2018-08-31

홍이표 '위안부'와 '원폭' 향한 한일 기독교인의 왜곡된 시선



'위안부'와 '원폭' 향한 한일 기독교인의 왜곡된 시선

'위안부'와 '원폭' 향한 한일 기독교인의 왜곡된 시선
[일본 기독교 현장에서] 반성 없는 '무지'를 넘어서…잿더미 위에서 피는 꽃

홍이표 (newsnjoy@newsnjoy.or.kr)
승인 2018.08.


'위안부' 협상 직후의 대화

2015년 12월 28일, 박근혜 정부가 일본군 '위안부' 문제를 놓고 일본과 졸속 협상한 직후의 일이다. 일본인들도 이 소식에 깊은 관심을 보였고, 한국인 목사인 나에게 의견을 묻는 일이 늘어났다. 일본에서 살면서 위안부 문제는 솔직히 피하고 싶은 주제이다. 여러 일본인에 둘러싸여 제대로 된 답변을 못 하기 십상이고, 작심하고 대화하면 논쟁이 되기 때문이다.

위안부 협상 다음 주인 2016년 1월 초, 가깝게 지내는 일본인 목사님의 초대를 받아 그 교회로 갔다. 60대 남녀 교인과 대화를 나누고 계셨다. 한국인 목사를 본 60대 남성 교인은 뜬금없이 한일 과거사 문제에 대해 물어보더니 결국은 '위안부' 이야기를 꺼낸다. 두 사람은 '옳지! 잘 만났다!'는 흥분한 표정으로 만담하듯 주거니 받거니 떠든다. 그들은 위안부라는 말도 사용하지 않았다. 10여 분 동안 '바이슌'賣春(매춘)이란 말을 30번 이상은 들었다. 그들의 대화는 이러했다.


"전쟁이 나면 매춘이 없을 수 없다."
"전투 와중에 강간은 당연히 일어나는 일이다."
"일본만 그런 게 아닌데, 왜 우리만 사죄하라고 문제를 삼는지 모르겠다."
"이번에 최종적, 불가역적이라 결정된 것처럼, 이젠 더 이상 이 문제가 언급되지 않으면 좋겠다."

수년 전, 유신의 모임維新の会 하시모토 도루橋下徹 오사카시장이 해서 파문을 일으켰던 말들이, '박근혜-아베' 정부의 한일 협상 이후부터는 일본 대중 사이에 폭넓게 확산됐음을 피부로 느꼈다. 60대 여성 교우는, 자신도 과거에 위안부 이야기를 듣고 가슴이 아팠지만 이제는 그만 듣고 싶다고 말했다.

가만 듣고 있자니, 그들은 '일본군 위안부'가 무엇인지 구체적으로 모르는 듯 했다. △경제활동을 위해 돈을 받고 성을 매매하는 '매춘업' 종사자로 인식하거나, △패전국의 여성들이 통제 불능 상태에서 적군에게 당하게 되는 개별적 '강간' 행위를 '일본군 위안부' 문제라고 생각하고 있었다. 간혹 '종군 위안부'라는 말도 사용하였다.

한참을 듣던 나는, 우선 '종군'從軍이라는 용어의 문제점을 지적했다. '종군기자'나 '종군신부'처럼 '군을 따라가다'軍に従う라는 뜻의 '자발성'을 전제로 한 표현은 일본에서 만든 부적절한 표현이라고 설명했다. 그리고 그들이 수십 번 사용한 '매춘'이라는 단어로도 일반화할 수 없다고 말해 주었다. 상당수 여성들이 돈을 벌기 위한 목적으로 매춘에 자원한 것도 아니었으며 실제로 정당하게 돈이 지급되지도 않았기 때문이다. 마지막으로, 개인 범죄로서의 전시 '강간'과도 구별되는 조직적인 군내 시설에 동원된 형태가 '일본군 위안부'임을 말해 주었다.

그럼에도 두 사람은 내 말을 쉬이 수긍하지 않는다. 나는 60대 여성 교우에게 "○○님의 따님이 그와 같은 일을 당해도 지금과 같이 말씀하실 수 있으시겠느냐?"고 되물었다. 그러자 그녀는 이렇게 대답했다.


"전쟁이 나면 어쩔 수 없다. 2~3년 그런 일 겪었어도 살아남았으면 그것으로 감사해야 하지 않겠나. 남은 인생이 훨씬 긴데, 나는 저 한국인 할머니들처럼 평생 분노하며 헛되이 살 바엔, 그 2~3년은 잊고 새 출발해서 행복하게 살라고 야단칠 것이다!"

수차례 만난 적 있던 인상 좋은 여성 교우가 내뱉은 뜻밖의 말에 어안이 벙벙해졌다. 문득 그 당시 박근혜 정권을 맹목적으로 지원하던 '나라사랑어머니연합'이나 '엄마부대봉사단' 등의 아주머니 회원들 모습이 떠올랐다. '엄마부대봉사단' 대표인 주옥순 씨는 2016년 1월 5일 <뉴시스>와의 인터뷰에서 "내 딸이 위안부였어도 일본을 용서할 것"이라며 박근혜 정부의 위안부 합의를 적극 지지했는데, 그와 똑같은 모습을 일본의 한 크리스천 여성에게서도 발견한 것이다. 필자는 속으로 "아… 이들은 전쟁이 나면, 또다시 '히노마루센수'日ノ丸扇子(일장기 부채)를 들고 나와 자기 아들딸을 전장으로 내몰 수도 있겠구나!"라는 생각이 들어 섬뜩해졌다.



평화의 소녀상. 뉴스앤조이 경소영






1945년 8월 6일, 히로시마 원폭 투하 장면.






본심本音와 민낯素顔




할 말 잃은 나에게 두 사람은, 일본 오키나와에는 지금도 미군 기지 옆에 집장촌이 있으며 미군들의 강간 사건이 많지만, 그런 일들을 모두 저 한국인 '위안부'들처럼 난리 쳐 가며 문제로 만들어야 하냐며 목청을 높인다. 이내 나의 반론이 이어졌다.


"매년 8월이 되면 일본은 왜 저토록 히로시마, 나가사키 원폭을 강조하는 겁니까. 그건 핵무기로 인해 희생당한 유일한 나라라는 피해 의식 때문이겠지요? 인류가 다시는 그와 같은 희생을 당해서는 안 된다는 마음 때문에 잿더미로 변한 히로시마와 나가사키의 모습을 그렇게 아침저녁으로 보여 주는 것이라 생각합니다."

"네… 물론 그렇지요."

"두 분께서 계속 '일본군 위안부'를 매춘이나 강간 범죄에 불과하다고 말씀하신다면, 저도 이제 이렇게 말하겠습니다."

"네? 어떻게 말하실 건데요?"

"일본은 전쟁 나면 당연히 발생하는 폭격 가지고 왜 저리들 호들갑인가. 한국전쟁 때도 공습으로 수백만이 희생당했는데, 히로시마, 나가사키가 뭐 대단하다고 저렇게 전 세계를 상대로 선전하는지 모르겠다. 그렇게 주장하고 다니겠습니다."

두 분의 표정이 일순 굳어졌지만, 나는 말을 이어 갔다.


"원자폭탄도 그냥 폭탄이지요. 도쿄 대공습 때 15만이 죽었어요. 고베 공습, 오사카 공습하고 히로시마, 나가사키가 대체 뭐가 다릅니까? 왜 도쿄, 고베 공습 등을 차별합니까. 이라크 전쟁, 팔레스타인… 지금도 계속되는 다 똑같은 폭탄 투하 아닙니까. 히로시마, 나가사키만 뭐가 그리 대단합니까?"

"에이… 그건 아니지요! 전혀 다르지요."

"네, 다르지요. 맞아요. 다릅니다. 일본군 위안부가 바로 그런 겁니다. 핵무기(원폭)가 기존의 폭탄과 달리 인류사 가운데서 다시는 반복되어서는 안 되는 너무나 끔찍한 일인 것처럼, '일본군 위안부'도 그렇다는 겁니다. 먼저 문명화한, 근대화한 국가라고 자부하던 일본 정부와 군이, 영내에 시설을 설치해서 성 노예를 집단적·조직적으로 관리하던 야만성을 직시하자는 겁니다. 그런 일이 인류사에서 다시는 반복되지 말아야 한다고 법에 근거한 국가 차원의 공식적인 조치를 요구하는 겁니다. 그리고 이 일은 한일 간에 해결되는 문제도 아닙니다. 북한, 중국, 대만, 홍콩, 필리핀, 싱가포르, 네덜란드, 호주, 뉴질랜드 등 세계 각국 여성들이 피해를 입은 인류사적 문제입니다."

