Our American Israel 8 CONCLUSION

===
CONTENTS

0 Introduction
1 Lands of Refuge
2 Founding Israel in America
3 Invincible Victim
4 “Not the Israel We Have Seen in the Past”
5 The Future Holocaust
6 Apocalypse Soon
7 Homeland Insecurities
8 Conclusion
9 NOTES
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
ILLUSTRATION CREDITS
INDEX
===

CONCLUSION 

 

IN HIS 2009 SPEECH IN CAIRO, President Barack Obama spoke of the unbreakable bond between the United States and Is- 

rael. The meaning and strength of that bond have fluctuated over the decades since Israel became a state in 1948, but it remains as 

powerful as ever today. At the same time, it is also more contested than ever before. 

While campaigning for office the year before he gave this speech, Obama had evoked a nostalgic view of Israel as a paragon of pro- 

gressive values. He honored “the idea of returning to a homeland and what that meant for people who had suffered from the Holo- 

caust,” and he spoke of his “great affinity for the idea of social justice that was embodied in the early Zionist movement and the kib- 

butz.” Israel’s story resonated with Obama’s personal “history of being uprooted” and with “the African-American story of exodus,” 

through the example of “overcoming great odds and a courage and a commitment to carving out a democracy and prosperity in the 

midst of hardscrabble land.” What Obama loved about Israel when he visited was that “the land itself is a metaphor for rebirth.”¹ 

On the campaign trail eight years later, Donald Trump evoked another Israel, one which is successfully fighting present dangers—an 

example of rigorous homeland security. After a bomb went off in New York City, Trump called on local law enforcement to follow the Is- 

raelis’ lead on racial profiling. If a person even looks suspicious, he said, the Israelis “will take that person in and check [him or her] 

out,” while he lamented that Americans, in contrast, were hobbled by “trying to be so politically correct.” Trump promised to build a 

wall on the Mexican border and argued that “all you have to do is ask Israel whether walls work.” His analogy to the separation barrier 

on the West Bank implicitly associated Mexican immigrants with the threatening image of Palestinian terrorists.² 

Each presidential candidate related his image of Israel to his own idea of American exceptionalism. For Obama, Israel’s origins had a 

multiethnic appeal that reflected America’s noble commitment to social amelioration and renewal. For Trump, Israel’s vigilant devotion 

to security offered a robust model for “making America great again.” Trump’s praise of walls and profiling in Israel validated racial para- 

noia at home. 

In a speech before the American Israel Public Affairs Committee when he was campaigning, Trump used language similar to Oba- 

ma’s, declaring that “the bond between the United States and Israel is absolutely and totally unbreakable.”³ Once in office, despite their 

different rhetorical cadences, both presidents took unprecedented steps to fortify the alliance for the future. Although President Obama 

garnered a reputation for bringing the bond nearer to a breaking point, he presided over an agreement that provided a record military 

aid package to Israel. A year after this deal, President Trump, breaking with U.S. precedent and international consensus, recognized 

Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and ordered that the U.S. embassy be moved there from Tel Aviv. 

Campaign rhetoric and presidential policy obscured the mounting tensions around the special relationship in the United States. By 

the second decade of the twenty-first century, Israel had become a more contentious topic than at any time since the 1982 Lebanon War. 

On the eve of Obama’s first inauguration, when many Americans were disaffected with their own endless wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, 

Israel’s military invaded the Gaza Strip, and it did so again in 2012 and 2014. Many Americans supported these attacks as acts of self- 

defense to protect civilians from rockets launched into Israel by Hamas. Others decried Israel’s overwhelming use of force—the killing 

of civilians and the widespread destruction of homes and infrastructure—as disproportionate to the threat posed by Palestinians in 

Gaza. 

Reactions to events in Gaza brought to the surface long-simmering unease with Israel’s treatment of Palestinians. The harshness of 

life under occupation had become more visible in mainstream American media, as had the stridency of Jewish settlers, whose numbers 

had doubled to eight hundred thousand during the Obama years. Younger generations of Americans, Jews and non-Jews alike, hadn’t 

read or seen Exodus, nor did they recall the thrill of David defeating Goliath in the Six-Day War. They were not nostalgic for images of 

“the Israel we have seen in the past,” which John Chancellor’s generation venerated. Israel has been occupying Palestinian territories 

throughout their lifetime, and many have grown up with the tragic narrative about two peoples warring over one land, both with valid as- 

pirations and grievances. Many Jewish youth no longer identify with Israel the way their parents and grandparents did, because they 

refuse to set aside their liberal values when it comes to Israel’s illiberal treatment of Palestinians. Within the organized community, a 

number of rabbis avoid speaking of Israel to their congregants.⁴ 

The American liberal consensus about Israel has also broken down. It was a consensus formulated in the 1940s by New Deal liberals 

who were committed to antifascism, internationalism, and modernization, and reinforced by enthusiasm about Israel’s humane and 

mighty army in 1967. But the consensus was shaken by the invasion of Lebanon in 1982, and a new liberal consensus then formed in re- 

sponse to the first intifada, expressing the belief that acknowledging the Palestinian side of the story would help end the occupation and 

restore Israel to its idealistic Zionist roots. 

