsula, after an almost direct southern course, is
THE COUNTRY AND ITS PEOPLE 15
the only river of importance in the east, the proximity
of the mountains to the coast preventing those which
take their rise on the eastern slopes attaining any
higher dignity than that of streams. There are no
lakes in Korea sufficiently large to be marked on
the map.
The domestic animals include horses, asses, mules,
oxen, dogs, sheep, goats, and pigs. The horses are
small, and long-continued cruelty has rendered them
vicious in the extreme, but they possess great
strength. The want of roads prevents their use in
carriages or carts, and as the modern Koreans are
not a nation of horsemen and prefer the more humble
donkey for purposes of travelling, the principal
service of the horse is that of pack -carrying. For
agricultural purposes only the ox is used. Cattle are
abundant, especially in the south, and of excellent
quality, bearing a marked resemblance to the English
shorthorns, and are as remarkable for their tract -
ability as the horses are the reverse. The Koreans
are largely a meat -eating people, not disdaining even
the flesh of dogs, and ox -hides are an important
article of export, furnishing the main supply for the
requirements of the modern tanneries of Japan.
Of the wild animals, the most noted is the tiger,
which exists in great numbers in the mountains and
forests of the north-eastern provinces, but is found
all over the country, tigers having, it is said, been
known to enter into the very streets of the capital.1
It is equally characterised by its size, boldness, and
ferocity, qualities which have given it a prominent
place in the folklore, proverbs, and customs of the
people, and have also, it may be added, filled them
1 In the early days of the Janese settlement at Gensan, a policeman
left his box one cold winter's night to make his round in the settle-
ment. On his return he found a large tiger, which had entered the
box in his absence, asleep by the stove.
16 THE STORY OF KOREA
with a very well grounded dread. Its figure was
a favourite device to be emblazoned on war banners.
The tiger-hunters, who form a class by themselves,
were always called upon to lead forlorn hopes when
on military service, as those whose courage, strength,
and activity had been developed in the best of schools.
The skins, which are beautifully marked and, as is
natural from the fact that its principal home is among
mountains that are deeply clad in snow for nearly half
the year, have a much thicker fur than the Indian
variety, were highly prized for decorative purposes,
not only as rugs but as military ornaments by the
Japanese, among whom, ever since the days of
Hideyoshi, the tiger-skin-covered scabbard was one
of the most cherished outer marks of an officer of
rank, while the claws were worn as jewels. The
flesh was eaten and the bones were converted into
a medicine which was highly prized in the Chinese
pharmacopoeia as a courage-producing specific of in-
fallible merit. Tigers were usually hunted in winter,
when they floundered helplessly in the deep snow,
the frozen surface of which was strong enough to
bear the weight of nimble hunters on snowshoes and
their dogs, but even under these circumstances, the
courage of the hunters may be estimated from the
fact that they seldom hesitated to attack the tiger
single-handed and armed only with an old flint-lock
gun. In summer, on the other hand, when the dense
undergrowth of the forests placed the hunter at its
mercy, the advantage was on the side of the tiger, a
fact which gave rise to the Chinese saying that the
tiger is hunted by the Koreans during one half of
the year and the Koreans by the tiger during the
other half. Notwithstanding the terror caused by
his known presence in their neighbourhood, villagers
are so reckless as to sleep in midsumtner with wide-
open doors or even beneath sheds or in the open
THE COUNTRY AND ITS PEOPLE 17
fields, where they fall an easy prey. The annual
death roll is therefore very large. The other wild
animals include leopards, bears, deer, boars, and a
variety of fur -bearing animals, including otters,
martins, squirrels, and sables. Among the birds are
eagles, hawks, pheasants, ducks, swans, geese, herons,
cranes, snipe, rooks, storks, and many others in
numbers large enough to render Korea, with its addi-
tional opportunities for the hunting of large game,
a paradise for sportsmen, were it not for the physical
discomforts of travelling and lodging in the mountain
districts.
The seas, especially on the east and south coasts,
abound in fish, though the variety is much less than
on the coast of Japan. They have long been a
successful fishing-ground for whales, which follow
the shoals of herrings and sardines that are found in
immense numbers. Only the most primitive methods
of fishing are followed by the Koreans, and it is
principally Japanese fishermen who reap the rich
harvest of their seas on the east and Chinese on the
west. Even in the days of national isolation, no pro-
hibition was imposed on either Chinese or Japanese
against fishing in Korean waters, the only limitation
being that they should neither land on Korean soil
nor communicate with the natives while on the sea.
The last was easily evaded, either in the obscurity of
the frequent fogs or under the shadows of the many
islands whose lofty cliffs towered out of the sea, and
extensive smuggling was successfully carried on by
Chinese and Japanese, especially by the former, who,
to this day, may be counted among the most astute
smugglers in the world.
When King Taijo founded his dynasty in 1392, one
of his first measures was to divide the peninsula
for administrative purposes into eight circuits or
provinces. Under the Japanese protectorate, the five
2
18 THE STORY OF KOREA
which were of larger area were each separated into
two independent local governments retaining their
old titles with the addition of North or South, but
with this exception the provinces have remained until
this day exactly as they were constituted by Taijo,
more than six hundred years ago. Their delimitation
testifies to his skill as a statesman with a keen eye
to the economic welfare of his kingdom. Each pro-
vince has an extensive coast -line, and there is only
one in which there is not at least one fine harbour.
Korea's foreign intercourse in his day was entirely
with China, and five of the provinces were therefore
constituted out of the west half of the kingdom which
faced China, three being considered sufficient for the
east half, which, though of much greater area than
the west, was broken everywhere by mountains and
its long coast-line faced the stormy Sea of Japan
without shelter from outlying islands.
The names of the five provinces on the west coast,
taking them in order from north to south are :
Phyong An (Tranquil Peace), Hoang-hai (Yellow
Sea), Kyong-Kwi (Capital Boundaries), Chhung
Chyong (Pure Loyalty), and Cholla (Complete
Network) ; and those of the provinces on the east :
Ham Gyong (All Mirror), Kang Won (River Moor),
and Kyong-syang (Joyful Honour).
Phyong An, on the north-west, is the frontier pro-
vince, separated from Manchuria by the River Yalu
and bounded on its south by the River Tatong, two
of the largest rivers in Korea. It has been through-
out its history the great battlefield of Korea. In
ancient days when it was part of the territory of
Korai it was the scene of the invasions of the Swi
and Tang Emperors of China. In the Middle Ages
it was again desolated by the Mongol and Manchu
armies and the march of Hideyoshi's soldiers ex-
tended as far as its capital, Phyong An. In our own
<
O
1
THE COUNTRY AND ITS PEOPLE 19
days it was the scene of the first great battle in
the China-Japan War of 1894, and ten years later
of the march of the Japanese on their way to drive
the Russians from the Yalu. Time and time again
it has been ravaged from end to end, its towns and
villages sacked and burnt. In 1894 it suffered
equally from flying Chinese and pursuing Japanese,
but its fertility and the industry of its inhabitants, who
have inherited some of the vigour of their ancestors
of old Korai, and have sunk less deeply than the
inhabitants of the other provinces under the blight-
ing influence of mis -government, have enabled it each
time to recover, and it is now one of the least poor
of all the provinces. Two of its towns will be fre-
quently referred to in subsequent pages. Aichiu (now
called Wiju) was the old frontier town, near the
mouth of the River Yalu, where a strict watch was
kept for foreign trespassers and smugglers. It now
promises to become an important seat of trade, the
depot of the great timber industry, the material for
which is furnished by the virgin forests of the Shan
Yan Mountains. The exploiting of these forests by
the Russians and their high-handedness in establish-
ing a depot, which was really a military outpost, at
Wiju, may be said to have been the spark that kindled
the flames of the Russian War with Japan.
Phyong An, the capital of the province, on the
River Tatong, about fifty miles from its mouth, was
the seat which Ki Tse, the founder of Korea, chose
for his government in 11 22 B.C. His tomb is still to
be seen, a holy spot in the eyes of all Koreans,
and there are still traces of the walls of the city
which he founded. It was afterwards the capital of
Korai, and when Korai fell, it was the centre from
which the Chinese prefects directed the administration
of the conquered provinces. It was taken and held in
1592 by Hideyoshi's general, Konishi Yukinaga, and
20 THE STORY OF KOREA
in 1894 it was almost destroyed in the battle of
September 15th between the Chinese and Japanese.
It is, however, still the third city in Korea in point
of population ; it is one of the most picturesque in
its situation on a high bluff on the north bank of
the river ; and as it is in the centre of a fertile district
that not only produces in abundance the ordinary
agricultural staples, including silk and the invalu-
able ginseng, but has great prospective treasures of
mineral wealth of gold and coal ; as it is also on the
great trunk railway that runs from Fusan to Seoul
and from Seoul to Wiju ; and as it possesses in the
Tatong, which is navigable for cargo -carrying boats
of light draught to within a few miles of it, a cheap
highway to its seaport Chinampo, it may develop into
a prosperous commercial city. It is a great station
of Nonconformist missionary enterprise at the present
day. The city in its configuration resembles a
Korean boat. A superstition that if a well was dug
within its .walls the boat would sink formerly com-
pelled the inhabitants to obtain their domestic water
supply from the river, from which it was carried in
buckets, but under the Japanese administration the
city is now supplied with water-works, constructed
on the most modern principles of engineering science.
Hoang Hai lies south of Phyong An and directly
facing Shang Tung on the coast of China. It has
no features that call for special remark, its industries
being entirely fishing and agricultural. It is one of
the three provinces that has not been subdivided by
the Japanese.
Kyong Kwi is, in its area, the smallest, but in
its wealth the greatest of all the provinces. In it
are Seoul, the modern capital, and Sunto (now
called Kai Seng), the ancient capital in the first
four centuries (919-1392) of Korea's existence as
a united kingdom, and now, in population, the second
THE COUNTRY AND ITS PEOPLE 21
city in the peninsula. Through its centre runs the
River Han, the largest river whose banks on both
sides are in Korean territory. On the coast, thirty
miles from the capital, on the south estuary of the
Han, is the open port of Chemulpo, the chief seat
of foreign trade at the present day, the Yokohama
of Korea, both in its present position and its history.
Like Yokohama, it owes its rise entirely to foreign
trade. It was the first new port to be opened
under the Treaty of 1876 with Japan, and at the time
of its opening it consisted only of a few miserable
huts of fishermen. There are now Japanese, Chinese,
and European settlements within its limits, as well
as a large Korean town, and the annual value of
the trade carried on at it reaches two and a half
millions sterling.
The first shot in the Japan -Russian War was fired
just outside its harbour, on February 8, 1904. Two
Russian men-of-war, the Variag, a swift cruiser of
the most modern type, and the Korietz, a gunboat,
were lying in the harbour, before the actual declara-
tion of war, when a Japanese fleet of seven cruisers
appeared off its entrance. The gunboat steamed
out of the harbour, on her way to Port Arthur, but
found her exit stopped by the torpedo-boats that
were attached to the Japanese fleet. She fired one
gun at them. It was said that the discharge was
accidental, but whether accidental or not, it was the
first shot that was fired on either side in the war.
Then she returned to her consort in the harbour.
The Japanese admiral sent a notice to the Russians
that if they did not leave the harbour they would be
attacked within it, and on the following day the two
ships steamed out to meet the whole Japanese fleet,
and within a very few hours crept back again to
the port, battered and crippled wrecks. For three
hours the Variag had borne the concentrated fire of
22 THE STORY OF KOREA
the Japanese ships all round her, firing vigorously in
return, but the heroic gallantry of the Russians was
not supported by efficient gunnery. They did not
succeed in even once hitting any one of the seven
great targets around them. This fact has, to the
best of the present writer's knowledge, not hitherto
been told in any English history of the war, and it
is his excuse for introducing the incident into pages
in which it would otherwise have had no place.
The Capital is connected with Chemulpo by the
first railway (2 6| miles in length) that was con-
structed in Korea. The journey occupies one and a
half hours, there being ten stations on the way.
It is a walled city lying in an amphitheatre of pic-
turesque hills, about two miles from the banks of
the wide and rapidly flowing Han, which encompasses
all its southern outskirts. Seoul, with its Govern-
ment offices, banks, hospitals, railway-stations, tram-
ways, and glass -fronted shops, is, under Japanese
administration, rapidly following the example of
Tokio, and changing in its outward appearance from
an Asiatic to a European city. In its own native
form, its principal features were its walls that pro-
tected it, not only on the level, but in their winding
course climbed all the steep hills around it, crossing
the North and the " Three peaked " mountains, at
an altitude of not less than a thousand feet ; the eight
imposing gates, including among them1 the gates of
" Benevolence," " Justice," and " Courtesy," set in
granite frames, which gave access through the walls ;
the royal palaces, and the long and wide high street
which crossed the whole city from east to west, and
with its living stream of white-clothed passers is one
of the most picturesque thoroughfares in the world ;
the great bronze bell, ten feet in height by eight in
width, the third largest bell in the world, cast in
1396, and hung in its present site in 1468, the
SEOUL — OUTSIDE THE CITY WALL.
(From Stereograph Copyright, Underwood & Underwood, London.)
To face p. 23.
THE COUNTRY AND ITS PEOPLE 23
metal of which failed to fuse until a living child
had been cast into its molten mass,1 which for five
centuries tolled the curfew over the whole city, the
signal for the closing of the gates and the withdrawal
of all men to their houses ; near it the eight-storied
marble pagoda, erected more than seven hundred
years ago, and beautiful both in its grace and its
carvings, and the column erected by the Tai Won
Kun in 1866, when in the flush of his triumph after
the repulse of the French, with the inscription that
" whosoever pronounces even the name of Europeans
is a traitor to his country. " These were the most
striking objects in the city, while it still preserved
its native aspect unimpaired by the brick -and-mortar
creations of modern civilisation. Beyond the city
walls in the north was the great arch, the Gate of
Gratitude, where the Chinese Ambassador was on
his arrival annually welcomed by the King. The
arch was destroyed by the Japanese in 1904 and
the arch of independence soon after erected in its
place.