그들은 히로시마와 나가사키의 원폭 사망자 가운데 조선인 강제 징용 노동자들이 10%(히로시마 3만 명, 나가사키 1만 명)란 것도 모르고 있었고, 생존 피폭자들(히로시마 5만, 나가사키 2만)도 일본인 피폭자들과는 달리 치료와 피해 보상에서 철저히 배제되었던 사실도 처음 듣는 눈치였다. 히로시마의 '한국인 원폭 희생자 위령비'도 히로시마시의 거부로 1970년 평화공원 바깥에 세워져 차별과 설움을 겪어 오다 1999년이 되어서야 공원 안에 옮겨졌다. 한국 정부와 민단이 세우려는 나가사키의 조선인 위령비는 '강제 노동'이란 비문을 문제 삼아 현재까지도 공식적으로 세워지지 못하고 있는데, 다만 공원 내 구석의 화장실 입구 옆에 일본 시민들('나가사키재일조선인인권을지키는모임')의 모금으로 1979년에 세워진 조그만 추도비가 아쉬움을 달래고 있을 뿐이다.

나는 함께 희생당한 조선인들을 지금도 차별하고 있는 히로시마와 나가사키가 과연 전 세계를 향해 평화를 호소할 수 있겠느냐고 반론했다. 그리고 위안부를 '매춘'이라고 부른다면, 나는 전시하에 다들 겪는 것처럼 폭탄 좀 맞았다고 저렇게 선전하는 일본의 행태를 비판할 것이라고 했다. 흥분하던 두 사람은 침묵하기 시작했고 대화는 그렇게 끝이 났다.

일본 말로 '본심'本心을 '혼네'本音라 하고 '민낯'을 '스가오'素顔라고 한다. 일본에서 마주하는 사람들은 모두가 선한 미소와 깍듯한 예의로 개인 인격과 윤리에 있어서는 참으로 모범적으로 보인다. 소수의 크리스천에게는 그 신뢰와 기대감이 더 큰 게 사실이다. 하지만 종종 이런 '혼네'와 '스가오'가 잔잔한 호수에 떨어진 돌 하나의 파동처럼 크게 다가온다.



공식 위령비 건립이 어렵자, 나가카의 시민들이 돈을 모아 세운 '나가사키 원폭 조선인 희생자 추도비'. 평화공원이나 원폭자료관 시설 내에도 못 세워 근처의 공중화장실 옆에 세워져 있다. 사진 제공 홍이표






우리 안에도 있는 무지와 반성 부재




문제는 이러한 무지無知가 상대방의 일이기만 한가이다. 우리는 과연 히로시마, 나가사키의 원폭 참사의 희생자들 가운데 10%가 우리 동포였다는 사실을 얼마나 알고 있을까. 또한 한국인 피폭자들 중에서 여전히 치료나 피해 보상을 받지 못한 채 차별받아 온 사람들이 있다는 사실을 얼마나 알까.

필자도 어린 시절, 하나님께서 죄 많은 일본을 향해 원자폭탄을 떨어뜨려 심판하셨다는 설교를 자주 들었다. 당시 반일 의식에 충만했던 필자도 그 이야기를 듣고 통쾌해했지만 그 안에서 죽어 간 3~4만의 조선인 희생자와, 이후에도 고통에 시달린 수만 명의 피폭자가 존재했다는 사실은 몰랐으며 알려고도 하지 않았다.

절대다수가 일제에 협력하며 신사참배에 적극 참여한 한국교회에는 어째서 하나님은 원자폭탄을 통한 불의 심판을 하시지 않았던 걸까. 아니, 그렇다면 한국교회의 죄는 5년 뒤 발발한 한국전쟁을 통해 심판된 것인가. 한국전쟁 당시 많은 도시가 잿더미로 변한 것은, 사실 북한군의 공격 때문보다는 미군의 폭격에 의한 경우가 많았다. 대전大田의 심각한 파괴 소식을 접한 재미 동포들은 다음과 같이 적고 있다.


"태뎐太田을 됴샹弔喪 - 한밧아 한밧아 웬일이냐? 또닷이 불을 질리엇구나. 또닷이 잿덤이가 되엇구나. 너의 잿덤이를 통곡한다. 너의 빈터를 됴샹한다. 오늘 젼정戰爭에 누가 올코 누가 글른 것을 말하지 말자. 인생人生의 지식이 그에까지 발달이 되지 못한 모양이다. 온 셰샹이 쟝일 말라는 것과 가치 가는 줄만 알고 언대로 가는 것을 몰으는 것이 울이의 인생이오. 특별히 오늘의 인생이다. 잊지 말자. (중략) 지금 미군이 그곳을 내어노코 나아가면서 불을 질러서 잿덤이를 만들엇다." ('태뎐을 됴샹', <國民報>, 1950년 7월 26일 자.)

1945년에 일본에 원폭을 떨어뜨린 것도 미국이었고, 5년 뒤 서울과 대전, 평양 등을 잿더미로 만든 것도 미국이었다. 하나님께서 미국을 통해 일본을 심판하셨던 거라면 한국도 그렇게 심판받은 것일까. 혹여 일제에 부역했던 대다수 교회 지도자들에 대한 심판이었다고 말해 보자. 하지만 역사상 그들 교권주의자들은 자리를 보전한 채 70년간 기득권을 이어 왔고, 지금도 강단에서 일본에 큰 지진 재해 등이 발생하면 하나님의 심판 운운하며 남의 일처럼 말한다. 그리고 그 똑같은 입으로 세월호 아이들의 희생을 하나님의 뜻이라고 말한 유명 교회 목사는, 최근 교회 세습에 눈감아 준 교단 재판국의 판단을 '하나님의 은혜'라고 말하였다. 심판과 형벌은 꼭 이름 없는 백성과 민중의 몫이 감당해야 할 몫인 걸까.

인류 최초로 일본이 겪은 참혹한 히로시마-나가사키의 원폭 경험을 통쾌해하면서도, 그 안에 생명 말살의 비극과 우리 동포들의 억울한 아픔과 설움이 뿌리 깊이 존재하는지조차 모르는 눈 귀 막힌 한국인이 많다. 그와 함께 인류사 가운데 다시 반복되어서는 안 되는 일본군 '위안부'의 참혹한 경험을, 일상적 매춘과 전시하의 불가피한 강간 범죄로 등치해 퉁 쳐 보려는 비겁한 일본인도 많다. 이런 '무지'의 원인은 진정으로 스스로를 돌아보는 참회와 반성이 없기 때문이다. 하나님 앞에서 그 어떤 개인도, 단체(교회)도, 국가도 완전한 존재일 수는 없다.



일본기독교단 쥬부교구中部敎區는 1974년부터 44년째 재일 한국-조선인 원폭 피폭자의 생활을 지원해 오고 있다. 2018년 7월 첫째 주일 교회 주보에는 8월 평화 성일을 준비하며 성금 기탁을 호소하는 문서가 끼워져 있었다. '평화 성일 헌금'의 부탁 말씀, 재일 한국인-조선인 피폭자를 위하여, 2018년 목표액 900만 원, 2017년 56교회 성금 참가, 피폭자의 감사 인사 등의 내용이 적혀 있다. 한국교회 가운데 지금도 고통받는 피폭자 동포를 위해 이런 지속적 관심을 가져온 교회를 거의 보지 못했다. 사진 제공 홍이표






탄고미야즈교회 치바 목사의 유언과 계승자들




일본기독교단은 매년 8월 첫째 주일을 '평화 성일'平和聖日로 지키고 있다. 필자가 탄고미야즈교회에서 일할 때, 사카네 교우는 오래된 LP판을 보여 줬다. 1970년부터 1999년까지 만 29년 동안 교회를 맡았던 치바 마사쿠니千葉昌邦 목사의 노래가 담긴 앨범이었다. 전쟁을 직접 체험한 치바 목사는 히로시마-나가사키 원폭 투하로부터 30년이 지난 1974년 8월 8일에 '원폭의 노래'原爆の詩를, 이듬해(1975년) 8월 17일에는 '전쟁을 모르는 아이들에게'戦争を知らない子どもたちに라는 노래를 지어서 직접 불러 녹음했다.



치바 마사쿠니 목사. 사진 제공 홍이표






치바 마사쿠니 목사가 남긴 유작 앨범. 사진 제공 홍이표




'원폭의 노래'는 이 땅이 '한 줌 재'로 변해 버린 것은 인간의 죄 때문임을 힘주어 말하고 있다. 그리고 시편의 기자처럼 "주여 들으소서! 마음의 외침을!"이라며 절규하면서, 3절에서는 치바 목사는 '원한을 떨치고 신뢰를 통해 인류가 함께 나아가자'며 호소한다.


원폭의 노래原爆の詩

1

하늘이 갈라져 흰 빛白光이 번쩍하니
30만의 생령生靈 스러져 가고
대지大地는 한 줌 재灰로 변하고
인류의 오욕汚辱을 여기에 각인하다
사람들아 울어라! 인류의 죄를!
사람들아 울어라! 인류의 죄를!