This liberal consensus has now been replaced by a conservative one, whose origins date back to neoconservative arguments of the 

1970s and 1980s, the backlash against the media portrayal of the 1982 war, and the political ascension of the religious Right during the 

Reagan administration. When President Trump endorsed a long-standing conservative agenda item for Jerusalem, he appealed not only 

to his pro-Likud Republican Jewish backers, but also to white Christian evangelicals, who overwhelmingly supported him in the election. 

Israel has become a defining cause for Republicans, Orthodox Jews, and Christian evangelicals. 

A generation gap is surfacing, however, not just among American Jews. Young evangelicals are beginning to question their elders’ 

allegiance to the biblical image of Israel as they see real Palestinians suffering under Israeli rule.⁵ Tensions within the Democratic Party 

also reflect generational fissures, with an old guard asserting its staunch allegiance to Israel—although criticizing its right-wing govern- 

ment—while a younger, multiracial, progressive alliance criticizes Israeli policies and supports Palestinian rights. In November 2017, 

for the first time, Democratic congressional representatives introduced a bill promoting Palestinian human rights.⁶ 

Radical activism on behalf of Palestinian rights has also increased, and some of the arguments hark back to the transnational con- 

nections made by the Black Power movement, the antiwar movement, and the struggle against apartheid in South Africa. Some Amer- 

icans have endorsed the international Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions (BDS) movement, started in 2005 by Palestinian 

nongovernmental organizations. The movement has been extremely controversial in the United States. Supporters see BDS as a nonvi- 

olent campaign for equality and human rights, while detractors view it as the latest attempt to destroy the Jewish state and accuse its 

supporters of anti-Semitism. The organization has faced a backlash on campuses and in government. Critics of BDS have expended 

great effort to defeat it, claiming that the movement is mortally dangerous to Israel and yet, at the same time, that it has been ineffectual 

in shaking the fundamental attachment of Americans to Israel. 

This paradox of extreme vulnerability and fundamental indomitability has been at the heart of the story of “our American Israel.” De- 

spite generational and political changes, the image of the invincible victim continues to underlie a broad cultural consensus about Is- 

rael in the United States. It has framed what liberals and conservatives alike talk about when they talk about Israel, and its pliability has 

given it remarkable staying power. It has not only crossed party lines but has also spanned historical eras, providing continuity when 

fear of “radical Islam” replaced that of the “communist menace,” and the war on terror followed the Cold War. Israel fought at the front 

lines of these American wars. Veneration of Israel’s military relies on the perception that it defends the nation from unique exposure to 

the threat of annihilation. Concern for Israel’s vulnerability casts its exercise of power in a humane light because of the idea that it is 

wielded to protect a historically persecuted people from extermination, and not from any desire for domination or expansion. In this 

way, Israel mirrors a widespread image of America as anti-imperial. 

The paradox of power and weakness also informs Americans’ view of their own place in the world. Despite living in a country that 

has a global military presence, hundreds of bases around the world, and drone technology that penetrates faraway spaces from above, 

many Americans perceive their borders as remarkably violable—by terrorists, illegal immigrants, drug dealers, and criminals. President 

Trump’s motto, “Make America Great Again,” means reinforcing the indomitable essence of national identity, perceived to be under- 

mined by hostile forces abroad and enfeebled by political correctness at home. As in Israel’s case, vulnerability and invincibility are 

inextricably intertwined. 

With the announcement that the U.S. embassy would move to Jerusalem, President Trump reinforced the ties binding the two na- 

tions and signaled his imperviousness to the rest of the world. Siding with Israel meant asserting American power against the world of 

nations. In Ambassador Nikki Haley’s speech before the United Nations General Assembly announcing this decision, she was not de- 

fending Israel against a vote that condemned it, as the United States had done so often in the past. This time, the resolution was against 

the U.S. decision, and the ambassador was standing up for America against the world. Israel’s violation of international law—in annex- 

ing Jerusalem—became the occasion for the United States to assert its own sovereignty against the opprobrium of world opinion and 

the pressure to adhere to international norms.⁷ 

America and Israel make their stand, in Jerusalem, opposing the hostile world around them. That’s also the plot of a popular zombie 

apocalypse film from 2013, World War Z. The undead are rising and overrunning the planet, turning living human beings into zombies. 