Seoul lay in the midst of a quadrilateral of fortified
cities, in which strong garrisons were maintained,
and which were looked upon as military outposts for
the protection of the capital-Kwanju and Suwon
in the south, Songdo in the north, and in the west
Kang Wha, the capital town on the island of the
same name which covers the estuary of the River
Han. Kang Wha, both city and island, are in their
historical associations not inferior to Sunto, not
even to the capital itself, and the island, with its
mountains broken by well-cultivated valleys, presents
many graceful pictures of the beauties of hill, sea,
and valley. The island was formerly the sanctuary
of the kings when their capital was threatened or
x It was said that the wailing of a child could always be detected
in its notes.
24 THE STORY OF KOREA
taken. For twenty-eight years in the thirteenth
century they found refuge in it from the fierce
Mongols, and twice again in the seventeenth century
the Court was removed to it. In our own time it
was attacked and occupied — in each instance for a
few days — by the French and Americans, on the
occasions of their ill-judged attacks on Korea. It
was on the island that the first treaty with Japan was
negotiated and signed in 1876, and the barriers
broken of Korea's long national isolation.
The town of Kang Wha, which contained many
national treasures, was, with a vandalism not inferior
to that of Hideyoshi's soldiers, burnt by the French
when they found it expedient to retreat to their
ships before the gathering Koreans. It is now the
chief seat of the British Episcopal Mission in Korea.
Chhung Chyong and Cholla have both been
divided by the Japanese into two prefectures, north
and south. Both are fertile and populous, and large
quantities of cattle are reared in Cholla. The names
which their bays and the islands on their coasts bear
on English charts are memorials of the visits of
early English and French navigators : Basil Bay is
called after the captain of the Lyra, Basil Hall.
Jerome Bay and the Prince Imperial Archipelago
recall the ill-fated visit of La Gloire and La Victorease
in 1846, and Modeste, Amherst, and Ross Islands
the more fortunate cruises of British ships. Both
provinces have several good harbours, and the
numerous islands off their coasts also afford well-
sheltered anchorages. The natives of both are
famous among Korean sailors — admirals and the
majority of officers and men, in the fleet which de-
feated the Japanese in 1593, were all from the two
provinces, and both were also the scenes of famous
sieges and battles on land in the same war.
Kyong Syang in the south-east is the nearest
THE COUNTRY AND ITS PEOPLE 25
province to Japan, and historically the most interest-
ing of all. It is in it that all the invading armies
of Japan have landed from the time of the Empress
Jingo onwards. Its towns have borne many sieges,
and in them early Korean civilisation reached its
highest development. On its coasts are the deep and
capacious harbours of Masampo and Fusan ; and its
plains and valleys, watered by the River Naktong,
which flows through its whole length, with a genial
climate that is free from the arctic winters of the
north and east, are the most fertile and populous
in Korea. Fusan, its principal town, the gateway
through which all Japanese passed who entered Korea
prior to 1876, the seat of the Japanese trading factory
for six centuries, lies on a bay that is protected
from the sea by Deer Island, and affords within
the shelter of this island a safe anchorage that would
hold all the fleets of the Pacific. It was M opened "
to the Japanese in 1877 and to other foreign nations
in the early eighties, and as a seat of foreign trade it
is now second only to Chemulpo. It is the southern
terminus of the Trunk Railway. Twice each day
powerful ferry steamers take passengers across the
120 miles of sea that separate it from Shimono-
seki, the nearest port in the main island of Japan,
and all the passenger and mail traffic, not only to
Korea but to Manchuria and by the Siberian Rail-
way to Europe, pass through it. Fifty miles to the
north is the old town of Kyunju, the capital of the
ancient kingdom of Silla, once the home of everything
that was greatest and best, in Korean art and litera-
ture, but which has never recovered from the ruthless
spoliation it suffered when Hideyoshi's soldiers sacked
and burnt it as the final act of their last campaign
in Korea.
Kang Won, the third of the provinces, which has
not been subdivided, is unique among all in that
26 THE STORY OF KOREA
its long coast-line of more than 150 miles is
harbourless, and unsheltered by islands. It is
celebrated for its mountain and coast scenery, but
falls behind all others both in trade and industry,
and has no towns of either commercial or historic
note. The sea along its coast abounds with fish,
from whales to sardines, but the harvest is reaped
almost exclusively by Japanese fishermen, their frail
boats not permitting the Koreans to venture more
than a few miles from the shore.
Ham Gyong is the largest of the provinces. On
its north it borders Asiatic Russia, from which it is
separated by the River Tumen, and for the remainder
of its width it is divided from Manchuria by the
river and by the range of the Ever White Mountains.
The whole province is covered with lofty forest-clad
mountains, which extend to the coast and present
imposing views from the sea, and are the homes of
the tiger, the bear, and the leopard. The inhabitants,
hunters of big game and fishers, are the bravest and
the strongest of all Koreans, and were always called
upon to furnish the most trusted recruits to the army
in the worst national crises.
Broughton Bay, at its extreme south, is the third
great harbour of Korea, capacious, ice-free, and well
sheltered, capable in all its natural conditions of being
converted by the Japanese into an important naval
base. Properly speaking, it consists of two harbours,
Port Lazareff in the north of the bay, and Gensan
in the south, the natural advantages of both, with
their broad and deep channels and sheltered anchor-
ages, being nearly equal. Gensan was opened to
Japanese trade in 1880 and to English and American
in 1883. A large Japanese settlement has been
established there, but neither the realities nor the
prospects of trade have been such as to attract
Europeans. Historically speaking, Gensan is a place
THE ARCH OF INDEPENDENCE.
(From Stereograph Copyright, Underwood & Underwood, London.)
To face p. 26.
THE COUNTRY AND ITS PEOPLE 27
of much interest to Koreans. It was in its neigh-
bourhood that Taijo, the founder of the last dynasty
of kings, was born and passed his youth, and a great
monastery, founded and endowed by himself, on the
spot where, while still a youth, he foresaw in a dream
his future greatness, is the object of devoted pilgrim-
ages on the part of Koreans of all classes.
The towns which have been mentioned include all
that there are in Korea with populations of twenty
thousand people.
In a peninsula which extends over so wide an
expanse of latitude the climate naturally varies. The
winters in the two southern provinces are bright and
mild. In the north and on the west coast they are
also bright and clear, but the cold is intense. In
both north and south there are clear, unclouded skies,
and the dryness of the atmosphere renders even the
most severe cold bearable. The River Han is
usually frozen for two or even three months, the Yalu
for a longer period, and the ice on both has been
sufficiently strong to admit of the crossing of great
armies with their baggage. In Ham Gyong the
snow lies deep throughout the whole winter, and
all the mountains, even in the south, have snow-clad
summits from autumn to spring. The autumn and
spring are both delightful seasons, the spring genially
warm and the autumn crisp and clear, and both are
beautified by the flora and foliage, by the cherry-
trees of spring and the maples of autumn, which are
hardly less varied and abundant than those which
are the glory of Japan. Only the summer months
are trying to Europeans. The rainy season, extend-
ing from the middle of June to the middle of July, is
enervating and exhausting, and it is followed by two
months of hot, glaring sumtner, when the deep valleys,
encircled by the scorched, treeless hills, and cut off
from all sea breezes, become almost natural furnaces.
28 THE STORY OF KOREA
Generally, the climate may be described as colder in
winter and hotter in summer than are the same
latitudes in Europe. Europeans have not found it
unhealthy.
The origin of the people who inhabit the peninsula
can only be a subject of conjecture, as is also the
case in regard to that of the Japanese, with whom
language and characteristics show that the Koreans
are closely allied. Two great immigrations to Japan
occurred in primeval ages : one from Korea, when
the immigrants landed in the province of Izumo on
the west coast of the main Island of Japan, directly
facing Korea and separated from it by one hundred
miles of sea, and the second from the south, in which
the landing took place at Hiuga, a province on the
south-east coast of Kiusiu. Both finally united at
Yamato, where they became fused into one people,
the southerners, however, proving the dominant race
and furnishing the national rulers. The ease with
which they united, the fact that tradition recalls no
complications between them caused by linguistic diffi-
culties, have suggested the theory that both bodies
had an ultimate common origin, that the southerners
had, as was the case with those who landed at Izumo,
their original home in the Steppes of Siberia, but
reached Japan after more protracted wanderings
through China and the Malay Archipelago, during
which they acquired a large admixture of Malay
blood. !
These theories are not supported by what history
shows was the case in Korea. Before the dawn of the
Christian era the tribal population of the peninsula
south of the Han River were distinct in language,
customs, moral and physical characteristics from
those north of the river. Those in the south may,
as did the Hiuga immigrants to Japan, originally
have found their way from the Malay Archipelago,
THE COUNTRY AND ITS PEOPLE 29
while the northerners undoubtedly came from Man-
churia and beyond. Both, in the process of time,
acquired a large admixture of Chinese and Japanese
blood, hordes of Chinese immigrants pouring into the
country in the centuries immediately prior to and
succeeding the beginning of the Christian era, flying
from the anarchy that then prevailed throughout their
own empire, while Japanese founded permanent
settlements over a considerable portion of the south.
In later ages substantial numbers of Koreans of all
ranks in life in their turn emigrated and became
domiciled in Japan, infusing their own blood into
the Japanese, both of the aristocratic and of -the lower
classes. Whatever physical influence China and
Japan may have exerted on the Korean people, it
was not sufficient to prevent them retaining very
distinct physiognomic peculiarities which clearly
differentiate them from both and render it almost
impossible for any one with knowledge of the three
to mistake a Korean for either of the others, though
all three have the invariable Mongol characteristics
of high cheek-bones, oblique eyes, and bronze skins.
On the other hand, the nose is less flat than among
the Japanese, and the upturned nostrils so common
among the lower classes of the latter are rarely seen
in Korea. The Koreans are of higher stature than
the Japanese, the average height of the men being
5 feet 4 inches, and generally of better physique ;
the dark, uncurling hair that is universal among both
Chinese and Japanese is occasionally varied in Korea
by hair that approaches brown or even a lighter
hue ; Korean hands and feet are smaller, and the
expression of the features denotes a higher order of
intelligence than might be expected from that of
the Chinese or Japanese. A French writer « compares
their faces, saillant, poll et decouvert^ with those of
1 Georges Ducrocq — " Pauvre et Douce Coree."
30 THE STORY OF KOREA
the Bretons. The beard is universal, Koreans in this
respect presenting another marked antagonism to the
clean-shaven faces of the Chinese and Japanese.
The languages of both Korea and Japan are of
the same Turanian family, as closely allied as are
the Dutch and German or the Italian and Spanish
languages j in fact, patriotic Japanese philologists l
have gone so far as to claim that Korean is only a
branch of Japanese, like the native language of the
Loo Choo Islands. It might perhaps be more
correctly said that Japanese is only a branch of
Korean. Whichever may have been the original pre-
dominating tongue, not only Japanese but the most
distinguished English authorities have clearly demon-
strated from both construction and vocabulary a close
similarity between both languages ; and that the
resemblance was anciently much closer than at the
present day is shown by the fact that in the very
earliest intercourse between the two countries no
difficulty whatsoever seems to have been experienced
in the interchange of ideas. It was not until (a
comparatively late period that interpreters and trans-
lators were first mentioned in the national records,
and it was still later when they became recognised
as necessary officials.
The Koreans rigidly maintained their national
isolation from the rest of the world till the last quarter
of the nineteenth century. For all our knowledge of
Japan in the days of her exclusiveness, so far as it
is founded on European sources of information, we
are entirely dependent on the French missionaries
and on a Dutch savant, and the case is almost pre-
cisely similar in regard to Korea. We have vivid
accounts of what the people were in the seventeenth
and in the first half of the nineteenth centuries in the
1 S. Kanazawa — "The Common Origin of the Japanese and
Korean Languages."
THE COUNTRY AND ITS PEOPLE 31
monograph, not of a Dutch savant, but of a Dutch
sailor, and in the letters of the French missionaries,
summarised in the " Histoire de l'Eglise de Koree,"
who, as their predecessors had made their way into
Japan, and in devotion to their duty braved persecu-
tion and death more than two hundred years before,
made in their turn their way by stealth into Korea,
and there lived the lives of hunted fugitives until
those lives were ended by deaths as cruel as any
suffered by the Christian martyrs of Rome. From
the writings of both sailor and missionaries a fairly
full description may be gleaned of the customs and
institutions of the people when both were founded
on the social and political systems of China, and when
no attempt had yet been made to force on them
the civilisation of Europe, which Japan so eagerly,
rapidly, and successfully assimilated.
CHAPTER II THE SOCIAL SYSTEM OF OLD KOREA
Society in Korea was broadly divided into two
classes, the Yang ban or nobles, and the Ha-in or
low-men — the commoners — but in each of these classes
there were many subdivisions, and the lower orders
of the Yang ban were sufficiently numerous to con-
stitute what might be called a middle class, corre-
sponding in their status, but in that alone, to the
Samurai of Japan.