2

백열白熱 비추니 만상萬象이 녹아내려
만골萬骨 마르니 혼魂은 타 버렸다
통곡慟哭 소리는 하늘을 뒤덮고
오읍嗚泣 눈물은 땅에 가득하다
주여 들으소서! 마음의 외침을!
주여 들으소서! 마음의 외침을!

3

인간들이여, 일어서라!
인류여, 분기하라!
원한과 적개심을 떨쳐 버리고
사랑과 정의와 신뢰의 불꽃焰을
가슴 깊이 품고서
함께 나아가자 이상理想의 길로
함께 나아가자 이상理想의 길로 (1974.8.8.)



앨범 표지의 아마노하시타테天橋立 앞바다와 '원폭의 노래' 가사. 사진 제공 홍이표






이 노래가 자신의 유언임을 밝힌 발간 '엽서'와 악보. 사진 제공 홍이표




수십만의 동포는 물론 수만의 한국인이 목숨을 한순간에 앗아 간 원자폭탄의 비극이 또다시 반복되지 말아야 함을 치바 목사는 통렬하게 외치고 있다. 치바 목사는 앨범의 기념엽서에서 "이것은 내 마음의 외침이요, 동포를 향한 유언"これは私の心の叫び、同胞への遺言이라고 적고 있다. 1년 뒤 작사 작곡한 '전쟁을 모르는 아이들에게'에는 치바 목사의 회개하는 심정이 절절히 담겨 있다.


전쟁을 모르는 아이들에게戦争を知らない子どもたちに

1

전쟁을 모르는 아이들아! 너희가 태어나기 전에 전쟁은 일어났다
일본은 졌고 300만 명의 동포가 죽었다
그 안에는 너희의 아버지, 할아버지, 할머니, 형제들이 있었다

2

일본에선 8000만의 동포가 좁은 땅에서 북적거리며 살았다
사할린, 조선, 대만의 자원을 삼켜 먹어도 여전히 성에 안 찼다
더 갖고 싶다 더 뺏고 싶다
우리는 가진 게 없는 나라니,
가진 나라는 땅을 넘겨주고 자원을 내놓아라! 라고…

3

정의와 우애와 협조와 봉사 대신에
총과 검으로 이웃을 위협했다
만주를 침략하고 중국 대륙을 짓밟았으며
1000만 명을 죽였고 약탈하고 불태웠다
세계로부터 비난받자
국제연맹을 탈퇴하여 독일, 이탈리아와 손잡고
전 세계를 상대로 주먹을 휘둘렀다

4

이때부터 하나님께서는
일본을 버리셨다
진주만眞珠灣의 일격을 시작으로
원자폭탄에 이르기까지의 길은 오직 하나뿐
순식간에 백만의 필리핀 사람들이 희생되었다
너희들의 동포와 2/3의 국토가
우리의 속죄 번제燔祭로 드려졌다

5

검으로 선 자는 검으로 망하리라(마 26:52)
총과 검으로 이웃을 협박한 우리는
통렬한 응보를 받았다
우리의 속죄를 위한 변상辨償은
그럼에도 여전히 끝나지 않았다

6

전쟁을 모르는 아이들이여!
너희들에게 우리의 어리석은 죄악의 책임을
뒤집어씌우려는 건 아니다
너희들은 우리가 걸어가지 못했던
정의와 우애와 협조와 봉사의 길을
한결같이 걸어가기 바란다
너희에게 주어진 자유와 능력은,
오직 그것을 위한 것이다
어제는 전 세계가 우리를 보며 눈살을 찌푸렸다
오늘은 전 세계가 너희를 보며 사랑하고 존경하며 신뢰하게 되기를…

7

그것만이 일본인의 오명汚名을 씻고
너희가 태어나기 전에 죽어져 간
너희의 아버지, 할아버지, 할머니, 형제들의
죽음과 삶을
영광으로 바꾸는 길이다
영광으로 바꾸는 길이다 (1975.8.17.)



'전쟁을 모르는 아이들에게' 가사. 사진 제공 홍이표




과연 일본 제국주의의 욕망에 적극 협력했던 우리 교계의 원로들 가운데, 저 시골의 치바 목사만큼이나 치열하게 통회 자복하며 기도한 사람이 있을까. 과거의 잘못을 처절히 반성하고 후손들에게 새로운 미래를 주문하는 모습. 그 목소리를 어떻게든 남기려 몸부림쳤다는 것을 보고 후임 목회자로서 놀라지 않을 수 없었다.

일본기독교단 교토교구에는 또 한 명의 치바 목사가 지금도 활동하고 있다. 치바 마사쿠니千葉昌邦 목사의 조카로서 교토부의 '야와타포도나무'八幡ぶどうの木교회의 주임목사인 치바 노부요시千葉宣義 목사이다. 숙부의 정신은 이제 고령 목회자가 된 조카를 통해서 현해탄을 잇는 더욱 구체적인 실천으로 계승되고 있다.

2013년 6월 12일, 일본기독교단의 '전후보상을요구하는6위원회'는 한국을 직접 방문하여 매주 수요일 일본대사관 앞에서 열리는 "일본군 '위안부' 문제 해결을 위한 수요 정기 시위"(1078차)에 참여하였고, '전쟁과여성인권박물관' 건설 지원을 위해 모금한 성금 100만 엔(약 1200만 원)을 전달한 바 있다.

1991년 일본군 '위안부' 피해자 고故 김학순 할머니가 일본 정부에 사죄와 전후 배상을 요구한 것을 계기로, 일본기독교단의 공식 조직인 6개 위원회(사회위원회, 야스쿠니천황제문제정보센터, 재일·일·한연대특별위원회, 성차별문제특별위원회, 부락해방센터, 교육위원회)는 1995년 '전후배상을요구하는6위원회'를 발족했다.

그리고 이듬해 비공식으로 한국을 방문해서 한국정신대문제대책위원회(정대협), 한국여성연합회, 한국기독교교회협의회 여성위원회와 회담을 갖고 정대협의 위안부 피해자들을 돕는 일에 지원금을 전달하기로 합의했다. 그 후 이들은 일본 전국의 교회로부터 모금 활동을 전개해 10년 동안(1996~2005) 총액 1760만 엔을 송금하였고, 이후에도 6년 동안(2006~2012년) 총액 500만 엔을 송금하는 등, 총 2260만 엔(약 2억 7100만 원)으로 정대협 활동과 '전쟁과여성인권박물관' 건립을 지원했다.

이 활동의 중심에 바로 치바 노부요시千葉宣義 목사가 늘 있었다. 그는 2013년에도 마지막 성금을 전달하는 방문단의 대표자로 내한하였고, 같은 교회 교우로서 함께 위원으로 활동 중이던 다니구치 히토미谷口ひとみ 씨가 후원금 100만 엔이 든 봉투를 일본군 위안부 피해자 김복동 할머니에게 전달했다. 다니구치 씨는 "우리는 태평양전쟁의 가해국인 일본의 사죄와 배상을 요구하고 기독교 내 성차별을 없애기 위해 만들어진 모임이며, 아베 총리가 일본을 전쟁할 수 있는 국가를 만들기 위해 혈안이 돼 있는데, 최근 심각한 일본의 정치 상황에 맞서 우리는 온몸을 다해 싸울 것"이라고 다짐했다.



2013년 일본기독교단 대표자로 내한한 치바 목사(오른쪽 검은색 정장). 사진 제공 한국기독교교회협의회






김복동 할머니에게 성금을 전달한 다니구치 씨. 뒤에 검은색 정장을 입은 치바 목사가 보인다. 사진 제공 한국기독교교회협의회






2016년 5월 일본기독교단 교토교구 총회에서 '전후보상을구하는연락회' 보고를 담당한 치바 목사는 몇 달 전 맺어진 위안부 협정에 대해 다음과 같이 낭독했다. "2015년 12월 28일, 한일 외무장관은 서울에서 그동안 현안이 돼 왔던 한일 관계(특히 일본군 '위안부' 문제) 해결을 위해 '합의했다'고 발표했다. 당 위원회는 이하의 점들 때문에 이 '합의'를 인정할 수 없다. (하략)" 사진 제공 홍이표




치바 노부요시 목사는 교회의 이러한 참회 활동뿐 아니라, '전쟁을막는1000인위원회'戦争をさせない1000人委員会의 구즈하공동대표八幡共同代表로 활동하며 기독교 목사로 일본의 평화주의를 수호하고 있다. 안병무선생기념사업회는 2017년 10월 15일 향린교회에 치바 노부요시 목사를 강사로 초청해 '평화를 위한 한·일 그리스도인의 연대와 민중신학 - 전쟁할 수 있는 나라로 회귀하는 일본과 폐쇄적인 선교론'이라는 행사를 열기도 했다. 치바 목사는 강연에서 일본의 군사화를 비판하고 그리스도인 연대의 중요성을 강조했다.

일본의 조그만 시골 교회 탄고미야즈교회에서 발견한 치바 마사쿠니千葉昌邦 목사의 두 노래는, 이미 고령이 된 조카의 목회 활동 속에서도 여전히 그 빛을 발하고 있으며, 새로운 계승자 출현을 요청하고 있다.

나가사키에 원폭이 투하된 8월 9일 아침. 서울에 있는 동생 홍승표 목사가 평화의 소녀상을 찍어 보내 주었다. 소녀의 발 아래 풍경을 보고 혼자 탄성을 질렀다. '잿더미'를 주제로 글을 완성하고 있었는데, 소녀 발 아래에 하얀 연탄재가 놓여 있고 시든 꽃 한 송이가 꽂혀 있는 게 아닌가. "뜨거울 때 꽃이 핀다"라는 말과 함께….

소녀는 그렇게 2018년 8월 초에, 자신의 회한과 아픔만이 아니라, 전쟁의 화마火魔에 스러져 간 헤아릴 수 없이 많은 가엾은 영혼들을 함께 기억해 달라고 부탁하는 것만 같다. 잿더미로 변한 황폐해진 터 위에 새로운 생명의 꽃을 피워 내 달라고 우리를 응시하고 있다. 비록 소수이지만 한국과 일본에 정의로운 시민과 양심적인 신앙인들이 있다. 그래서 꽃은 반드시 필 것이라 믿는다.



소녀상 발 아래의 연탄과 마른 꽃. 누가 잿더미 위에 꽃을 피우는 일을 이어 갈 텐가. 사진 제공 홍이표











홍이표 목사가 '일본 기독교 현장에서'라는 제목으로 칼럼을 연재합니다. 자세한 내용은 인터뷰 기사(바로 가기)를 통해 확인

The Story of Civilization (11 Volume Set) (9781567310238): Will Durant, Ariel Durant: Books

Amazon.com: The Story of Civilization (11 Volume Set) (9781567310238): Will Durant, Ariel Durant: Books

The Complete Story of Civilization by Will Durant represents the most comprehensive attempt in our times to embrace the vast panorama of man's history and culture. 

This eleven-volume set includes: 
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Volume One - Our Oriental Heritage; 
Volume Two - The Life of Greece; 
Volume Three - Caesar and Christ; 
Volume Four - The Age of Faith; 
Volume Five - The Renaissance; 
Volume Six - The Reformation; 
Volume Seven - The Age of Reason Begins; 
Volume Eight - The Age of Louis XIV; 
Volume Nine - The Age of Voltaire; 
Volume Ten - Rousseau and Revolution; 
Volume Eleven - The Age of Napoleon
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Product details

Hardcover: 9766 pages
Publisher: MJF Books (June 1, 1993)
Language: English
ISBN-10: 1567310230
ISBN-13: 978-1567310238
Product Dimensions: 10 x 12 x 14.5 inches
Shipping Weight: 35.7 pounds
Average Customer Review: 4.8 out of 5 stars 103 customer reviews

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More about the author
Visit Amazon's Will Durant Page

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Biography
William James Durant (/dəˈrænt/; November 5, 1885 – November 7, 1981) was an American writer, historian, and philosopher. He is best known for The Story of Civilization, 11 volumes written in collaboration with his wife Ariel Durant and published between 1935 and 1975. He was earlier noted for The Story of Philosophy (1924), described as "a groundbreaking work that helped to popularize philosophy".

He conceived of philosophy as total perspective, or, seeing things sub specie totius, a phrase inspired by Spinoza's sub specie aeternitatis. He sought to unify and humanize the great body of historical knowledge, which had grown voluminous and become fragmented into esoteric specialties, and to vitalize it for contemporary application.

Will and Ariel Durant were awarded the Pulitzer Prize for General Non-Fiction in 1968 and the Presidential Medal of Freedom in 1977.
Bio from Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Photo by Will Durant Foundation (http://will-durant.com/bio.htm) [Public domain], via Wikimedia Commons.
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5.0 out of 5 starsFive Stars
ByM. Wildeon July 21, 2015
Format: HardcoverVerified Purchase
I have long desired this set of books, but could never make room in my budget for the money. I finally was able to buy a used set for around 135 and I was beyond excited to receive them. They weren't the nicest looking things but I cared more for their content then the fact that they were old.

I have started reading the first one and cannot speak highly enough for it. I wish this book set was recruited reading for every student as I know I would have loved to known all of this back in school. I also find it well worth the prices as instead of buying many different books about different periods in history, I can have this collection that covers it all. Any history lover or bookworm will not regret purchasing this.

24 people found this helpful
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5.0 out of 5 starsIf you could only read one series on history
ByDavid T. Tingon February 25, 2014
Format: HardcoverVerified Purchase
Durant is the eminent historian philosopher, This requires a massive investment in time to read the 11 volumes in the series - The Story of Civilization. Reading this series has taught me to try to see things in a larger perspective, unity and time. I give the same rating to the entire series. However, if you don't have time, I suggest you read instead the very short volume, the Lessons of History.

7 people found this helpful

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5.0 out of 5 starsMoney well spent.
ByJohn Martyon May 25, 2015
Format: HardcoverVerified Purchase
Phd in History for the taking right here. Best set of books ever written about our beginnings. Although written 60 plus years ago, the Durants spent a lifetime on this labor of love. It shows in every volume.

17 people found this helpful

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5.0 out of 5 starsA very nice literary banquet!
ByAndy Woodruffon February 21, 2014
Format: Kindle EditionVerified Purchase
I have been working my way through all the volumes of this magnificent set of books for years. The Age of Voltaire was another great addition to have read! The Durants are my heroes as few like they can make History exciting, funny, very touching and very enlightening. The reader feels he is meeting the subjects face to face in all their glory (and warts). And the authors accomplish something amazing, they make the philosophies of the time actually understandable. The culture, religion (or lack thereof), science, architecture, art and even the styles of dress are delved into with a style that is interesting and not at all boring.
Highly recommended!

2 people found this helpful

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5.0 out of 5 starsWill Durant is the perhaps the greatest historian of all time
ByPeter W. Haueron September 14, 2014
Verified Purchase
Will Durant is the perhaps the greatest historian of all time. His books were widely read during the last half of the 20th century. Sadly, Durant has been largely forgotten by modern scholars. This volume (like all the others) is both illuminating and entertaining. It discusses both Voltaire and Rousseau in great detail. These two philosophes helped to create "Modern Liberalism." Voltaire made atheism acceptable, and Rousseau endorsed "collectivism" (the idea that individual rights must always yield government power).

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5.0 out of 5 starsPerfect Holiday Gift !!!!
Bymadelineon January 20, 2018
Format: HardcoverVerified Purchase
We love it!!!!! -- If someone loves history and reading, invest in this set for her or him!!!

One person found this helpful

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5.0 out of 5 starsBest in an excellent series.
ByRichard Bolingon July 29, 2015
Format: HardcoverVerified Purchase
My favorite volume in an excellent series. Years ago, I read the entire series, but what makes this one sparkle is the wry wit, especially appropriate for this volume's leading character.

3 people found this helpful

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5.0 out of 5 starsThank you for these volumes.
ByAmazon Customeron May 26, 2018
Format: HardcoverVerified Purchase
I've only skimmed them so far but from what I've seen it looks great and I look forward to reading them. Rest in peace Will & Ariel Durant.



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5.0 out of 5 starsAnything by Durant is excellent.
BySmithon August 2, 2017
Format: HardcoverVerified Purchase
Of course. Anything by Durant is excellent.

One person found this helpful

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5.0 out of 5 starsFive Stars
ByRoseMarieon March 28, 2018
Format: Kindle EditionVerified Purchase
I've been reading through this series of books and I'm enjoying every one of them.