The ancient nobility of the old kingdom of Korai,
the families which traced their descent from the time
of Silla or were ennobled while the Wang dynasty
was on the throne, came to an end along with the
downfall of the dynasty in 1392, when Korai became
Chosen, and the founders of the greatest and oldest
families among the modern nobility were the officers
of the first king of the Taijo dynasty, which con-
tinued to reign until the annexation of the kingdom
by Japan. To draw a parallel between Korea and
England the legitimate descendants of these officers
may be said to correspond to our own noble families
who claim to trace their descent from ancestors whb
came over at the Conquest and for many genera-
tions they alone constituted the class of nobles. The
term Yang ban, by which they are described, means
" the two orders," the two orders being those of the
civil and military officers. They were at first re-
cruited only by the sons of the kings born of con-
32
SOCIAL SYSTEM OF OLD KOREA 33
cubines. In the progress of time, however, others
found their way into their ranks. Concubinage was
universal, and the sons of nobles born from con-
cubines and their descendants became so numerous
in the middle of the last century that they were
strong enough to demand and acquire the privileges
of their brothers and the right to employment in
the higher offices of the Government. Persons who
rendered signal service, whether of a national or
personal nature, worthy or unworthy, to the King ;
others wrho acquired a high reputation for science
or learning or who gave marked proof of filial piety,
the very highest virtue in the Korean moral code,
were sometimes rewarded with a brevet of nobility ;
and as the practice of adoption was in full force
and families therefore never died out, the only
diminution that could take place in the numbers of
those who had once been admitted within the privi-
leged circle was when the head of the house com-
mitted treason, when all his family, down to a remote
degree of relationship, were in early years extermi-
nated, and in later years degraded and relegated to
the ranks of commoners, or when a noble voluntarily
descended from his rank by engaging in any in-
dustrial occupation or by marrying a widow or a
slave. On the other hand, as the rank of the father
extended to all his legitimate sons, every son of a
Yang ban was also a Yang ban. There was, there-
fore, a large natural increase in the aggregate number
of the class, and so numerous had they become in the
progress of time that Yang ban were estimated
at the time of the annexation by Japan to number
one-fifth of the entire population. All of them were
Yang ban, but the representatives of the old nobility,
the direct descendants of the first creations, main-
tained a rigid exclusiveness, and regarded those .whose
right to the title was of later date much in the
3
34 THE STORY OF KOREA
same light as the descendants of a Norman knight
regard a newly ennobled brewer or banker, or in
Japan, which, with all its wonderful democratic pro-
gress, is still steeped to the very lips in aristocratic
prejudice, the living representative of a long line
of Kuge, the Court nobles who trace their descent
from former emperors, or even direct from the gods
of heaven, regard one of the great statesmen or
soldiers whose national services have won his en-
rolment among the highest ranks of the present
peerage. Properly speaking, the representatives
of the old families form the only class of nobles,
while the parvenus constitute the nearest approach
that Korea presents to a middle class.
The privileges of the Yang ban were great and
continued to be so until, in the present generation,
drastic democratic reforms were made under the com-
pulsion of Japan. Theoretically all offices in the
Government, from the highest minister at the capital
down to the humblest prefectural clerk in the
provinces, were, on the Chinese system, open to the
successful candidates at the annual competitive
literary examinations. Practically they were monopo-
lised by the Yang ban, and even among ithem
the passports to success were not literary skill, but
influence and bribery. When they failed to obtain
office, the only employment that was open for them
was that of teaching. From all others they were
debarred by their rank, and any attempt to engage
in either trade or industry was at once followed by
social degradation. There were, therefore, hosts of
Yang ban who passed their lives as idle, unproductive
drones, jealously clinging to all the ancient privi-
leges of their rank, but content to extort their liveli-
hood and the wherewithal for their pleasure from
a peasantry that was always sunk in grinding
poverty. The highest occupation of the best among
YANGBAN — AN ARCHERY MEETING
(From Stereograph Copyright, Underwood & Underwood, London.)
To face p, 34.
SOCIAL SYSTEM OF OLD KOREA 35
these failures was the study of the Chinese classics ;
their pleasures were found in gossip with friends
of their own class, equally disappointed in life and
equally idle, in social gatherings that were enlivened
by the accomplishments of the Gesang. Hunting
was beneath their dignity ; they followed the ancient
sport of archery, in which the Koreans excelled ;
but manly games were unknown to them, and their
whole existence was one of utter vacuousness. In
their eyes the common people were merely ministers
to their needs and pleasures.
As already said, a Yang ban could do no wrork.
He might possess a few acres of land, which were
cultivated for him on similar terms to those under
which the Irish peasant tilled the holding that he
rented from an idle, impecunious landlord prior to
the earlier Gladstonian legislation. The peasant
could retain out of the proceeds what, on the most
grinding estimate, was sufficient to keep body and
soul together in himself and his family, who all
aided him in his work. All else went to the land-
lord. The latter could claim forced labour when-
ever he wanted it ; could use the horses and cattle
of his tenant or of any commoner without payment ;
when travelling could claim food and lodging from
the local magistrate of each district, the magistrate
in his turn recouping himself by fresh exactions on
the peasants ; could also claim forced loans if it
should come to his knowledge that his tenant or
neighbouring tradesman or peasant had, by any
stroke of luck, increased his usual earnings ; and no
matter how great the social pride and exclusiveness of
the Yang ban, neither ever prevented him applying
for a loan to either townsman or farmer, but they
did prevent him even contemplating the indignity
of repayment. The privilege of ignoring his debts
was customary though not legal. Recognised legal
36 THE STORY OF KOREA
rights were, however, many. His house was inviolate
against the law and he himself against arrest except
for treason. Plebeians on horseback were obliged
to dismount when passing his house or on meeting
him on the highway (in Japan they were not allowed
to ride at all). He was entitled without paying for
it to the best accommodation in inns. He was not
compelled to appeal to the law to vindicate his dignity
when offended, but was free to take the matter into
his own hands and to measure out what punishment
he liked. Magistrates of his own class, even if of
a different political party, had no wish to interfere
with him ; and if they had the wish, they dared not
exercise it, as by so doing they would offend the ,whole
of their order. If condemned to death, a penalty
which was only inflicted for treason, the sentence
was carried out, not publicly on the common execu-
tion-ground as in the case of ordinary people for
all offences, whether great or trivial, not with the
slow torture which often accompanied the latter cases,
but in secret, and in a manner which bore some
resemblance to the samurai's treasured privilege of
seppuku (harakiri). The Korean noble withdrew to
his own apartment, where he took a cup of poison,
and his end was as speedy as that of the Samurai
when his head fell beneath the sword of his second.
Whatever his vices and faults, the Yang ban was
a picturesque figure, almost as much so, though in
a different way, as the silk -clad, sword-girdled
Samurai. Clad in flowing garments either of spot-
less white or of silk of brilliant green, blue, or purple
dyes, his stature intensified by his tall, broad-
brimmed, conical hat of finely woven bamboo,
lacquered in black to a degree of polish that would
delight the heart of a Piccadilly lounger, he cultivated
a slow and dignified gait, an erect carriage, and a
haughty demeanour. If rich enough, he was, in his
SOCIAL SYSTEM OF OLD KOREA 37
walks or rides, supported on either side by a servant,
and whether attended or alone, whether on foot or
on horseback, nothing on earth could induce him to
derogate his dignity by an appearance of haste.
As the Samurai of Japan belonged to separate
fiefs, so did the Yang ban of Korea belong to separate
political parties of their own class. The earliest
of these parties, which are described in another
chapter,1 were formed in the sixteenth century, and to
one or other of them every Yang ban belonged, not
choosing his own party by personal predilection or
sympathy, but solely by the claims of heredity. The
rival parties were saturated with the most intense
hereditary hatred of each other, carried to the degree
that intermarriage between them was unknown. The
whole serious business of life of all their members
was to defend themselves from or to cause injury
to their antagonists of the opposite parties, and the
only occasions on which they ever united was when
the rights or privileges of their whole class were
threatened. Then they invariably presented a solid
front. At all times the fortunes of all members of
each party were bound by the closest ties of self-
interest. When the leader of one won the favour of
the King and secured high office, his first use of it
was to provide for all his followers, and on the fall
of his rival, all followers of the latter, down to the
humblest, shared in his loss of office. There was
no permanent service either military or civil, unless
in so far as one party had a long tenure of the royal
favour and consequently of office. In one instance
this tenure extended for over half a century, during
the whole of which all the members of the other
parties were absolutely excluded from any share in
the administration, from any opportunity of devoting
their abilities to the national service in any capacity
1 Vide p. 134.
38 THE STORY OF KOREA
whatever. In such times many of them fell into
the extremes of poverty. The missionaries tell of
instances they have known where nobles, who had
no commoners to plunder, could only eat rice once
every three or four days, could neither have fires
nor sufficient clothing in the most severe weather,
and even died of cold and hunger. No privation
could induce them to stain their rank by work. To
have done so would have been to put an end to all
the hopes under which they were content to suffer,
that a turn in a wheel of fortune would some time
bring their own party into power and office to
themselves.
It has been already said that theoretically all
Government appointments were given to the
successful candidates in the annual literary examina-
tion. In practice the system was that the King took
the leader of one of the great parties as his Prime
Minister, and that the latter distributed the offices
to his adherents at his pleasure. Many of the Kings
of Korea were vigorous and capable rulers, who took
and held the administration in their own hands with
a firm grasp. Many of them, on the other hand, were
quite the reverse, and were, vis-a-vis their prime
ministers, as much rois faineants as were the Emperors
of Japan when the Shoguns were in power. Just as
the Shogun could do anything in the name of the
Emperor and could rely on his ratification of all he
did, so could the Korean minister do as he pleased
when acting in the name of a weak or careless
sovereign, who, though he did not possess the divine
attributes of the heaven-descended Mikados, was
vested by his people with a reverence which fell short
only of that due to the gods, and with authority that
reached the very extreme limits of the most unfettered
absolutism.
The King's person was always sacred. No subject
YANGBAN AT HOME — A GAME OF CHESS.
(From Stereograph Copyright, Underwood & Underwood, London
To face p. 38.
SOCIAL SYSTEM OF OLD KOREA 39
was ever permitted to mention his name in his life-
time, no male subject permitted to touch him, none
even to approach him except in the attitude of the
most reverential humility. If, by accident, he touched
any one, the place where he did so became sacred
and had to be distinguished by a red ribbon for
ever afterwards. His countenance was never engraved
on the coins of the realm, where it could be soiled
by the touch of vulgar hands. His portrait could
only be painted after his death. No one could
appear in his presence in mourning garb, none wear
spectacles before him. Above all, nothing made of
iron could ever touch him, and king's have died in
consequence, when their lives might have been saved
by the timely application of a lance which no surgeon
'dared to use on them. When he died the whole
nation went into mourning for three years, the pre-
scribed period of mourning for a father, for the
King was the father of all his people. For the first
five months of this period a strict prohibition was
laid on marriages, public or private entertainments,
the slaughter of animals, the execution of criminals,
and clothes made of unbleached hemp were alone
allowed to be worn.
The prerogatives of the King were on a par with
the semi-divinity in which he was hedged. He was
always absolute both in name and reality. The law
was what he willed it to be. Over all his subjects,
from the princes of his own line down to the humblest
peasant, he had the power of life and death. Their
property, as well as their lives, was at his disposal.
His duty was to watch over the public weal, to
secure the observance of the laws, and to protect the
people against tyranny or extortion on the part of
the officials. When the King was strong and capable,
as some were, his duty was performed so far as was
within (the capacity and judgment of one human being
40 THE STORY OF KOREA
who was necessarily dependent on others for the
carrying out of his commands ; but when his up-
bringing in a servile and corrupt Court had its
natural result in developing the worst vices of human
frailty, weak and vicious himself, and surrounded
and influenced only by the palace women and
avaricious eunuchs, he often gave way to unrestrained
debauchery, and became as incapable as he was un-
willing to discharge efficiently the duties of his royal
office. Then the contending factions of the Court
had full scope for the exercise of their talents for
intrigue, and high office was given, not to the able
and upright but to the sycophant and pander who
most successfully ministered to his master's worst
vices.
All offices were used unscrupulously for the spolia-
tion of the people and the enrichment of the holders.
The King, the people said, " saw nothing, knew
nothing, could do nothing.' ' The limit of taxation
or extortion was only that of the people to pay.
With a country blessed by Nature with a bountiful
soil and abundant rainfall, a splendid climate, and
undoubted sources of great mineral wealth, entirely
exempt from all the great disasters of flood and
earthquake that are the terrors of Japan, the peasants,
who constituted nine -tenths of the common people,
though gifted with great physical strength and powers
of endurance, with moral and intellectual qualities
that were not inferior to those of their industrious
Chinese neighbours, with physical courage that made
them as fearless of death or pain as the bravest of
Japanese, had no incentive to industry when all the
products of their labour were ruthlessly appropriated
by the nobles and officials and only the barest pit-
tances left to the producers. Hunger was always
present with them, famine frequently, and cholera
followed in the track of famine to complete the work
SOCIAL SYSTEM OF OLD KOREA 41
which it had begun. All these circumstances com-
bined to render the peasants the most hopeless,
helpless, apathetic, broken-spirited people on earth,
compared with whom the Irish Roman Catholic, in
the worst days of Orange domination and landlord
absolutism, or the Russian serf might almost be called
free, prosperous, and happy.
Such were the conditions of the Korean people
throughout the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries,
and these conditions continued with but little
modification till the beginning of the Japanese
Protectorate in 1905. The rapacity and tyranny of
the nobles were too engrained by long usance, the
people too convinced that their only lot in life was
to act as hewers of wood and drawers of water t,o
their masters, to admit of either being reformed, even
by contact with the outer world, unless reform was
forced on them as medicine is forced on a sick and
refractory child.