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아사히 사설) 일본과 북한 인도적 문제 진전에 대화를

(2018年8月28日 사설) 일본과 북한 인도적 문제 진전에 대화를 //
 ---
한반도를 둘러싼 각국의 대화가 계속되고있는 것에 따라 북한의 인도적 문제도 서서히 움직임이 나왔다. //
일본도 북한에 남아있는 많은 사람들의 문제를 안고있다. 납북자를 비롯해 전후 일본에 돌아갈 수 없게 된 잔류 일본인. 그리고 80 년대 중반까지 계속 된 재일 조선인 북송 사업으로 건너간 일본인 배우자도있다. //
일본 정부는이 기운을 놓치지 않고 대화로 사태를 달리고 진전을 애타게 기다리는 사람들의 생각에 부응 필요가있다. // 
남북한 사이에서는 지난 조선 전쟁 등으로 생이별 한 이산 가족이 상봉했다. 북한의 명승지 금강산에 수백 명이 모여 육십 여년 만 대면에 흐느껴했다. //
한국의 역대 정권은 인도적 문제로 이산 가족 상봉을 계속 요구하고 있지만, 북측은 정치 협상의 일환으로 취급 해왔다. 이번에도 평창 올림픽 이후의 융화를 받고 약 3 년 만에 달성했다. //
북한은 미국에 대해서도 인도적 문제를 정치적 카드로 사용한다. //

6 월 미북 정상 회담 전에 간첩 혐의 등으로 구속했다 미국인 3 명을 석방했으며, 지난달에는 한국 전쟁시 미군의 유골의 일부를 반환했다. 트럼프 정권과의 협상을 원만하게 진행하고자하는 의도가 있었던 것은 분명하다. //
북한 매체는 그저께 밤 역시 구속 중이던 1 명의 일본인 관광객을 "추방한다"고 전했다. 자세한 것은 불명이지만, 일본 측을 향한 어떤 메시지 일 가능성은 배제 할 수 없다. //

4 년 전에 일 아침 양국 정부가 발표 한 '스톡홀름 합의'에서 북한은 납북자와 실종자 문제를 비롯해 모든 일본인에 대한 조사를 포괄적으로 실시하겠다고 약속했다. //
거기에는 귀환 사업에서 약 1800 명으로 여겨지는 일본인 배우자의 문제와 1945 년 전후에 북한 국내에서 사망 한 일본인 유골 조사 등도 포함된다. // 배우자 중 일본에 귀국을 원하는 사람들의 일시 귀국은 전부터 일본 정부가 요구해왔다. 2000 년까지 3 회에 걸쳐 43 명이 귀향하고 그것뿐이다. //

납치 문제에 대해 북한에 성의있는 대응을 요구 계속하는 것은 당연하다. 동시에 다른 인도주의 문제도 일본 정부가 끈질 기게 노력해야 전진하지 않는다. 남은 시간 적음에 조바심을 느낄 관계자는 많다. //
핵을 둘러싼 미 · 북 협상의 장래는 간파한다. 한편, 본격적인 날 아침 협의은 그 흔적조차 보이지 않았다. 미국과 한국 모두 조정하면서 북일 대화의 가능성을 탐구한다. //
수년 동안 누적되는 인도적 문제를 방치해서는 안된다. //
=========
https://www.asahi.com/articles/DA3S13653444.html

(社説)日本と北朝鮮 人道問題進展へ対話を//
---
 朝鮮半島をめぐる各国の対話が続いていることに伴い、北朝鮮の人道に関する問題にも徐々に動きが出てきた。//
 日本も、北朝鮮に残る多くの人びとの問題を抱えている。拉致被害者をはじめ、戦後に日本に戻れなくなった残留日本人。そして、80年代半ばまで続いた在日朝鮮人の帰還事業で渡った日本人配偶者もいる。//
 日本政府はこの機運を逃すことなく、対話で事態を動かし、進展を待ちわびる人びとの思いにこたえる必要がある。//
 南北朝鮮の間では先週、朝鮮戦争などで生き別れた離散家族が再会した。北朝鮮の景勝地・金剛山に数百人が集い、六十余年ぶりの対面にむせび泣いた。//
 韓国の歴代政権は人道問題として離散家族の再会を求め続けているが、北朝鮮側は政治交渉の一環として扱ってきた。今回も、平昌五輪以降の融和を受けて約3年ぶりに実現した。//
 北朝鮮は米国に対しても、人道問題を政治カードに使う。//
 6月の米朝首脳会談の前に、スパイ容疑などで拘束していた米国人3人を解放したほか、先月には朝鮮戦争時の米兵の遺骨の一部を返した。トランプ政権との交渉を穏便に進めたい意図があったのは明らかだ。//
 北朝鮮メディアは一昨日夜、やはり拘束中だった1人の日本人観光客を「国外追放する」と伝えた。詳細は不明だが、日本側に向けた何らかのメッセージである可能性は排除できない。//
 4年前に日朝両政府が発表した「ストックホルム合意」で北朝鮮側は、拉致被害者や行方不明者問題をはじめ、すべての日本人に関する調査を包括的に実施すると約束した。//
 そこには、帰還事業での約1800人とされる日本人配偶者の問題や、1945年前後に北朝鮮域内で亡くなった日本人の遺骨の調査なども含まれる。//
 配偶者のうち日本への帰国を望む人びとの一時帰国は、かねて日本政府が求めてきた。2000年までに3回にわたり43人が里帰りし、それっきりだ。//
 拉致問題について、北朝鮮に誠意ある対応を求め続けるのは当然だ。同時に、他の人道問題も、日本政府が粘り強く取り組まなければ前進しない。残された時間の少なさに焦りを感じる関係者は数多い。//
 核をめぐる米朝交渉の先行きは見通せない。一方、本格的な日朝協議はその兆しすら見えていない。米国や韓国とも調整しつつ、日朝間の対話の可能性を探るべきだ。//
 長年にわたり積み重なる人道問題を放置してはならない。//

2018-08-30

E. TAMMY KIM. Moon Over Korea문재인의 운명



E. TAMMY KIM. Moon Over Korea (New York Review of Books 16.08.18 Issue) | John Menadue – Pearls and Irritations



E. TAMMY KIM. Moon Over Korea (New York Review of Books 16.08.18 Issue)
30 August 2018

문재인의 운명

Moon Jae-in eui Unmyeong [The Destiny of Moon Jae-in]

by Moon Jae-in

Seoul: Bookpal, 488 pp., ₩15,000
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In Singapore on June 12, as Donald Trump vigorously shook hands with North Korea’s Kim Jong-un, the man behind this improbable meeting leaned forward in his chair and smiled. South Korean president Moon Jae-in, just thirteen months into his five-year term, had helped arrange the first-ever summit between an American president and the leader of North Korea. Yet Moon was careful to keep a respectful distance. He watched on a television monitor in the Blue House, the presidential compound in Seoul. It was, however symbolic, a goal he had pursued over two decades in politics, and it brought him a step closer to healing familial and national wounds. Moon is a child of the Korean War, the son of refugees from the pre-division North. But unlike Trump and Kim, who swapped boasts and missile threats just months before their handshake, Moon didn’t feel the need to take credit.

The meeting between Trump and Kim, beyond its cinematic, exaggerated quality, represented the final leg of a diplomatic relay—the US and South Korea, North and South Korea, and finally the US and North Korea. It was a relay in another sense, too: Moon had overseen the last substantial round of multilateral negotiations with North Korea, in 2007, which resulted in inspections by the International Atomic Energy Agency and suspension of the Yongbyon nuclear reactor, at least for a time. Moon was then the chief of staff to President Roh Moo-hyun, his mentor and former law partner, who was finishing up his term. In October of that year, Roh became only the second South Korean president to cross the 38th parallel, where he met with Kim Jong-un’s father, Kim Jong-il. In Moon’s memoir, The Destiny of Moon Jae-in, he writes that this North–South summit was “the most important thing I did as chief of staff.”1

Moon’s ascent to the presidency, after a decade of hard-right rule, reads like Korean melodrama. He was elected in May 2017 following the impeachment of Park Geun-hye, the daughter of General Park Chung-hee, who ruled South Korea from 1963 to 1979. In the fall of 2016, it was revealed that Park fille had secretly outsourced presidential decision-making to an old friend, opening up the Blue House to bribes from major corporations. Park had already shown herself to be incompetent and cruelly aloof, as in 2014 when hundreds of students were killed in a preventable ferry accident and she failed to address a nation in profound despair.
Through subzero temperatures, some 17 million South Koreans attended months of sit-ins to call for Park’s ouster and to protest corruption in the Blue House. Moon, then the leader of the opposition Democratic Party, became a regular of the Candlelight Movement, in his puffy coat and leather gloves. By May 2017, Park was impeached and jailed, and Moon elected president. He promised voters “A New Korea” and “People First.”

The “destiny” of the title of Moon’s memoir refers to his friendship with Roh and the peculiar, often tragic, circumstances that shaped their lives. But while Moon is undoubtedly Roh’s heir, he is also a new kind of Korean leader: a principled liberal and an idealist intent on building a more accountable, less venal democracy. I spent much of May and June in Korea, soaking up the atmosphere of progress and expectation that contrasted so sharply with the news in the US. The mood of the Candlelight Movement—a revolution, really—had not faded, and spirited debates over feminism, housing, labor reform, and the North Korean peace process could be heard in cafés, restaurants, and parks. For the first time in many years, there was a sense that South Korean politics might evolve beyond the denunciation of progressive social policies as North Korean imports. Everyone I spoke with about Moon, including his critics, pronounced him “fundamentally decent.” He is an unnatural politician, exhausted by talking points and grandstanding. His wife, Kim Jung-sook, once said of her husband, “I felt his honesty and upright character was not a good fit for his success in politics.”

Moon has cited Franklin Roosevelt as a role model, for his blending of “liberal principle and unifying leadership,” a feat not yet accomplished in South Korea. Though the republic is seventy years old, its democracy dates only to 1987. Its politics are split between liberals and conservatives, their parties named and renamed, cleaved and reconstituted. One’s left- or right-wing bona fides hinge less on a philosophy of economic redistribution than on historiography. What is needed to resolve the scars (comfort women, territorial disputes, history textbooks) of Japanese colonization? Was Park Chung-hee a modernizer and anti-Communist savior or a despot and colonial collaborator? Is the United States a military ally or an occupying force on the peninsula?

Twentieth-century Korea has produced an abundance of personal trajectories that intersect with world-historical events. Yet even by these standards, Moon Jae-in’s is an extraordinary life. He was born on the small southern island of Geoje in 1953, where his parents, displaced by fighting in Korea’s northeast, were settled by US forces. They had been among some 14,000 Koreans aboard the SS Meredith Victory, the largest-ever evacuation by ship. Moon’s parents had expected to return home within a few weeks, but as the war stretched on, they moved from Geoje to the port city of Busan. The family of seven—Moon has four siblings—was desperately poor and often went hungry. As a boy, Moon helped his mother sell charcoal cylinders (for cooking and underfloor heating) and recalls being embarrassed by the dark smudges on his face and school uniform. His father, whom he revered, tried and failed at various business ventures, and never recovered from the trauma of dislocation.

Moon was bright, athletic, and introspective. He tested into the best middle and high schools in Busan, and spent his afternoons and evenings at the library. All that reading, and the gap in wealth he saw between himself and his elite classmates, made him world-wise. “You mature quickly when you’re poor,” he writes. In his teenage years, he earned the punning nickname Moon Je-ah, or “problem child,” and failed to get into the top tier of colleges. He received a scholarship to Kyunghee University, where he majored in law (a graduate degree was not required to become an attorney) and sublimated his rebellious streak into student organizing. It was 1975, and the nation was still under the dictatorship of Park Chung-hee, who had been trained in elite Japanese military academies. Park imposed a curfew, censored the press, tortured dissenters, and banned public gatherings in the name of rooting out North Korean sympathizers. Moon, like thousands of other student and labor activists at the time, was arrested, jailed, and expelled from school.

At the end of Moon’s first stint in prison, he was conscripted into the military. He was assigned to an airborne unit in the special forces, less an honor than a punishment reserved for rabble rousers. Though Moon opposed the government, he took surprisingly well to the rhythms of military life (and picked up a love of scuba diving). In 1976 he was sent to help defuse an incident along the border with North Korea that threatened to escalate into war. Two American soldiers had tried to cut down a poplar tree that blocked their line of sight and were killed with their own axes by North Korean troops. Moon later received a commendation from General Chun Doo-hwan, who would come to power in a coup d’état after Park was assassinated by his own chief of national intelligence.

Shortly after Moon returned home from the military, his father died of a heart attack at the age of fifty-nine. Moon was shattered. “My father had always wanted to return to his hometown,” he writes, “but passed away without even knowing whether his parents were dead or alive. He never adjusted to life in the South—a disempowering, exhausting life.” In his grief, he managed to study for the bar exam and was allowed to finish his degree. He returned to activism as well, and was again jailed in 1980. It was from his prison cell that he heard that he had passed the bar.

He then met Roh Moo-hyun, a blunt, charismatic autodidact, and joined his law firm back in Busan. The men took on a mix of cases, but soon became the preferred advocates for student organizers, labor leaders, and unlucky locals caught in the dragnet of Chun’s military dictatorship. Beginning in the late 1980s, Roh pursued a career in politics, vowing to dismantle Korea’s stifling geographic factionalism (which pitted the conservative southeastern Gyeongsan region against the more liberal Jeolla area in the southwest), a goal Moon would eventually inherit. Roh replaced the conservative Lee Myung-bak in the National Assembly in 1998; in 2000 he took a cabinet position in the administration of the liberal president Kim Dae-jung (from Jeolla), the first South Korean leader to meet with a North Korean head of state.

In 2002, Roh eked out a presidential win and convinced Moon, against his better instincts, to set litigation aside and become the senior secretary for civil affairs. It was a terrible fit. Over the course of that first year, Moon was so stressed by the politicking and media relations that he lost ten teeth and gained twenty pounds. (He remains self-conscious about the lisp caused by his dental implants.) He handed in his resignation and departed for a long trek through the Himalayas, without his cell phone.

One day in Nepal, Moon glimpsed a shocking headline in the International Herald Tribune. The words “Roh” and “impeachment” put him on a flight back home. Elections were imminent, and Roh had endorsed liberal candidates for the National Assembly, violating the prohibition against campaigning by a sitting president. Legislators passed a bill of impeachment that was then sent to the Constitutional Court, a process Moon called “dangerous” and undemocratic. As the nation waited for a verdict, Roh’s supporters, donning their customary yellow, protested in the streets and at the polls. Roh’s party swept the election, and the court declined to impeach him. Moon returned to the Blue House, but this time as chief of staff, a less public, more technocratic role.

Roh was perhaps the most left-wing president in South Korea’s (admittedly short) history, and his harsh tongue and populist image made him all the more polarizing. With regard to North Korea (and despite the diplomatic toll of the Iraq War and George W. Bush’s “Axis of Evil”), Roh oversaw several reunions of separated families, met with Kim Jong-il, and participated in the fifth round of the Six-Party Talks on denuclearization. The 2004 family reunions were memorable for Moon: he went with his mother to Mount Kumgang in North Korea, where she embraced her younger sister for the first time in fifty-four years. “Just once, I’d like to see Heungnam, in South Hamgyeong province, the place my parents fled during the war,” Moon has said.

In 2009, a year after Roh and Moon left the Blue House, Roh was alleged to have taken bribes. Even though the scale was minor, the allegation was true—there had been gifts and favors. The new president was Roh’s rival Lee Myung-bak, and the prosecution appeared vengeful. In May of that year, Roh committed suicide by leaping from a cliff behind his home. “It was the most painful, unbearable day of my life,” Moon writes in Destiny. This trauma drew hundreds of thousands of mourners into the streets, and Moon back into politics. In 2012 he made a late-stage bid for the Blue House, losing narrowly to Park Geun-hye, the daughter of the man he had battled as a college activist. Five years later, propelled by rallies attended by a third of the Korean population and the impeachment process he once bitterly criticized, he replaced her.

To those involved in North–South reunification efforts, Moon brings relief after a decade of hard-right rule. The Lee and Park administrations had rejected the “sunshine” politics of Roh and Kim Dae-jung and approached the North with harsh rhetoric and the withholding of economic exchange. There were moments of extreme tension: in 2010, North Korea fired on a South Korean island and is thought to have sunk a South Korean navy ship; in 2011 Kim Jong-un took power after his father’s death; and in 2016–2017 North Korea lobbed missiles and traded insults with South Korea and the US. South Korean activists were muzzled, and a far-left party was disbanded by Park’s Constitutional Court.
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Kim Hyung-tae, a prominent human rights lawyer in Seoul, has represented many clients who were persecuted under Lee and Park—both of whom have since been imprisoned. Kim himself was investigated and accused of Communist ties. “When you’ve struggled so long, it’s odd to feel comfortable,” he told me in his Gangnam office. I visited one of his clients, Oh Hye-ran, whose pacifist organization was ransacked by the authorities and only recently acquitted of violating the National Security Law. She described Moon as “playing it safer than Roh,” while remaining cognizant of his roots in the Candlelight Movement.

Kathleen Stephens, the US ambassador to South Korea from 2008 to 2011, told me that Moon is applying what he learned as chief of staff. He began the North Korean peace process early, not waiting until the “lame duck” months of his term,2 and has signaled that he will “stay lashed up with the US” and respect the alliance. Wi Sung-lac, South Korea’s former ambassador to Russia and a chief negotiator during the Six-Party Talks, sees Moon as “pursuing a policy of dialogue and negotiation” quite distinct from that of his predecessors.

In person, Moon transmits sincerity more than charisma, but he is unmistakably shrewd. This was on clear display in late May, when, after Trump unilaterally canceled the planned US–North Korea summit, Moon made an impromptu trip to see Kim Jong-un—and lured Trump back to the table. When Moon took the job of Democratic Party chief in 2015, he did not hesitate to recruit advisers and National Assembly candidates from unlikely places. The day after the Singapore summit, I had dinner with Cho Eung-cheon, who represents the city of Namyangju, northeast of Seoul. It was the night of the local elections, and the landslide for Moon’s party was already evident. “The opposition still hasn’t absorbed the lesson of the Candlelight Movement,” Cho said, referring to its lack of a socioeconomic platform. “They’re just objecting to whatever Moon does.”