The feature of the social system of Korea which
most forcibly impressed the first Europeans who
visited the country after its opening to the world,
as it also did the French missionaries, was not the
tyranny and idleness of the nobles, nor the degrada-
tion and misery of the peasants, striking though both
were, but the absolute subjection of women. In other
countries nobles were greedy and tyrannical and
peasants starved and oppressed, but none afforded
a parallel to the lot of Korean women. Rigid
Mohammedans kept their women in absolute seclu-
sion, but gave them lives of ease. The red Indians
of America forced theirs to lead lives of unremitting
and unending toil, but gave them liberty. The
Koreans practised the vices of both without the
redeeming indulgences of either.
In her childhood and girlhood the Korean woman
was and is the abject slave of her parents, in wife-
42 THE STORY OF KOREA
hood of her husband, in widowhood a pariah ; and
throughout all her life a soul-destroying, monotonous
imprisonment was only relieved by a very few hours'
liberty in the streets when night had fallen and, as
far as men were concerned, the pleasures and work
of the day were over. Women had no existence in
the eyes of the law, no personal rights, not even
names. They were only spoken of as the daughter,
sister, or wife, as the case might be, of the men in
whose houses they lived, who were their guardians,
masters, and owners for the time being. Women
who had no male guardian were like ownerless
animals — the property of the first man who cared to
take possession of them.
In her marriage the woman had no voice ; Jier
husband was selected for her by her father ; she
never saw him, nor indeed any man outside the circle
of her own family, before her wedding-day, and
even then etiquette did not permit her, throughout
all the wedding festivities and ceremonial, to ex-
change a single word with him, not even when both
had retired to the nuptial chamber. There, let the
young husband be as gallant and amorous as he
might, even heap compliments or questions on her,
etiquette demanded that, seated in a corner of the
room, she should remain dumb and immovable as
a statue. The husband might disrobe her of her
voluminous wedding garments ; she could neither
assist nor repel him, neither utter a word nor make
a gesture. The female servants of the family were
all the time spying on her from the windows anjd
straining their ears at the doors, and the least
violation on her part of all that female etiquettte
prescribed was quickly reported and made her the
laughing-stock of her women friends. Once a young
husband laid a wager with his friends that he would
make his bride speak at their first interview. After
A YANGBAN S SEDAN CHAIR.
(From Stereograph Copyright, Underwood & Underwood, London.)
To face p. 42.
SOCIAL SYSTEM OF OLD KOREA 43
many vain efforts he at last said that the astrologers,
when drawing his horoscope, had predicted for him
a mute from birth as his wife ; he now saw their
predictions were fulfilled, but he was resolved not
to retain a mute as his wife. The bride might have
safely preserved her silence, for a marriage, once
the legal formalities are concluded, cannot be
annulled even by the newly discovered dumbness,
deafness, or impotency of either party. Stung, how-
ever, by his words, she answered bitterly : " My
horoscope is even worse. The astrologer foretold
that my husband should be the son of a rat, and he
was not wrong." This is the most contemptuous
epithet in the Korean vocabulary, and it reflects not
only upon the person to whom it is applied but on
his father, who is the subject of infinite veneration
to every Korean son. The bridegroom, in this case,
I gained his wager, but he had to pay dearly for it
in submitting to the jeers of his friends at the only
speech which he had drawn from his bride, when
they heard of what occurred from the prying maid-
servants.
After marriage the secluded life of the woman
continued unchanged. Her husband never consulted
her, rarely even conversed with her. She was to
him only one who would work for him, secure his
comforts, and give him children. All her duties were
towards him. She was required to be devoted,
obedient, careful of his property and his reputation,
to bring up his children in due observance of filial
piety towards him, and to manage his household.
The husband owed nothing to her. Conjugal fidelity
had no part in his moral code ; it was obligatory
on the wife, who was not permitted to harbour even
a thought of jealousy against her rival. She could,
if her husband were generous, entertain or visit her
female friends, but could never look on or be seen
44 THE STORY OF KOREA
by another man, not even by her own relations unless
in the very nearest degree. If she were touched or
even seen by one, she would be dishonoured for
ever, a principle of ethics which occasionally pro-
duced a result contrary to its intention. If a man,
no matter what he may have been, outlaw or thief,
gained secret access to a woman's apartments, it
was safer for her to yield to him in silence rather
than obtain protection by calling for it. In the
latter case, it was known that she had been seen by
a strange man and she was lost for ever. In the
former, her dishonour might remain undiscovered
and her reputation be saved. Even from her own
children she could only expect a tithe of the reverence
that it was her duty to teach them to render to their
father. Filial piety was the first thing that was
taught to every child in its own home, but the mother
had no share in it. Children, especially boys, were
tenderly loved and carefully brought up ; but the
sons quickly learned, even in early childhood, that
their mothers were domestic nullities, to whom no
obedience, scarcely a pretence of obedience, was due.
At the age of eight years they were removed from
the inner, screened apartments of their homes where
their mothers and sisters passed their lives. Thence-
forward they lived entirely with the men, and all that
they heard, all that they could see, served only to
teach them the infinite inferiority of women ; and
in the pride of their sex they quickly learned the
scornful contempt for both mother and sisters which
continued to all women throughout all their lives.
The girls remained with their mother, and, by pre-
cept and example, were taught to bear the burden
of inferiority that belongs to a lower order of human
beings.
Death did not dissolve the disparity between the
sexes. A widower wore half mourning for a few
SOCIAL SYSTEM OF OLD KOREA 45
j months, then remarried. A widow was obliged to
wear deep mourning and remain a widow for all her
life, no matter how young she might have been at
the beginning of her widowhood ; her remarriage
was an infamy and the law regarded the children
born of such a marriage as illegitimate, and a noble
who descended to such an alliance, equally with one
who married a slave, was degraded from his rank
to the level of the commoner. The natural result
followed on this enforced chastity, and many young
widows became the concubines of those who were
i willing to keep them. Those who endeavoured to
lead honourable lives were exposed to many perils
in their loneliness. Sometimes they were drugged
and recovered to find a ravisher at their side who
| had dishonoured them in their stupor ; sometimes
they were forcibly carried away during the night,
^ and once a widow had become the victim of a man
who lusted for her, no matter by what fraud or
violence he had effected his purpose, law and custom
made her his for ever. Widows not infrequently
" followed their husbands in death " rather than face
their future, and once, when there were rumours
of civil war, Christian converts who were widows
asked the priests for a dispensation to commit suicide
if the troops on either side came near their dwellings
as the only way to escape dishonour, and the fathers
had the utmost difficulty in convincing them that even
the fate they dreaded would not justify suicide, " a
crime that was abominable before God."
While such was the social status of women —
ciphers both in society and in their own families —
they, on the other hand, received a certain amount
of outward politeness. Their own apartments were
inviolable, sacred even to the officers of the law
except in the case of treason. If a would-be pur-
chaser proposed to visit a house that was for sale,
46 THE STORY OF KOREA
he gave warning of his coming, so that the women's
apartments might be closed, and he inspected only
the general rooms that were used by the men of the
house, and in which strangers were received. If a
man wished to ascend to the roof of his own house,
he first warned his neighbours, so that the doors and
windows of the women's apartments in theirs might
be closed. Even a husband, much though he might
despise his wife, invariably used honorific terms in
addressing her and the female members of his house-
hold, the slaves alone excepted ; and in the streets the
wall was invariably given to women, though only the
poorest and lowest were ever seen in them by men.
And every day the great curfew bell of the capital
rang at nine o'clock, when darkness had fallen, as
a signal to all the men that they must hurry home
and take their turn in rigid domestic seclusion. Then
the women trooped forth, and for a few hours they had
the streets entirely to themselves, very drastic punish-
ment being inflicted on any man who violated their
privilege. The custom died out when Europeans,
who could not be confined to their homes at any
hour, began to reside in Seoul, and the streets are
not now denuded of men. But its spirit remains, and
nightfall still brings the time of comparative freedom
for the women, when they are released from their
prisons and permitted to take the air in the streets
or to make visits to their friends. The rich are
carried in chairs, closely screened ; the well-to-do
go on foot, but veiled or hooded, and attended by a
servant, so their freedom is limited ; but human nature,
though bound in iron fetters, is the same in Seoul
as it is all over the world, and if romances reflect
the true life of the people, the most rigid seclusion
is not always effective in preventing the formation
of liaisons, and the nightly liberation gives the oppor-
tunity of meetings that is not always neglected. Both
SOCIAL SYSTEM OF OLD KOREA 47
sexes have strong physical passions, and no barriers
of religion, morality, or custom prevent their grati-
fication when opportunity permits it without certainty
of discovery.
The description of the status of Korean women has
been written in the past tense, as in its utmost strict-
ness it applies to the years antecedent to the opening
of Korea to the world, but very little modification is
required to render it applicable to the women of the
present day, when Korea has already had over thirty
years' experience of the manners and customs of other
nations. Some changes have taken place in their
condition, and the abolition of their monopoly of
the streets after nightfall is not the only reform which
has been made in the customs that peculiarly affected
them. Widows are now permitted to remarry, and
girls to decline marriage until they have attained the
age of sixteen. But all the reforms that have been
made have not yet brought about any radical change
in the social bonds that fetter their liberty and mental
development. As they were in the days when the
Roman Catholic missionaries, hidden in the houses of
their native converts, in the confidence that was
reposed in pastors whose purity and devotion were
tested in the fierce fires of cruel persecution, were
able to see and learn something of their lives, so they
are to-day, secluded prisoners in their homes, nullities
in all the incidents of life both within and beyond
the walls of those homes. They are not altogether
deficient in education. Some have a direct know-
ledge of the Chinese classics ; all can read the
numerous translations in their own vernacular, printed
in the Korean script ; but the portions which are
available to women are those which inculcate their
main duties, reverence and obedience to husbands
and their parents, the upbringing of children and
household duties, in all of which uncomplaining and
48 THE STORY OF KOREA
unquestioning subjection is taught as a virtue that
is on a par with chastity. Foreigners, not only
Europeans but Chinese and Japanese, know little
of them. All their descriptions of Korean women,
of their slender, graceful, supple figures, their expres-
sion of grave melancholy, their features, beautiful
with small mouths, oval chins, frank eyes, fair com-
plexions, crowned with heavy masses of ebony black
hair, are founded on what these foreigners have seen
of the Gesang, the sisters of the Geisha of Japan,
chosen like the Geisha for their beauty when young,
and like them taught and trained so as to be sparkling
companions for men. To the present day, women of
the upper classes only appear in the streets in
screened chairs, of the middle closely veiled, and
both are as inaccessible to the view as they are
to the interchange of ideas with the European resi-
dent or visitor. The women of the lower classes,
whose share in the toils of daily life necessitates
their appearance by day outside their own homes,
do not now, at least in the capital and the principal
trading ports, fly like frightened hares when they
meet a European, as they used to do in the early
years after the opening of the country, but they
still avert their faces and do their best not to be
seen. A man of their own country never even
glances at them. It would be far beneath his
dignity to do so, and any dereliction from what
dignity imposed upon him would only expose him
to the ridicule or contempt of his fellow-men. The
chief occupation of the women of the lower classes
is that of acting as washerwomen to the males of
their family. The universal garment of men of all
classes, except the high Yang ban or officials twho
occasionally wear coloured silks, both in winter and
summer, are long flowing robes of white cotton, and
it is the task of the women to keep these robes in
sm^
:-.,.-:-
A YANGBAN'S RESIDENCE — ENTRANCE.
(From Stereograph Copyright, Underwood & Underwood, London.)
To face p. 48.
I
SOCIAL SYSTEM OF OLD KOREA 49
the spotless cleanliness that is universal except among
the lowest labourers. Seoul has sometimes been
described as one great laundry, where the tap of
the wooden rollers with which the garments are
beaten to produce a fine gloss is heard from every
house at every hour of the day and night, and was,
until tramways and carts made their appearance, the
principal sound that broke the still calm of the
streets. The reward of all this labour is or
was that the streets of a Korean town had always a
festal air by day. In the darkness of early night,
while the men were still abroad, they seemed to be
traversed by an unending line of ghostly visitors,
an impression which was aided by the slow and
stately movements that were the mark of the Yang
ban and were imitated as well as they could be
by traders and well-to-do artisans.
CHAPTER II THE DARK AGES
CHAPTER II I
THE DARK AGES
Korea claims to date the beginning of her history
from the year 2333 B.C., nearly seventeen hundred
years prior to the accession of Jimmu Tenno to the
Imperial throne of Japan, and, to take a Western
parallel, nearly sixteen hundred years prior to the
founding of the city of Rome. In that year the
son of the Creator of Heaven descended with a
retinue of heavenly spirits, alighting on a mountain
in what is now the province of Phyong An, and there
beneath the shade of a santal-tree, in the presence
of his attendant spirits, he proclaimed himself Lord
of all the earthly world, assuming the name of " Tan
Gun " or the Lord of the Santal-tree. Though on
earth he retained divine immortality, for his reign
lasted for over one thousand years, and then he
did not die but resumed his original heavenly form
and disappeared from the earth. Relics of him and
his reign still remain. An altar built by him still
exists on Mount Mari in the island of Kang Wha.
Phyong An, a city famous throughout all the history
of Korea, from his time to the present day, is said
to have been his capital, and while he ascended to
heaven without dying, his grave is still shown in the
province at Kang Tong. He had a son who was
driven from his father's kingdom by Ki Tse, and
who, flying northwards, founded a new kingdom in the
far north to which he gave the name of Puyu, which
50
THE DARK AGES 51
we shall find influencing the destinies of Korea after
another thousand years have passed.