Cho identifies as conservative and ardently capitalist. He is a former prosecutor who served in several successive administrations until he was fired by Park Geun-hye for raising ethics concerns and allegedly leaking an incriminating document. He ran a restaurant for a time and then, in 2016, was tapped by Moon to run for office as a Democratic Party representative. “When I was scouted, the party was in disarray,” Cho told me. “People were fleeing. Moon needed to renew the party and bring in new people, so he recruited a bunch of specialists. I said, ‘Okay, but only if you don’t try to change me.’ I can’t stand the left wing of the party.” Cho praised Moon’s pragmatism and his summits with Pyongyang, but said that he must now focus on domestic concerns: “The president has won all the points he can from North Korean diplomacy. Now he can only lose points, if something goes wrong.”

Though the Candlelight Movement wasn’t aimed at Kim Jong-un, Moon understands that some resolution with the North is a prerequisite for saner political discourse in the South. (As Joseph Yun, who recently left his post as special representative for North Korea policy at the US Department of State, told me, it’s critical for Americans to understand “how much of a domestic political issue North Korea is in South Korea.”) Moon wants to evolve beyond the usual scenario in which a commitment to reduce poverty or establish a more robust welfare state provokes a crackdown on South Korean leftists as Communist rebels.

In South Korea, despite the consumerist bustle of Seoul, the construction frenzy in nearby Pyeongtaek, and the nation’s rather respectable growth rate of 3.1 percent, wages remain low, and inequality is high. Residents are especially anxious about the plight of retirees as well as of millennials, a key constituency of Moon’s. Though tame by the standards of Spain or France, the youth unemployment rate of 10 percent has become a synecdoche for a range of socioeconomic frustrations: the bruising, conformist educational system; unaffordable housing; a patriarchal and hierarchical office culture; and the fetishization of chaebol, the mega-conglomerates, like Samsung and LG, that dominate Korean society. In Because I Hate Korea, a best-selling novel published in 2015, the young-adult narrator bemoans a labor market that makes her feel “about as special as a paving stone.”

The economic agenda laid out by Moon includes 810,000 new public-sector jobs (5 percent of which would be set aside for young people), support for small businesses, child-care benefits, a shortened workweek, an increase in the minimum wage, expanded public rental housing, subsidies for rural laborers, and an anticorruption drive. It’s an ambitious list that’s already proving difficult to achieve. After successfully pushing to raise the minimum wage and cap weekly work hours, Moon agreed to modifications that benefit employers. Lee Jeong-mi, head of the left-wing Freedom Party, said at a recent press conference, “The ruling party should be focused not on coddling corporations, but on realizing the goals of the Candlelight Revolution.” The Korean Confederation of Trade Unions (KCTU) has led protests against Moon’s compromise on the minimum wage and his refusal to pardon imprisoned labor leaders, calling him a “neoconservative.” At a press conference I attended in late May, Han Sang-gyun, a former auto worker and KCTU leader who was jailed under Park Geun-hye, said, “This is not only the moment to pursue South–North relations, but also to reform the deep-seated problems of the chaebol economy. If Moon doesn’t act on his commitments, he could lose public support.”

At the end of June, I met with a spokeswoman for Moon at the Blue House, and asked what she thought Americans needed to know. Her first response was to correct the “misperception” that Moon is “anticapitalist or anti-chaebol.” It was a reasonable-enough comment: the US foreign policy establishment tends to stereotype, and thus dismiss, Korean liberals as anticorporate, anti-Washington, and pro-Pyongyang. In Korea, however, Moon seems more vulnerable to criticism from the left. Last year he was condemned by progressives when, during a debate with the conservative Liberty Korea Party leader Hong Joon-pyo (who resigned just a few weeks ago, after the June 13 elections that proved so disastrous for his party), Moon said that he “dislikes” homosexuality. (He is a devout Catholic.)

And in recent weeks, he has remained silent on the fate of some 550 Yemeni asylum seekers on Jeju Island, even as his justice ministry tightens the nation’s already stingy refugee policy. A petition to deport the Yemenis has gained more than 700,000 signatures and provoked xenophobic rallies throughout Korea. Park Won-soon, the mayor of Seoul and an old colleague of Moon’s, has called for compassion and said that the Blue House has been remiss: “We Koreans, too, were once refugees.”

Though Moon wishes to emulate FDR, he reminds me, in many ways, of President Obama. Both men are unusually bookish politicians with roots in activism and social justice law. Both bear the dreams and defeats of their fathers and entered office as symbols of social change, promising a new kind of governance. For now, Moon is well positioned to make good on his pledge—he enjoys an approval rating of 70 percent and a majority in the National Assembly. But his fate depends on what happens with the North, with respect to both denuclearization and a peace treaty to officially end the Korean War. In early July, following reports of continued North Korean arms development and an unproductive meeting between Secretary of State Mike Pompeo and North Korea’s Kim Yong-chol, the White House was reportedly chagrined. The Blue House, meanwhile, appealed for calm. Moon’s spokesman told the Korean public, “As the saying goes, ‘You can’t get full from one drink.’”

—July 19, 2018

First edition, 2011; special edition, 2017. The Blue House informs me that an English translation is underway. All quotations from it here are my translation.
2

Moon has proposed a constitutional amendment to reduce the term from five to four years, and allow for reelection. He would not immediately benefit from this change.
 p

Amazon.com: The Inner Citadel: The Meditations of Marcus Aurelius (Meditations of Marcus Aurelius) (9780674007079): Pierre Hadot, Michael Chase: Books



Amazon.com: The Inner Citadel: The <i>Meditations</i> of Marcus Aurelius (Meditations of Marcus Aurelius) (9780674007079): Pierre Hadot, Michael Chase: Books




The Inner Citadel: The <i>Meditations</i> of Marcus Aurelius (Meditations of Marcus Aurelius) Revised Edition
by Pierre Hadot (Author), Michael Chase (Translator)
4.3 out of 5 stars 2,011 customer reviews






ISBN-13: 978-0674007079
ISBN-10: 0674007077Why is ISBN important?
The Meditations of Marcus Aurelius are treasured today--as they have been over the centuries--as an inexhaustible source of wisdom. And as one of the three most important expressions of Stoicism, this is an essential text for everyone interested in ancient religion and philosophy. Yet the clarity and ease of the work's style are deceptive. Pierre Hadot, eminent historian of ancient thought, uncovers new levels of meaning and expands our understanding of its underlying philosophy.Written by the Roman emperor for his own private guidance and self-admonition, the Meditations set forth principles for living a good and just life. Hadot probes Marcus Aurelius's guidelines and convictions and discerns the hitherto unperceived conceptual system that grounds them. Abundantly quoting the Meditations to illustrate his analysis, the author allows Marcus Aurelius to speak directly to the reader. And Hadot unfolds for us the philosophical context of the Meditations, commenting on the philosophers Marcus Aurelius read and giving special attention to the teachings of Epictetus, whose disciple he was.The soul, the guiding principle within us, is in Marcus Aurelius's Stoic philosophy an inviolable stronghold of freedom, the 'inner citadel.' This spirited and engaging study of his thought offers a fresh picture of the fascinating philosopher-emperor, a fuller understanding of the tradition and doctrines of Stoicism, and rich insight on the culture of the Roman empire in the second century. Pierre Hadot has been working on Marcus Aurelius for more than twenty years; in this book he distills his analysis and conclusions with extraordinary lucidity for the general reader.

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Editorial Reviews

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The Meditations of Marcus Aurelius has been a popular text since the sixteenth century, and is a vital source in understanding the ideas of the Stoic School. Hadot seeks to demonstrate the context and background to Marcus Aurelius's writings, and helps to explain them to a modern readership. He makes the crucial point that Stoics considered the sole purpose of studying philosophy was to improve one's moral conduct. Hence Marcus's writings are in the form of a personal journal designed to develop the practice of acting morally and reflectively...Throughout the book Hadot stresses the depth of Stoic thought, and the interest it holds for modern philosophy...I would particularly recommend this book to those whose education in Ancient Philosophy has centred on Plato and Aristotle, and who are interested in finding out how their ideas were developed by later philosophers. (Matthew Clark JACT Review)

In The Inner Citadel, Hadot applies to Marcus Aurelius' Meditations his characteristic interpretive approach: treating ancient philosophy as a 'way of life,' in particular one which provides its students with 'spiritual exercises' to enable them to make progress towards wisdom, and treating ancient philosophical texts with attention to the 'forms of discourse,' or constraints of genre, tradition, and audience that affected their production...The Inner Citadel is a rich and substantial book and will certainly affect future scholarship on Marcus Aurelius. (Rachana Kemtekur Bryn Mawr Classical Review)

Hadot probes Marcus Aurelius's guidelines and convictions and discerns the until now unperceived conceptual system that grounds them. Abundantly quoting the Meditations to illustrate his analysis, he allows Marcus Aurelius to speak directly to us. Hadot unfolds for us the general philosophical context of the Meditations, commenting on the philosophers Marcus Aurelius read and giving special attention to the teachings of Epictetus, whom Marcus followed closely...Hadot's study offers a fresh picture of the fascinating philosopher-emperor, a fuller understanding of theories and doctrines of Stoicism, and rich insight on the culture of the Roman empire in the second century. Hadot has been working on Marcus Aurelius for more than twenty years; in this book he distills his analysis and conclusions with extraordinary lucidity for the general reader and specialist. (Word Trade)