Ki Tse, before whom the son of Tan Gun fled, is
regarded as the founder of Korean civilisation. In
the twelfth century preceding the Christian era the
Yin dynasty of the Emperors of China, which had
lasted from 1766 B.C., was tottering to its fall. The
last of the race was the Emperor Chow, whose
cruelty and vices made his subjects rise in rebellion
and destroy him and all his family. He had been
fortunate in having three sages as his ministers who
had vainly endeavoured to divert him from his evil
courses. Two of them were put to death at the
instigation of a beautiful concubine with whom he
was infatuated ; and the third, Ki Tse, though closely
allied by blood to the Emperor, was in prison when
the revolution took place. He was at once re-
leased, and the new Emperor offered to restore him
to his old dignities. Notwithstanding all he had
suffered, he was still loyal to the memory of his
former master, and found it impossible to serve the
usurper to whom that master owed his ruin, however
well merited it was. He chose rather to expatriate
himself and seek a home in a new land, and, accom-
panied in his exodus by five thousand faithful
followers, he migrated to Korea, and there founded
a kingdom to which he gave the name of Chosen,
the Land of the Morning Calm. This was in the year
1 122 B.C.
Whether his migration took place by sea or land
is not known, nor is the precise locality of the new
kingdom definitely acknowledged. Some historians
say that it was entirely outside the boundaries of
modern Korea, and that it lay where the Chinese
province Sheng King now is. But the version dear
to the hearts of Koreans is that he came by sea and
landed somewhere south of the Han River ; that
52 THE STORY OF KOREA
his capital was, as was that of Tan Gun, at the city
of Phyong An, and that his kingdom was originally
in the Korean provinces of Phyong An and Hoang-
hai, though it subsequently spread in the north until
its boundary became the River Liao. Whatever be
the truth, Ki Tse and his followers brought with
them the elements of civilisation, of industry, and
of good government Before his coming the land
which he occupied was peopled by nine wild tribes
who dressed in grass, lived under the trees in summer
and in holes in the earth in winter, and fed on
berries. He introduced among them the arts and
industries of China, taught them tillage and seri-
culture ; above all, he taught them propriety, the
proper relations that exist among civilised mankind,
those of king and subject, parent and child, husband
and wife, old and young, master and servant, and
gave them the *' eight simple laws," under which
peace and order were so well maintained that robbery
was unknown, doors and shutters were never closed,
not even during the night, and women were rigidly
chaste. Ki Tse reigned for thirty-one years, and,
dying in 1083 B.C., left a kingdom which was ruled
by his direct descendants for nearly nine hundred
years. The last of the dynasty was Ki jun, fwho
reigned at his ancestral capital of Phyong An from
221 to 193 B.C. His fall was an indirect conse-
quence of wars in the North of China. Yen, a
tributary State of that Empire, coterminous with
Chosen, from which it was separated by the River
Liao, rose in rebellion against its suzerain, and in the
wars which followed and culminated in the total defeat
of the rebel State, many of its inhabitants sought
refuge from the invading Chinese armies in the neigh-
bouring kingdom of Chosen. Among them was one
of their generals, named Wiman. Coming to Korea
a beaten refugee, he was kindly received by the
THE DARK AGES 53
King, and given land in the north of the kingdom,
whereon he established himself and his followers,
where he promised to act as a frontier guard. He
was, however, ambitious and treacherous. He had
already his own followers ; there were many of his
own compatriots who had preceded him in his flight
and were already settled in the north, and from the
first he laid himself out to win the goodwill of the
local tribes. When he felt secure in his strength,
in the union of all three — his own followers, his
countrymen who had preceded him, and the local
tribes — he suddenly marched on Phyong An, treacher-
ously announcing that he was coming to guard the
capital and the King against an apocryphal Chinese
invasion. Too late his treachery was discovered.
No defence could be made against him, and all that
was left for the last of the Ki Tse dynasty to do
was to find personal safety in flight to the south of
the peninsula, while Wiman entered Phyong An and
proclaimed himself king in his stead.
Wiman's administration was vigorous and suc-
cessful. He soon procured his investiture as King
from the Emperor of China, who seemed not only to
have overlooked the fact that he had shortly before
been a rebel, but to have now sought his services as
a check against barbarian inroads to his own Empire
from the north. Secure in his position, with the
moral support of China and the material support of
his own army of adventurers, he considerably en-
larged the original Chosen territory and was able to
secure the succession to his own descendants. But
once their position was assured, both he and they, in
the pride of their triumph, neglected their duty as
vassals of sending tribute -bearing missions to the
Emperor, and no one went from their dominions " to
see the Emperor's face." During the reign of Wi-
man's grandson, Yu Ku, a Chinese envoy, came to
54 THE STORY OF KOREA
his capital and reproved him for this neglect but
without result. Yu Ku still refused to fulfil his
duty, and the envoy, forced to return without accom-
plishing his mission, and vexed at his failure, when
near the frontier on his way back to his own country,
caused his charioteer to murder the Prince to whom
Yu Ku had deputed the task of courteously escorting
him. Having accomplished this treachery, the envoy
hastily crossed the frontier and reported to the
Emperor that he had killed a Korean general, and for
his feat, his report of which was received without
question, he was rewarded with the appointment of
" Protector of the Eastern Tribes of Liao Tung." J
At this time the kingdom of Korea was coterminous
with Liao Tung and comprised all that portion of
modern Manchuria that extends as far as the sources
of the Sugari as well as the three northern provinces
of modern Korea, its boundaries being the sea on
the east and west and the River Han on the south,
and all the tribes throughout this great extent of
territory had submitted to the authority of Wiman
and his successors. Yu Ku could therefore call to
arms a fighting force, powerful in numbers and
rendered by their mode of life as nomads and hunters
formidable as fighting units. With such means at his
disposal, it was not likely that he should permit the
treacherous murder of his officer and relative to go
unavenged. He promptly gathered his army and,
marching into Liao Tung, attacked and killed the
" Protector of the Eastern Tribes;" By this action
he had thrown the gauntlet of defiance in the face
of the Emperor — one of the powerful and vigorous
Han dynasty — and knew he would have to pay the
penalty. Withdrawing, therefore, at once to his own
territories, he made preparations to meet the invasion
that would soon be on him. The Emperor sent two
1 Parker, " Race Struggles in Korea."
THE DARK AGES 55
forces against him. One, of 50,000 men, commanded
by an admiral, was sent by sea from Shantung and
consisted of men of that province, all of powerful
physique and capable of great endurance. The other,
composed of Liao Tung men, many of them released
criminals, marched by land under the command of a
lieutenant-general, the objective of both being Yi
Ku's capital. The plans of the invaders were badly
laid, and instead of concentrating simultaneously
before the capital, as did three Japanese armies in
our own day on the outbreak of the China war with
Japan in 1894, the marine force appeared first by
itself, and the garrison at once attacked and scattered
it, the admiral himself being obliged to fly to the
mountains and ten days passing before he was able
to reassemble his fugitive men. The general was
not more fortunate. " His men nearly all exposed
themselves to the penalty of decapitation by break-
ing into disorder and running back at the first on-
slaught," I and he could make no impression on the
division of the Korean army that faced him.
Both sides were now at a deadlock. The two Chinese
armies were in Korea, and though kept at bay by the
victorious Koreans could not be dislodged, while the
Chinese on their side could not break the Korean
resistance. So recourse was once more had to
diplomacy, and a second envoy was sent by the
Emperor " to deliver a lecture to Yu Ku." The
latter professed his regret for what had passed and
his readiness to tender his submission as vassal to
the Emperor, but he feared that the officers who
represented him might again be treacherously
murdered as was the first. Neither side could trust
the other. Yu Ku would not send his son, who was
proposed as messenger, within the Chinese lines with-
out a strong escort, which the Chinese would not
1 Parker, " Race Struggles in Korea."
56 THE STORY OF KOREA
admit. So the negotiation fell through. The Chinese
envoy, having reported his failure to the Emperor,
was promptly executed, and the war was resumed.
Both Chinese commanders were now more suc-
cessful. The general, reinforced by troops from
Chihli and Shansi, who showed more courage than
the released criminals from Liao Tung, defeated the
Koreans, and, advancing on the capital, invested it
on the north, while the admiral, having reorganised
his beaten men, co-operated with him by investing
it on the south. The relations between the two
were, however, not cordial, and the spirit of their
two armies was not the same. One, flushed with
recent victory, was anxious for more glory, and its
commander wished to press the siege to the utmost.
The other had not yet recovered from its first
defeat, and its admiral, depressed and humiliated,
sought rather to come to terms with the besieged.
Between the two nothing was done, and the Koreans
then, as now and ever in their history, fighting stoutly
behind their walls, held out for many months.
Wearied with the long delay, the Emperor sent a
high military commissioner with full powers to settle
the differences between the two commanders. He
accepted the general's explanation that the weakness
and pusillanimity of the admiral were the cause of
the long delay, and that they must eventuate, if
they continued, in the destruction of both armies.
So the admiral was placed under arrest, and the siege
continued under the general. Still the city held
out, and it was only taken at last, in the summer
of 1 08 B.C., when Yu Ku, who to the end refused to
talk of surrender, had been murdered by his own
officers and the gates opened by the murderers. This
was the end of the ancient kingdom of Chosen. Its
dominions were incorporated into the Chinese Empire
and divided into four military provinces under
THE DARK AGES 57
Chinese governors, and for over a hundred years re-
mained under Chinese domination. The fate of the
two military commanders who had contributed to
its downfall is a curious illustration of the Chinese
methods of dealing with their officers. The weak
and timorous admiral, who had done nothing but
thwart the designs of his colleague, was sentenced
to death, but was permitted to condone the death
penalty by a fine and reduction to the rank of com-
moners. The general, who had won victories, who
had vigorously endeavoured to hasten the siege, and
had, throughout all the campaign, the confidence of
his men, was on his return to his own capital " con-
victed of desire for glorification, jealousy, and
wrong-headed strategy, and was cut to pieces in
the market-place." l
The northern boundaries of old Chosen are not
clearly known, and were probably never delineated
while the kingdom existed. Beyond them, the vast
plains of Manchuria were inhabited by numbers of
tribes who, in the last century preceding the Christian
era, began to organise themselves into petty States.
While professing a nominal allegiance to the Emperor
of China, these States were perfectly independent in
both their internal and external administration,
governing themselves and making war on or alliances
with each other as they pleased, without reference
to their suzerain. One of them, lying immediately to
the south of the River Sungari, was called Puyu,
and was said, as already mentioned in this chapter,
to have been founded in the Dark Ages by the
son of the mythical Tan Gun. North, and separated
from it by the Sungari, was another tribe or
State, which found its home in the delta formed
by the Rivers Sungari and Amur to the west of
their junction, and was called Korai or Kaoli,
1 Parker, " Race Struggles in Korea."
58 THE STORY OF KOREA
but the time at which it existed was so ancient " that
even the Chinese historians mention it with a degree
of scepticism/' While the chief of this barbarian
tribe was once absent, on a hunting excursion, one
of his damsels was found to be with child. She
said that she had seen in the sky a vapour as
large as an egg which descended on her, in conse-
quence of which she conceived. The chief, who
had at first meditated killing her, on hearing this
explanation of her condition, put her in prison, where
a son was born to her in due course of time. The
chief was equally afraid to kill or preserve a child
so miraculously born, and it was by his orders thrown
to the pigs, but the pigs breathed upon it and kept
it alive. Then it was thrown among the horses,
but they did as the pigs had done, and so the babe
still lived, and the chief, now convinced that it was
of supernatural birth, restored it to its mother. It
was named Tung Ming (Eastern Brightness), and
when the babe grewT up a brave youth and a skilful
archer, the old chief became jealous of him and
sought to slay him. Then the youth fled southwards
until he found himself stopped by the river. In
despair, he shot his arrows into the water, when
all the fish and tortoises of the river came to the
surface, and, crowding together to avoid his arrows,
formed with their backs a bridge upon which he
crossed in safety. He was now in Puyu and became
its king. The people of Puyu had already emerged
from barbarism ; their home was in the largest
of the Eastern plains, which were rich and fertile
and produced the five cereals in abundance, and
they had many of the elements of primitive
civilisation.
"They had circular stockades in place of city walls, palace
buildings, granaries, stores, and prisons. They were of an uncouth,
robust, and hardy habit, and yet scrupulously honest and not given
THE DARK AGES 59
to plundering raids. In eating and drinking they used dishes and
platters, and when they met together they observed the etiquette of
the table. They were wont to be severe in their punishments and
the household of the condemned were always relegated to slavery.
Robberies were visited with twelvefold amercement. Lewdness
was punished with the death of both man and woman, and they
were particularly severe on jealous wives. If the elder brother died,
the younger married his sister-in-law. Homicides were kept for
burying alive at funerals, sometimes a whole hundred of them being
used." l
From this tribe, after many generations from Tung
Ming's reign had passed, about the beginning of
the Christian era, some families moved southwards
under the leadership of a chief named Kao and settled
themselves among the valleys and mountains in the
land which now forms the south-western part of the
modern Chinese province of Kirin. There they
founded, in the year 37 B.C., a new nation, to which
they gave the name of Kao-Kaoli, a combination
formed of the name of their leader and that of the
country in the far-away north from which the King
of Puyu, the ancestor of their own leader, had fled.
The new State was at first as insignificant in influence
as it was in the number of its people, and when
Chosen was governed by China, it was included
in one of the four military provinces into which
Chosen was divided for administrative purposes. But
it quickly grew in strength and aggressiveness, and
before a century had passed it had become a formid-
able power which threatened even the safety and
peace of Liao Tung, while it had also absorbed
all the country which lay to its east and extended to
the sea. Its population was rapidly increased by
refugees from the miseries of anarchy in China, and
it became a powerful political and military factor
in the wars which were continually taking place on
1 Parker, u Race Struggles in Korea."
60 THE STORY OF KOREA
the northern frontier of China. During these wars
Kao-Kaoli steadily pursued its conquering career
westwards, and, though more slowly, southwards
across the River Yalu and into the peninsula, and
before the beginning of the fifth century it was recog-
nised as a powerful kingdom and a highly valued
tributary of the empire, extending from the River
Tatong on the south to the River Liao on its west,
and comprising all the territory that constituted the
old Chosen. The prefix was dropped from its
original name, and it became known simply as
Kaoli, or to use the pronunciation employed by the
people themselves, Korai. Before telling its story,
we must turn aside for a while to describe the
southern part of the peninsula and its people.
It has been already told how Kijun, the last of the
Ki Tse, when driven from his capital by the
treacherous Wiman, fled to the south. At this time
the peninsula south of the River Tatong was
divided into three districts called Han, and distin-
guished as Ma-han, Ben-han, and Shin-han, the
inhabitants of the first of which differed in language
and customs from the other two. Although the latter
lived together promiscuously, they presented some
minor differences among themselves, and all three
differed so fundamentally from the northerns of
Korai, that it has been assumed that their origin, of
which nothing definite is known, is to be looked
for in Southern Asia, whence they migrated to Korea
by sea, while that of the northerns is, as has been
seen, looked for among the nomadic tribes of the
plains of Manchuria. Each district was formed of
a congery of tribes, those of Ma-han numbering
fifty-four and the other two twelve each, and not
even those in the same district were united under any
one central and predominant authority. Any indica-
tion as to the geographical limits of each district
THE DARK AGES
61
PUYU / |
KAOKORAI (
CHOs,
0v y
<T\ >* — i
^BENHAN j
° ^
C? -Kf?
"THE THREE HAN."
62 THE STORY OF KOREA
can only be based on pure conjecture, and all that
can be safely said in this respect is that Ma-han
was on the west -central coast of the peninsula,
probably occupying the whole of the province of
Chhung-Chyong and part of Cholla, Ben-han on the
south, and Shin-han on the east. It was among
the Ma-han that Kijun, landing at what is now
Iksan, took refuge, and he was accompanied by a
band of followers sufficiently strong to enable him
to assume authority over all the tribes who had no
union among themselves and were less vigorous and
far less civilised than the northern refugees. His
own reign over them was, however, of short duration,
he and his son being destroyed by the people, but
his descendants continued to rule till 16 B.C.
The civilisation of all three districts was of a lower
order than that of the people of the north. The
Ma-han were acquainted, however, with tillage,
sericulture, and weaving.
" They lived in mixed settlements and had no cities. They built
their houses of mud, in shape like a grave-mound, with an opening
or door at the top. They were not acquainted with the kneeling
form of obeisance, and drew no distinction of age or sex. They
did not value gold, jewels, embroidery, or rugs, were ignorant of the
way to ride oxen or horses, and only esteemed pebbles and pearls as
ornaments for setting off their garments, and as necklaces and ear-
drops. The majority had no head-covering beyond their coiled
chignons, cloth robes, and straw sandals. The people were robust
and brave, and the young men, when exerting themselves to build
a house, would take a rope and run it through the skin of the back,
and trail a huge log by it, amid cheers for their sturdiness. After
the cultivation was finished in the fifth moon, they always worshipped
the spiritual powers, and had a drinking bout, day and night,
assembling in groups to dance and sing, when several dozen men
would follow each other in keeping time by stamping on the
ground." l
1 Parker, " Race Struggles in Korea."
THE DARK AGES 63
Settled among the Ma-han tribes, and so assimi-
lated as to form with them one of the fifty-four
tribes, was a colony descended from Chinese refugees,
who had crossed from China at some remote period,
and who, from the number of their party, which
their traditions put at ten barons and their followers,
were called Pekche, or " the hundred crossers," the
larger number being taken instead of ten to mark
the fidelity of the followers. It was among this
particular tribe that Kijun found his home. The
tribes, both on the east and on the west, in the
progress of time combined and formed two nations.
That on the west, formed of the Ma-han, assumed
the name of Pekche, originally only that of one alien
settlement among them. The other two Han united
into one nation, to which they gave the name of
Shinra. We have now arrived at the formation of
the three independent kingdoms among which Korea
was divided during the first six centuries of the
Christian era : Korai, or Kaoli, on the north, known
as Koma to the Japanese, founded in 35 B.C., and
comprising all the north-west of the peninsula and
a great part of what is now Manchuria ; Pekche,
called by the Koreans Baiji and by the Japanese
Kudara, occupying all the west as far north as the
River Tatong, tracing its foundation back to the year
16 B.C. ; and Shinra, subsequently euphonised into
Silla, called by the Japanese Shiragi, occupying the
whole of the east coast as far north as the Korai
boundary, the precise location of which is impos-
sible to fix, and dating its foundation as a united State
from the year 57 B.C. In the south of the peninsula,
a few tribes managed to preserve their independence
against both Pekche and Silla for a few centuries,
and to form a confederacy which they called the
kingdom of Karak. It was originally not inferior
in the extent of its dominions to Silla, but as time
64 THE STORY OF KOREA
went on it was gradually absorbed by the latter,
the last part of it to survive being the State known
to the Japanese as Imna or Mimana, which even-
tually became what might not be improperly termed
a Japanese protectorate or residency, and was men-
tioned by the Japanese historians as a " Miyake " or
V State granary." It lay as a blunt wedge on the
south coast between the southern parts of Silla and
Pekche.
CHAPTER IV
THE STORY OF THE THREE KINGDOMS
For the first six hundred years of the Christian era the
history of Korea is the history of the three kingdoms,
and for four hundred years more it is that of Silla,
which survived the other two and became virtually
the first unifier of the peninsula. The story is one,
on the one side of constant wars, either between the
kingdoms themselves or with China, or again to a
minor degree with Japan, and on the other side
of material progress which culminated, under the
influence of China and of Buddhism, in so high a
degree of civilisation that it enabled Korea in her
turn to become the civiliser of Japan and the
initiator in that empire of a campaign of missionary
propagandism which is perhaps the most successful
that the world has ever seen, its harvest consisting,
not of individual converts, however numerous, the
highest reward of their labours that has been won
by the greatest Christian missionaries, but of a whole
nation from its Sovereign downwards.
The history of the three kingdoms is told at length
and with full details in Mr. Hulbert's " History of
Korea," and it teems with interesting and romantic
incidents which well bear attentive reading ; but the
limits of our space forbid us to include in our story
more than its briefest outlines, and even these we
shall confine mainly to; their foreign relations with
China on the one side and Japan on the other,
5 65
66 THE STORY OF KOREA
referring our readers who desire to follow or to learn
the internal affairs, the stories of individuals whose
names have been preserved by Chinese and Korean
historians and romancists, to Mr. Hulbert's graphic
and scholarly pages.1 Each kingdom had a long
line of kings of varying characters and fortunes,
who worked weal or woe to their countries, some of
whom fell beneath assassin's knives, while others,
deposed or defeated, died by their own hands ; some
leaving behind them the memories of strong and
efficient government, which brought nothing but good
to their subjects ; others those of merciless tyrants,
sunk in debauchery and cruelty, whose memories
are akin to those of Nero and Caligula. Each had
its episodes of national triumph and reverse, its
incidents of heroic fortitude and craven submission,
amidst which all steadily progressed on the paths
of learning, art, and industry ; each received its
teachers and missionaries from China, and gave
refuge to immigrants who came thence in thousands
as fugitives, and gladly absorbed them in the ranks
of its own population ; each preserved throughout
its history the characteristics that had marked its
origin.
Each contributed in its turn to the stream of emi-
grants that poured from the peninsula into Japan,
bringing with them all that they themselves had learnt
from China, and assisted in laying the foundations of
the systems of religion, statecraft and literature,
science, and social life which formed the civilisation
of Japan for more than twelve hundred years, and
was only replaced in the latter half of the nineteenth
century by the higher civilisation of Europe.
Korai was always warlike, always on the watch for
1 The material in this chapter is to a considerable degree founded
on Dr. Aston's translation of the " Nihongi," Mr. Parker's " Race
Struggles in Korea/' and the Rev. John Ross's " History of Korea."
STORY OF THREE KINGDOMS 67
THE THREE KINGDOMS
68 THE STORY OF KOREA
opportunities to display, its arms either against China
or its neighbours in the peninsula, its people retaining
to the last the fighting spirit of their savage ancestors
in Manchuria. All its story is closely associated with
that of China. For over five hundred years from the
beginning of the Christian era the whole of China
was plunged in anarchy. Civil war between rival
emperors, of whom there were never less than three
at one time (and at one period there were no less
than seventeen), never ended, and it was not until
the year 587 that the Emperor Swi succeeded in
bringing all the empire benqath the sway of his
own throne. Korai grew into a formidable power,
largely at China's cost, taking advantage of the dis-
orders on the northern frontier of the empire and of
its internal anarchy to absorb in her own territories
districts that had long acknowledged China's
suzerainty, and increasing her own population by
throwing open the country as an asylum for Chinese
refugees who fled to escape the miseries and dangers
from which they were never free in the civil wars
of their own lands. When she had made herself
recognised as a strong military factor she was in
turns courted as an ally by the rival dynasties who
contended for the Imperial throne, or her punish-
ment attempted by the successful aspirants for that
dignity whom she had opposed or before whom
she refused to bow in their hours of triumph.
Her greatest struggle with China began at the
close of the sixth century. It was then that the
Tsin was replaced by the Swi dynasty of emperors
on the Chinese throne, and Korai, which had been
on friendly terms with the old, was naturally not very
prompt in recognising the new dynasty, or in respond-
ing to the friendly overtures made by it, while her
southern rivals, on the other hand, were as urgent as
she was the reverse in conciliating the goodwill of
STORY OF THREE KINGDOMS 69
the new occupants of the Dragon throne. Silla had
now grown greatly in influence and strength. She
had conquered part of the Pekche territories, and
had absorbed all of the old kingdom of Karak, and
while still devoting herself mainly to internal affairs
and industrial progress, had not neglected the
development of her military strength. She had also
made Korea's first essays in the construction of a
navy, which had been already tested against Japanese
pirates. Pekche, though shorn of much of her old
territory by both Korai and Silla, had shown her
military prowess by repelling a Chinese army which
had landed on her shores to enforce the payment of
tribute. Neither, nor both together, were a match
for their northern neighbour, to which, throughout
all its history, fighting had been second nature, and
both eagerly stimulated the ill-will of the Chinese
Emperor against it, and proffered th^ir alliance in
whatever operations he might undertake to vindicate
his offended dignity. Both fondly hoped that the
time had come in which they would be relieved for
ever from their old enemy.
Korai knew of the plot that was formed against
her, and anticipated an invasion of her own territories
by dispatching an expedition of 10,000 men across
the River Liao, which, after having spread devasta-
tion throughout what is now the province of Chi-li
as far as the Great Wall, retreated to its own country
in safety. The Emperor, undisputed master of all
China, saw in this buccaneering expedition only a
valid excuse for the conquest and annexation of
Korai ; and, never doubting that the little mountain
Power would fall at once before the might of China,
he sent an army of 300,000 men to the northern
frontier and simultaneously a powerful fleet to the
River Tatong, on which was the Koraian capital,
Phyong ^An, thus following the strategy of six
70 THE STORY OF KOREA
hundred years previously. But both expeditions met
with disaster, and the Koraians were scarcely called
upon to fight in their own defence. Storms at sea
broke up and destroyed the naval force beforfe it
had even reached the shores of Korea. That sent by
land was equally unfortunate, though its misfortunes
were due more to the want of ordinary foresight
than to Nature. It was at the height of the hot
summer that the army reached the River Liao, the
frontier of Korai. The heavy summer rains were at
their worst and rendered the roads impassable for
the provision-carts, and the army was so ill-
provisioned and equipped that it perished of disease
and hunger almost before it even saw a Koraian
enemy. The Emperor accepted his defeat — it was
in the year 598 — for the time, but it was only that
he might make preparations which would secure an
ample revenge in the future.
Before the opportunity came he died, but the
legacy of revenge was readily accepted by his suc-
cessor, the great Emperor Yang, one of the boldest
and ablest emperors, but at the same time one of
the cruellest and most tyrannical, who has sat on the
throne of China. His councillors and people had no
sympathy in his designs of conquest, for, though
there was peace, there was great distress within the
Empire, which had not yet recovered from the desola-
tion of the civil wars and was now suffering from
famine ; and the costly preparations for the great
expedition that the Emperor meditated were a burden
greater than could be borne, necessitating as they
did, among other things, the taking away of jthe
little food the people had to fill the military granaries.
But the determined Emperor silenced the opposition
by a proclamation in which it was plainly declared,
in very few words, that whosoever presumed to criti-
cise or oppose his intentions should do so at the
STORY OF THREE KINGDOMS 71
expense of his head. In 611 all the preparations
were completed. Then an invading force started on
its way to Korai, the magnitude of which was such
that it has been compared to that of Xerxes. It
consisted of twenty-four divisions, and its numbers
exceeded 1,100,000 men. When on its march it
extended in an unbroken line for over 320 miles,
and it took forty days to pass any given point pn
the road.1 At the same time, according to the old
precedent, a naval force was dispatched to the River
Tatong to attack Phyong An in the rear. It was
little less imposing in its magnitude than the army.
The ships covered the whole sea between the coasts
of Korea and Shantung. The army had been raised
in and at the expense of North China. The burthen
of the navy was thrown on the south, where the
suffering caused by its preparation was scarcely less
than in the north. But nothing stood in the way of
the iron will of the Emperor.
In nowise daunted, the Koraians bravely awaited
their invaders on the left bank of the River Liao.