Plato used to talk of philosopher-kings; Marcus Aurelius was something even better: He was a philosopher-emperor. The leader of the Roman Empire spent most of his life in troubling times, campaigning against the barbarians, dealing with conspiracy at home, even combatting an upstart cult that revered one of those Galilean wonder-workers. Yet the most powerful man in the world still managed to live the life of a Stoic, and to record his reflections on how we should live. Those meditations, as these inner pep talks are usually called, became one of the best-loved books of antiquity...This study--by a leading authority on Marcus--provides background matter and analysis of the main themes in the Meditations, as well as fresh translations of many of the sayings. (Washington Post Book World)

Because both translator and author are contemporaries, discussions between them contributed to an excellent and faithful translation....[Hadot argues] that The Meditations of Marcus Aurelius must be understood primarily as a 'philosophical' work not in the sense of speculative philosophy, but as philosophy that represents a way of life in the tradition of the Stoics...This is an excellent study of the Meditations. (P. A. Streveler Choice)

The power and vigour of H.'s interpretation derive partly from his belief in the importance and continuing value of Stoic philosophy at least broadly interpreted in terms of a stoic outlook on life...In this book, as in his work as a whole, he sets a demanding standard, and an example which we can all applaud. (R. B. Rutherford Classical Review)

Pierre Hadot, Professeur Honoraire of the College de France, aims in The Inner Citadel to discover what the emperor wanted to accomplish by writing [the Meditations]…The book he has written (published in French in 1992) achieves these aims superbly while also offering a broad introduction to the intellectual world of the second century…Through his analysis of the Meditations, Hadot exposes to our view the mind of those who ruled the Roman world at the height of its prosperity. (Kenneth D. Bratt Calvin Theological Journal)
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About the Author


Pierre Hadot was Professor Emeritus, Collège de France. His books include Philosophy as a Way of Life and Plotinus.


Product details

Series: Meditations of Marcus Aurelius

Paperback: 368 pages
Publisher: Harvard University Press; Revised edition (December 28, 2001)
Language: English
ISBN-10: 0674007077
ISBN-13: 978-0674007079
Product Dimensions: 9.1 x 6.1 x 0.9 inches
Shipping Weight: 1.2 pounds (View shipping rates and policies)
Average Customer Review: 4.3 out of 5 stars 2,011 customer reviews
Amazon Best Sellers Rank: #172,093 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
#243 in Books > Literature & Fiction > History & Criticism > Movements & Periods > Ancient & Classical
#379 in Books > Textbooks > Humanities > History > Ancient
#423 in Books > Politics & Social Sciences > Philosophy > Greek & Roman


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marcus aurelius roman emperor gregory hays years agohighly recommended george long hays translationmaxwell staniforth must read roman empire stoic philosophymeditations of marcus dover thrift modern libraryread this book easy to read highly recommend great bookever read books ever
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Nom de Bloom

3.0 out of 5 starsA word of cautionJuly 23, 2016
Format: HardcoverVerified Purchase

Amazon lumps different translations together as merely variations on how the book is delivered. In this case, the Hays translation is the hardcover, while the authors who translated the paperback and Kindle versions aren't specified. So use the tools available (look inside, free sample) to get an idea of the language used by the author and see if it's something you'd like to read, or if a different translation suits you better.

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davidhmorgan

3.0 out of 5 starsIt's worth trying different translationsSeptember 25, 2013
Format: Kindle EditionVerified Purchase

I don't know who did the translation for this one but I found it very difficult to follow. This prompted me to look around and I found another translation by George Long (Thoughts of Marcus Aurelius Antoninus 1862). Even though it's not a recent translation, Long's version is often easier to understand. Compare the translations of the first paragraph for example:

This version:

Of my grandfather Verus I have learned to be gentle and meek, and to refrain from all anger and passion. From the fame and memory of him that begot me I have learned both shamefastness and manlike behaviour. Of my mother I have learned to be religious, and bountiful; and to forbear, not only to do, but to intend any evil; to content myself with a spare diet, and to fly all such excess as is incidental to great wealth. Of my great-grandfather, both to frequent public schools and auditories, and to get me good and able teachers at home; and that I ought not to think much, if upon such occasions, I were at excessive charges.

George Long's version:

From my grandfather Verus I learned good morals and the government of my temper. From the reputation and remembrance of my father, modesty and a manly character. From my mother, piety and beneficence, and abstinence, not only from evil deeds, but even from evil thoughts; and further, simplicity in my way of living, far removed from the habits of the rich. From my great-grandfather, not to have frequented public schools, and to have had good teachers at home, and to know that on such things a man should spend liberally.

Having said this however, it's still worth comparing both translations which are free on the Kindle.
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The M4chin3

5.0 out of 5 starsand Socrates is my great uncle and Thales is my grand fatherMarch 7, 2017
Format: HardcoverVerified Purchase

I am sincerely pissed that I was not provided a copy of this as a kid growing up. I have devised a work around to the whole "Not growing up with a father figure" issue. I have decided that Marcus Aurealis is my actual father, and Socrates is my great uncle and Thales is my grand father. I realize this sounds nutty to read but I honestly feel more in common with these thinkers then the absent XY chromosome donor.

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ChaunceyTop Contributor: Photography

5.0 out of 5 starsExcellent Edition of the Greatest Text Ever WrittenJuly 9, 2016
Format: PaperbackVerified Purchase

First, do we all recognize that the author of this text, Marcus Aurelius, was a Roman Emperor? If so, why have I not been forced to read this from a young age? This is quite possibly the most insightful, existential book I've ever read. Emperor Aurelius has given us wisdom in its purest form. This should be a manual for every human's life. Every sentence is mind-numbingly profound. This book is so good, that I might just have the entire text tattooed on my body. I cannot stress enough that the sagacity of this book is beyond what I have ever read. Definitely a must-read and a must-live-by.

58 people found this helpful

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chucksville

4.0 out of 5 starsThis is a book everybody ought to read. And reread. But there are problems.....October 9, 2015
Format: Kindle EditionVerified Purchase

There are a lot of translations of the Meditations out there and most of them are very difficult to read. This is because the translators are doing their best to provide the reader with a translation that is faithful to the original language, which was, I believe, Ancient Greek (which seems kind of odd, considering he was a Roman).

Of the three translations that I struggled with, this is probably the most coherent. I am not an ancient Greek scholar so I can't testify to the accuracy of the translation but I can tell you that, of all the three English translations that I looked at, this one came off as the most coherent --- which, in retrospect, is really not saying much because some of it was still pretty rough going, especially near the end of the book. Nevertheless, if you want to become familiar with this particular stoic philosophy, I would probably start with this one and save yourself a lot of aggravation.

The Meditations is one of my favorite books of all time --- one that I read when I was a young student studying philosophy. It was a pleasure to reread Marcus Aurelius and I am convinced that he is a philosopher that everybody should read. The problem is that none of the translations appear to be very easy to navigate.

32 people found this helpful

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R S

5.0 out of 5 starsHe speaks to us allMarch 2, 2017
Format: PaperbackVerified Purchase

This is a book you don't read in 4-5 hours cover to cover and move on. It's a philosophy. I reread passages, and am on chapter/book 3 right now. Learn and apply. Tame yourself and conquer the world. Excellent book, timeless. He speaks to us all.

"Mann jite jagjit" (conquer your mind and then you will conquer the world) - Sikh philosophy.

22 people found this helpful

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B. Harris

1.0 out of 5 starsMaybe It’s The Translation? Ahh, Probably notInitially the book raises excitement with a catchy intro as all books do. But quickly around chapter 4 you start to notice the book has a very rambly repetitive pattern.Read more
Published 19 hours ago

Rick Sherwood

5.0 out of 5 starsAncient ModernRetains the ancient wisdom feel while still being easy to read by the modern brain.
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Daniel Harris

3.0 out of 5 starsThree StarsGot some great quotes but you have to read through a ton of non essentials
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Richard G.

5.0 out of 5 starsGreatNice book
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Charlie Horse

1.0 out of 5 starsehhhh so sogibberish
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JZ

4.0 out of 5 starsHelp center yourselfVery good read. Is a book that helps to teach you how to live in the moment. The present is all we really have. Stop thinking about the past and worrying about the future.Read more
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jenne-rn

5.0 out of 5 starsGreat, fast read.Great read by the most powerful man in the world at the time.
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Ilex011

5.0 out of 5 starsAlways a ClassicBrilliant.
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5.0 out of 5 starsGreat read!This is a great read regardless of ones spiritual beliefs! Highly recommend. Universal truyhy is always universal truth!
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