Three bridges were thrown across the river by the
Chinese engineers, but they fell short by 10 feet of
the opposite bank ; and when the soldiers, who had
crowded on to the unfinished bridge, tried to leap
from its end to the east bank or to wade or swim
through the swift current, they were drowned in
thousands or cut down as they endeavoured to fight
their way to the steep bank. It took two days to
remedy the first error, but when the bridge once
touched the bank overwhelming numbers drove the
Koraians before them in headlong rout, more than
10,000 being left dead on the field before the sur-
vivors found sanctuary behind the walls of the city of
Liao Yang. At Phyong An the defenders were more
fortunate. When the Chinese landed from the fleet,
1 Ross, " History of Korea," p. 134.
72 THE STORY OF KOREA
they at first gained a victory over the army they
found on their front, but, pursuing the retreating
enemy too recklessly, they fell into an ambush on
both sides and were driven back, with great loss,
to their ships. They were still too strong, notwith-
standing all they had lost, to justify the Koraians in
following up their victory by an attack on the ships,
but the heart of the invaders was gone ; they did not
even co-operate with the Northern army when it
afterwards invested the city. The Koraians beaten
at the banks of the Liao were different men when
behind the lofty walls of their city of Liao Yang,
and all the efforts of the Chinese to take the city
were repulsed. Its siege lasted for several months ;
and as there was no sign of yielding on the part of
the garrison, the main portion of the great army
continued its march, leaving a sufficient force behind
to continue the investment.
It was in early spring that the expedition started
on its way from China ; it was not until autumn that
it reached the banks of the Yalu. Thence a division
of 305,000 men made a forced march to Phyong An,
the Koraians retreating before it as it advanced, and
at last was in striking distance of the city ; but it
was exhausted by its rapid march and was short of
provisions. Before it started, rations for one hundred
days had been issued to each man, to be carried by
himself, and warning was given that any one found
throwing away his rations would be beheaded. But,
even with this penalty before them in case of di3-
covery, the weight of such a burthen in a forced
march proved too great a temptation to the men, and
their stores were wellnigh exhausted long before they
reached Phyong An. The commander was therefore
not very anxious to begin an assault on a city,
strongly fortified, which from old experience he knew
would be vigorously met by the enemy fighting
STORY OF THREE KINGDOMS 73
behind their walls ; and he readily listened to and
accepted an offer of submission that was tendered to
him by the Koraian General, which, though the city
remained intact, would, he thought, save his face
before the Emperor. But the submission was only
feigned. The moment the Chinese commenced their
return march they were attacked by skirmishers who
appeared everywhere at once, on both flanks and on
their rear ; and when half the retreating army had
crossed the River Chin Chin, ten miles to the north
of Phyong An, the Koraians' main army, en masse,
fell on and almost annihilated the other half that
was still on the southern bank. The retreat then
degenerated into a panic -struck rout, the pursuers
slaughtering the broken and starving fugitives
throughout the whole length ; and of the great dis-
ciplined army of 305,000 men who had originally
crossed the Yalu, less than 3,000 survived to recross
it and at last find safety with the army on the
northern bank.
This was still strong enough to have carried out
a second invasion, but winter was now drawing near
and the Chinese were ill-provided with the require-
ments of a winter campaign ; so a general retreat
was ordered, and the great army withdrew across the
River Liao, there to await the following spring. Next
year the ambition of the Emperor was limited to the
conquest of Liaotung, but while he was engaged in
it news came to him of a serious rebellion in his own
dominions, and his army could no longer be spared
for foreign conquest. The chief incident of the
second campaign was the renewal of the siege of
the city of Liaotung. It was valiantly defended by
the Koraians — every device that engineering skill
could suggest, scaling ladders and high towers,
pushed to the walls on wheels, " cloud ladders and
flying towers," were tried, but the obstinacy and
74 THE STORY OF KOREA
valour of the Koraians were proof against all, and the
city was still safe in their hands when the retreat
began. The siege was directed by the Emperor in
person :
" He had just completed an earthen rampart, sixty paces wide,
close to and flush with the city wall, and a high-storied movable
tower on eight wheels, higher than the city walls, whence missiles
could be thrown down into the city, and these were about to be put
in action, when a breathless messenger hurried into the camp at
night and brought the news of a rebellion which threatened the Swi
capital with a large volunteer army." x
The Emperor ordered an immediate retreat,
abandoning his camp as it stood ; and the retreat
was so well carried out that three days passed before
the Koraians discovered that the siege was over.
Famine and rebellions in China prevented any
resumption of hostilities on her part, and four years
later the Swi dynasty fell and Korai was able to
make peace with the new Tang dynasty, to which she
gave her allegiance and returned all the surviving
captives of the war.
The Imperial dynasty of the Tangs, one of the
few dynasties that, in the early years of history,
ruled the whole Chinese Empire and held their
dominions in a firm grasp, began to reign in the early
part of the seventh century, and as the fruitless
and costly invasions of Korai had contributed much to
the downfall of their predecessors, the policy of the
new Emperor was naturally devoted to Korean
affairs, with the aim of weakening the northern king-
dom, which, comparatively insignificant as it was,
had shown itself throughout its history a most
truculent vassal and an aggressive neighbour of its
suzerain. The relations between the great Empire
and the little kingdom, peopled by hardy moun-
1 Ross, " History of Korea," p. 141.
STORY OF THREE KINGDOMS 75
taineers; full of the spirit of independence and of
the pride of arms, resembled those between the
Austrian Empire and Switzerland in the thirteenth
and fourteenth centuries, or between the Spanish
Kingdom and England at a later period. It seemed
as if the great Colossus had only to stretch out its
hand to crush the pigmy which was constantly in-
flicting irritating pin-pricks in its huge body, but
each time it had done so it had found that the pigmy,
by its energy and courage, aided by its natural
defences, was well able to hold its own. The
southern kingdom of Silla, devoted principally, as
it had always been, to industrial progress, had now
become a military power, sufficiently strong to
deserve consideration as an ally, and the new
Emperor of China, as ambitious but more prudent
than his predecessors, laid himself out to strengthen
Silla, to aid her in the conquest and annexation of
the other southern kingdom of Pekche, so that in the
end the whole strength of Southern Korea might be
available for attacking Korai on the south while
China herself assailed it on the north. Silla, on her
side, used all the arts of diplomacy, in which she was
well skilled, to flatter the pride of the Emperor and
to conciliate his goodwill. She adopted the Chinese
calendar, the greatest proof she could give, accord-
ing to Oriental ideas, of her recognition of her
suzerain, and the Chinese Court dress. The religion
and literature of China she had already adopted, and
her practice and study of both now became more
eager than before, while her embassies to the Imperial
Court were more frequent and the tribute they carried
costly.
At this period one of the most prominent ,of the
heroes of Old Korea appeared on the scenes. In the
year 637 Hoh Su Wen, a Koraian soldier, murdered
the reigning king with his own hand, and having
76 THE STORY OF KOREA
placed the nephew of the dead monarch on the throne,
became himself the de facto ruler of the kingdom.
He was a man of keen ability, and, in addition, a
combination not very common in the East or else-
where, of immense physical strength and great
personal stature. He emphasised his natural personal
attractions by wearing the finest armour and apparel,
and so great was the impression made by him on
his own soldiers " that they hardly dared to look
up into his face." l Ostensibly to recover some out-
lying districts which were claimed by Korai, but had
been seized and were in possession of Silla, but
more probably to divert the attention of his own
people from internal affairs and his own crimes and
tyrannical usurpation of the executive, Hoh Su Wen
declared war and invaded Silla, and when ordered
by his suzerain to desist sent a contemptuous refusal.
Such a defiance of the Emperor's dignity could not
be overlooked. Once more a great army started on
its way to invade Korai, nominally only with the
object of punishing the murderer of the Emperor's
vassal king, without any desire to injure either the
people or the kingdom. The bitter experience of
the former campaign had taught the Chinese a lesson
which was not forgotten on this occasion, and caution
guided every step of the invading army's advance.
All Liaotung was overrun and its cities taken by
storm, and the Chinese advanced on their way to the
capital, Phyong An, without having met with one
reverse, until they arrived before the city of Anchiu,
only forty miles north of the capital.
Here the Koraians made their last stand. At first,
deceived by the generalship of the Chinese, who, it
is said, were headed by their own Emperor, by whom
1 Parker, " Race Struggles in Korea." According to Mr. Ross, Hoh
Su Wen was distinguished by " his great size, ugly face, terrible
manner, enormous strength, and a magic sword."
STORY OF THREE KINGDOMS 77
the plans of the battle were made, they ventured on
a sortie in mass, but the whole force was surrounded
and cut off from the city, and more than 20,000 fell.
The survivors, who fought their way back or had
remained to garrison the city walls, undaunted by
this reverse, still bade defiance to the victorious be-
siegers, and held so obstinately to their fortress that
the Chinese were, in the end, forced by the approach
of winter and the increasing lack of provisions to
abandon the siege and withdraw to their own country.
This time their retreat was not harassed. The
Koraians had suffered too severely to be able to
conduct a vigorous pursuit, and were glad enough
to see the backs of their foes as they started on their
long march homewards ; but the privations of cold
and hunger exacted their usual toll from the retreat-
ing army. The Emperor was not wanting in chivalry
to his enemies. Foiled though he had been, and
deeply chagrined as he must have felt on seeing all
his prudence and generalship rendered fruitless when
in the very last stage of the road that led to triumph,
he sent, at the beginning of his retreat, a present of
one hundred pieces of silk to the commander of the
Koraian fortress and a letter complimenting him on
the gallantry of his defence.
Some years passed away, during which the
Emperor died and Korai, still governed by her
arrogant usurper, was left in peace as far as China
was concerned. But the old grudge against Silla
was not forgotten by Korai, and she succeeded in
drawing Pekche into her quarrel and both declared
war against Silla. Silla had been not less observant
of her duties as vassal to the new Emperor than
she was to his predecessor and was now to reap
her reward. Her prayer for help was at once
answered and Korai was again invaded, and as all her
strength was required to defend her own territories
78 THE STORY OF KOREA
against China on the north, Silla was left free to
do with Pekche as she could. The issue was not
long in doubt. Pekche was governed by an in-
capable King, who knew neither how to govern or
lead himself nor to choose ministers or generals who
could do so for him and who was guided in all
he did principally by professional sorcerers and
diviners, a class which has exercised immense influ-
ence in Korea from her earliest days and continued
to do so in the present generation of the twentieth
century. The advice of the sorcerers and diviners
conflicted with that of the most capable generals,
but it was adopted in preference to theirs and the
natural result followed. The Sillan army had an
easy march into Pekche, and simultaneously with its
advance from the east, a Chinese force was landed
on the western shore. The capital fell almost with-
out resistance before the allied armies ; the King fled
from it but was soon taken, and he, with all his
family and an immense number of his subjects, were
sent as prisoners to China. A story is told by Mr.
Hulbert, incidental to the fall of the capital, which
is only one of the many interesting incidents that
crowd the pages of his exhaustive history, but which
are necessarily excluded by the limits of space from
our own story, the pathos of which is such that we
make an exception to the rule we have prescribed
for ourselves and quote it in full as it is told by
Mr. Hulbert. It is as brief as it is pathetic.
" When the Silla army approached the capital, the King fled to the
town now known as Kong-Ju. He left all the palace women behind
him, and they, knowing what their fate would be at the hands of the
Silla soldiery, went together to a beetling precipice which overhangs
the harbour of Ta Wang and cast themselves from the summit into
the water beneath. That precipice is famed in Korean song and
story and is called by the exquisitely poetic name Nak-whaam, or
the " Precipice of the Falling Flowers."
STORY OF THREE KINGDOMS 79
Pekche now lost its independent existence as a
kingdom, and was incorporated as a prefecture in
the Chinese Empire and placed under Chinese
'governors. But it was not quite dead yet. Some
of the beaten soldiers continued to maintain a guerilla
warfare in the mountain fastnesses to which they had
fled on the fall of their King and capital, and were
a continued source of trouble both to the Chinese
governors and to the Sillan armies who were ex-
pected by the Emperor to support him. This con-
tinued for three years (it was in 660 that the capital
was taken), and then a more serious attempt was
made to recover the national independence, and this
time Pekche had the assistance of what should have
been a powerful and efficient ally. We have not
hitherto referred in this chapter to Japanese rela-
tions with Korea, especially with the two southern
kingdoms, as they were so frequent and intimate and
productive of such influence on the future histories
both of Korea and Japan that they merit a chapter
to themselves. We shall here only anticipate what
shall be said at length hereafter — that Japan's rela-
tions with Pekche were on a more intimate scale
than with Silla, and that they had been almost
invariably those of friendship and alliance. Princes
of the royal house of Pekche frequently visited the
Court of the Mikado, and a son of the last King
was actually at the Court when his father fell.
In 663 a warrior priest of Pekche raised the
standard of rebellion against the Chinese Governor
of his native land, and at the same time sent to
.Japan to pray for help and for the return of the
prince to be crowned as king. Both prayers Avere
answered. A large Japanese force escorted the young
prince and was prepared to associate with the Pekche
patriots in their effort to shake themselves free both
of China and Silla. At this time both the Chinese
80 THE STORY OF KOREA
and Sillan troops were engaged in operations on
the southern borders of their common enemy, Korai ;
but when news reached them of the new outbreak
both promptly turned southwards and marched with
such speed and at the same time covered their move-
ments so well that they took both the Pekche army
and the newly landed Japanese by utter surprise.
The Japanese suffered one of the few overwhelming
disasters that history records outside their own
borders. Their soldiers were slaughtered as they
stood or driven into the sea to be drowned or slain
by arrows shot from the shore, and their ships and
almost the whole of the great expedition utterly
destroyed, its ruin being hardly less complete than
that which the Japanese in their turn inflicted on their
Mongol invaders six hundred years later.1
This was Pekche's last despairing effort. It had
already ceased to exist in name. Its people who
were not dead or prisoners in China emigrated in
hundreds to Japan, where they were adopted as sub-
jects by the Mikado, and founded colonies whose
descendants exist in Japan to this day. Only the
tillers of the soil were left, and both land and people
were ere long, when China found the retention of
any dominion in Southern Korea was more trouble
than it was worth, incorporated in Silla. Pekche was
founded in 16 B.C. Its final fall at the end of its
last struggle took place in 663 A.D., and it had
therefore an independent existence as a kingdom ex-
tending over 679 years. It had made great progress
in all the elements of material civilisation, and of
the three kingdoms, as will be seen later on, it
was the one to whom Japan owed most for all she
learned from Korea. The Koraians were principally
soldiers, the Sillans cultivators of art and industry ;
the people of Pekche united the best qualities of both,
1 The defeat according to the " Nihongi " was not so complete.
STORY OF THREE KINGDOMS 81
and, though not the equal of either in their own
spheres, became efficient soldiers and skilful artificers.
If in nothing else their name lives in Eastern history
as the early civilisers and proselytisers of Japan.
Korai did not long continue to exist as an inde-
pendent kingdom after the fall of Pekche. The great
usurper Hoh Su Wen had, throughout all her san-
guinary wars with China, been the mainstay of her
military organisation, and the brave resistance which
she had made to what appeared to be overwhelming
armies, that had only to strike to overcome an in-
significant border kingdom, was mainly owing to the
genius with which he utilised her resources and the
spirit which the example of his valour infused into
every man in the ranks of her army. He died four
years after the fall of Pekche, and with him, murderer
and tyrant as he was, departed, not only the guiding
intellect, the bravest soldier of the kingdom, but
the unity which had hitherto enabled its people to
present a solid front to whatever foe threatened them.
He left two sons, both as ambitious as himself.
They quarrelled for the succession to his dignities,
and the defeated one crossed over to his country's
enemies, bringing with him a section, not only of
his own countrymen but the border tribes on the
northern frontiers of both China and Korai, who had
hitherto thrown in their lot with the latter. Silla,
relieved from all apprehension on her western frontier
by the downfall of Pekche, was now free to throw
her whole strength against Korai from the south
and China again invaded it from the north. With
discord among her own people, without her leader
who had hitherto guided her to victory, and attacked
at once on both sides, she still made a brave resist-
ance, worthy of her old fame. She was first driven
by the Chinese from all her territory beyond the
Yalu, and while the Sillan army advanced on the
6
82 THE STORY OF KOREA
capital, Phyong An, from the south, the Chinese, once
across the Yalu, the passage of which was so
keenly contested that over 30,000 Koraians were
said to have been killed, had an easy march to
the same goal. Before both, the city fell after a
siege which lasted a month. An old prophecy fore-
told the doom of Korai : " When the first King
established the kingdom, he wished his government
to last for a thousand years. His mother said : ' If
thou governest the country well thou mayst accom-
plish this. However, it will last for just seven
hundred years.' " x Another version of the prophecy
contains the addition that 80 would be the cause
of its downfall. Her existence lasted for 705 years,
from 27 B-c- to 668 A.D., and the Chinese
general who commanded the final invading army
was eighty years old. Warning omens had been
seen in the capital itself. Korea is outside the
earthquake belt, and earthquakes are as rare in
it as in England, but now earthquakes were felt
and foxes were seen running in the streets. Such
portents must have contributed their quota to the
failing hearts of the superstitious people who were
fighting their last battle of despair.
One last gallant sortie was made in vain from the
beleaguered city. Then the son of the great Hoh
Su Wen, whose elevation to his father's dignity had
cost his country so dearly, committed suicide rather
than fall into the hands of his brother, who was with
the invaders, from whom he could expect no mercy,
and not another blow was struck. The city was taken,
the King and his family and a large number of the
soldiers and people were brought as captives to China,
another large number being at the same time taken
to Silla. Others fled to Silla of their own will, and
preferring the rule of their neighbours in the penin-
1 "Nihongi," vol. ii. p. 289.
STORY OF THREE KINGDOMS 83
sula, even though they had been enemies, to that of
alien Chinese, became Sillan subjects and stout
recruits to the Sillan army. The old kingdom, from
the Liao to the Tatong, with a population of 695,000
households, was incorporated as a military pre-
fecture in the Empire. Throughout all its existence
it had been almost constantly at war either with China
or with its southern neighbours of the peninsula,
and war was the chief occupation of its people. Their
civilisation, though older, was therefore, of necessity,
of a lower order than that of either Pekche or Silla,
which were favoured with milder climates and more
generously productive soils. But Buddhism early
found its way to Korai ; and in its train came, as
they did in a greater degree, not only into the two
other Korean kingdoms but into Japan, learning, art,
science, and technical industry. Korai was celebrated
for " its graceful willow-leaf fans," and for its guitars
made from beech and snake skin with ivory keys,1 and
for its talented musicians, as well as for its warriors
and beautiful women. To this day the inhabitants
of Northern Korea furnish the stoutest and bravest
soldiers, those who, when behind their fortress walls,
only a generation ago faced the French and American
bluejackets and marines as bravely as their ancestors
did the invading hordes of China, and though armed
only with flintlocks never quailed for a moment under
a rain of fire from the most modern artillery and
rifles. And Fhyong An has always furnished from
its daughters the most beautiful of the Gesang that
enlivened the Royal Court at Seoul.
Many years did not elapse before complications
arose between the two Powers, the Empire and Silla,
which were responsible for the destruction of Korai.
Silla had now nothing more to fear in the peninsula.
Her population was largely reinforced by fugitives
1 Parker, " Race Struggles in Korea."
84 THE STORY OF KOREA
from both Pekche and Korai. Her experience in the
wars which she had waged in alliance with China had
taught her military science, and she had many of
the old Koraian soldiers in her ranks, infusing their
spirit into the less hardy or courageous Sillans. She
was dissatisfied with her share of the spoil on the
downfall of Korai, and ventured to try the conclusion
of arms with her great suzerain and former ally.
She was beaten, and forced to sue humbly for for-
giveness, but the internal affairs of his own dominions
caused the Emperor of China to take less and less
interest in those of Korea, and his dignity having
been satisfied with the humiliations and apologies
of Silla, he left Korea entirely to her arbitrament.
She gradually succeeded in extending her sway over
the whole peninsula as far north as the River Tatong.
For the next three hundred years the story of the
peninsula is that of the progress of Silla in all the
refinements of civilisation ; but along with that, in
the latter part of this period, went the decline in
military efficiency that is always the sure accompani-
ment of luxury and security, while contests for the
throne and rebellion became not uncommon incidents
within her borders. At the capital, Kyun Ju, there
was splendour, the evidence of which remained till
the city was destroyed by Hideyoshi's vandals in
1594; but the provinces were neglected and fell
into decay, suffering heavily in the frequent uprisings
that took place against the central Government.
Silla was unique among the three kingdoms, ,in
that, during her history, she was on three occasions
ruled by a Queen, the last of whom occupied the
throne from the year 888 to 898. The morals of
this Queen were on a par with those of Katherine of
Russia, and under her corrupt Court, whose promi-
nent features were licence and dissipation, the con-
dition of the nation fell lower and lower, and
STORY OF THREE KINGDOMS 85
presaged only too truly its ultimate fall. The Ta;ng
dynasty was at the same time drawing to its close in
China, and it is possible that the movement which
culminated in its overthrow may have had its influence
in initiating a similar movement against the royal
family of Silla. Be that as it may, among the many
rebels or adventurers who appeared during the last
Queen's reign there was one named Kung I, the son
of one of the Queen's predecessors on the throne by
a concubine, whose early life was passed as a priest
in a Buddhist monastery, but to whom, when he
grew to manhood, a life of military adventure proved
more attractive than the safe monotony of the priest-
hood. Gathering round him a large force of soldier
bandits, he easily overran the north of the peninsula
beyond the River Tatong, which was outside the
Sillan jurisdiction ; and as his fame spread, as
success followed his arms, so did his fighting strength
increase. He extended his operations to Kang Won
and Kyong Kwi, the central provinces of Silla, and
finally, intoxicated with his own success, he pro-
claimed himself King of the territory which was occu-
pied by his troops, and the weak, debauched, #nd
corrupt Government of Silla was helpless to prevent
him. Kung I was, however, not the sole author of
his own great fortune. Much of what he had
achieved was due to the services and merits of Wang
Kien, the youngest of his generals. Wang Kien was
descended from the old royal house of Korai. He
was born in the year 878, and when he first rose to
fame as the greatest of Kung I's lieutenants he was
only twenty years of age. His future greatness was
predicted even before his birth : —
11 The night the boy was born luminous clouds stood above the
house and made it as bright as day. The child had a very high
forehead and a square chin and he developed rapidly. His birth
had been long prophesied by a monk, who told his father, as he was
86 THE STORY OF KOREA
building his house, that within its walls a great man would be born.
As the monk turned to go the father called him back and received
from him a letter which he was ordered to give to the yet unborn
child when he should be old enough to read. The contents are
unknown, but when the boy reached his seventeenth year the same
monk reappeared and became his tutor, instructing him especially
in the art of war. He showed him also how to obtain aid from the
heavenly powers, how to sacrifice to the spirit of the mountains and
streams so as to propitiate them." *
The monk's prophecies were amply fulfilled. The
youth threw in his lot with the adventurer Kung I,
and quickly rose to be his most trusted lieutenant.
It was under him that the provinces of Kang Won
and Kyong Kwi were conquered, and he afterwards
carried his arms in triumph into the south-western
province of Cholla, where he had to overcome, not
the royal army of Silla, which was now reduced to
a state of hopeless impotency, but a southern rebel,
Kyun Wun, who was in arms against both Silla
and Kung I, and whose ambition was to win for
himself the crown of Silla.
While the young lieutenant was thus winning glory
for himself in the field, and becoming the idol iof
the soldiers and the rising hope of the people, dis-
gusted with a Court that was yearly abandoning
itself more and more to idleness and debauchery, a
change had come over his first master. The ex-
Buddhist priest had reverted to his old calling, not
however, in the humble role of a priest. He had pre-
viously proclaimed himself a king. He now went
farther, and in the fervency of religion proclaimed
himself the Buddhist Messiah, and exacted from all
around him the devotion that was due to a god.
Those who failed in their obeisance were put to
death, and among those who suffered were his wife,
whom he murdered with his own hand in a manner
1 Hulbert's " History of Korea," vol. i. p. 129.
z
D
£
O
o
STORY OF THREE KINGDOMS 87
too horrible to be described, and his two sons. As
the popularity of the young general grew, so did
the hatred and horror with which the self-made King
was regarded. At last the troops mutinied and killed
him, and proclaimed Wang Kien King in his stead —
King, that is, of the district of Central and Northern
Korea, which had formed the dominions of the dead
tyrant during his brief period of assumed royalty.
Silla still continued to drag on an inglorious
existence in south-east Korea. In the south-west
the rebel Kyun Wun, defeated as he had been by
Wang Kien, was still powerful ; and while the latter
was engaged in establishing order in his new kingdom
in the north, in framing a good system of government
under which the people should be prosperous and
happy, Kyun Wun made a sudden dash on the capital
of Silla, and, taking it entirely by surprise, made it
an easy prey. The King was killed, the Queen
violated by the rebel leader himself, the palace ladies
given to the soldiers, and the palace looted. It was
now a question whether the crowned King of
Northern Korea or the bloodthirsty rebel of the South
should become the master of the whole peninsula.
It was decided in the usual way, but it w#s not till
after a long and hard-fought campaign that right
finally triumphed, that Kyun Wun's army was de-
stroyed, and he surrendered himself as a prisoner of
war to his northern foe. This was in the year 935.
In the same year the last King of Silla, the fifty-
sixth of a line of sovereigns who had ruled over the
kingdom throughout 992 years, from its foundation
in 57 B.C., worn and weary with the wrongs and
sufferings of his house, despairing of restoring its
fortunes pr of reforming his weak and corrupt
Government, resigned his crown and handed over all
his royal prerogatives to Wang Kien, who now
became the ruler of a united kingdom which foil
88 THE STORY OF KOREA
the first time comprised and was limited to the whole
of the peninsula, bounded on the north by the Rivers
Tumen and Yalu, and on its other three sides by the
sea, which remained in its original territorial in-
tegrity, unimpaired and unenlarged, from his day
till the year of grace 19 10, in which it was annexed
by Japain.
The end of the royal house of Silla, nearly a
thousand years ago, resembles that of the last of
the Kings of Korea in our own days. Deprived of
his royal dignity by the Japanese, he has been
granted the rank of an Imperial Prince of Japan and
a revenue ample for his support, and every external
sign of honour that could appeal to his vanity shown
to him. But he has been told that he is henceforth
a subject of the Emperor of Japan, that not a shadow
remains of the absolute power which he and his fore-
runners exercised over his people, who are his no
more. And so it was with the last King of Silla in
935. Every outward honour that the tact and kind-
ness of the generous victor could suggest was paid
to him. His historic capital ceased to exist as such,
and he was told to take up his residence at Sunto,
the new capital founded by Wang Kien. He was
escorted to it by a royal procession which extended
over ten miles in length. He was met at the gates
by Wang Kien himself, was endowed with a princely
revenue, and received his victor's daughter in mar-
riage. But he had to perform obeisance to him who
was now his sovereign and to subside into the
ordinary ranks of the nobility of a new kingdom.
CHAPTER V
EARLY RELATIONS WITH JAPAN
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