An American hero and his Israeli sidekick, a female soldier, save the remnants of civilization from the zombies, who represent an amal- 

gam of Western fears: terrorism, refugees, pandemics, and climate change, infused with echoes of slavery and miscegenation. What 

unites all these threats is their overrunning of borders, ultimately that between the living and the dead. In World War Z, Left Behind 

meets Exodus. The final apocalypse arrives in the form of loathsome creatures worthy of the Book of Revelation, with Jerusalem at 

ground zero.⁸ 

Jerusalem first appears on the screen as the only place of order and beauty remaining on the planet. The American hero, a world- 

weary international health expert played by Brad Pitt, arrives from South Korea in search of solutions to the zombie plague. The Israelis 

have succeeded in keeping out the zombies by building a huge wall, ancient in appearance but with state-of-the-art surveillance tech- 

nology. In the 2006 book on which the movie is based, only Israel, South Africa, and Cuba have the know-how and political willpower to 

quarantine their citizens from the zombie invasion. The Israelis are the first to comprehend the nature of the threat because of the acute 

vigilance they already exercise to secure their precarious survival. In the book, the Israeli intelligence agents have impeccable credentials 

from having led heroic exploits in the past. One headed Mossad’s assassination team, Operation Wrath of God, tracking down the ter- 

rorists who committed the Munich Olympics murders. His comrade directed the famous operation that rescued hostages in Entebbe. 

In the movie, Israeli soldiers welcome both Arabs and Jews into their walled haven. The people inside resemble the “remnant” in 

prophecy stories, who survived the Tribulation and are awaiting the Second Coming. Jews and Arabs hold hands in a circle, dancing and 

singing together to celebrate their salvation. Music, however, arouses the zombies, who stampede over the walls by the thousands. 

While escaping by helicopter, Brad Pitt meets his match, a buff Israeli woman soldier who is a symbol of Israeli feminism and moder- 

nity. She proves her mettle by stoically enduring the amputation of her forearm after being bitten by a zombie. Through her sacrifice, the 

young, vibrant Israeli infuses the worn-out American with new fighting resolve. Together, with scientific knowledge and military skills, 

they halt the zombie invasion and save what remains of the sorry world. 

Standing alone in defiance of the world, or fighting together to save it, many Americans tend to see idealized visions of their nation in 

Israel. This practice has great appeal but is also perilous. To disentangle the bonds tying together the two nations requires more than 

separating national interest from the influence of domestic politics and lobbying. It means reckoning with the image in the looking 

glass, recognizing how we have projected images of American exceptionalism onto our visions of Israel, as exceptionally modern, hu- 

mane, powerful, and threatened. 

Americans do share with Israel a foundational narrative, in which national liberation from colonial rule rests on the history of colonial 

conquest, and stories of exodus from tyranny rely on the dispossession of indigenous people. Looking beyond romantic reflections of 

the past—promised lands, chosen peoples, frontier pioneers, wars of independence—would enable us to see the darker shadows of 

shared exceptionalism: the fusion of moral value with military force, the defiance of international law, the rejection of refugees and 

immigrants in countries that were once known as havens. 

The “eternal bond” between Israel and America is not timeless. Its history has been entangled both in political alliances and in the 

stories Americans have told about their own national identity, the nature of their society, and the role they play in the world. To stop see- 

ing Israel as a mirror of America means more than to shed myths for realism. No relationship or alliance is free of fantasies and fears 

projected onto the other as friend or foe. But by examining the mirror itself in order to reckon with the image we are seeing there, we 

can break free from the fantasy of accepting that image as reality. Not seeing ourselves in the mirror—but seeing the mirror itself— 

would allow us to understand ourselves as actors and not observers, and to take responsibility for the tragic consequences of our ac- 

tions. 

“No daylight between the United States and Israel” is a phrase that has recently joined “special relationship” and “unbreakable bond” 

in the lexicon of U.S.-Israel relations. The metaphor of “no daylight” implies that the two nations’ interests are so closely knit together 

that nothing and no one can come between them. To see daylight between the two countries would suggest separation and betrayal. But 

“no daylight” also means darkness, a fitting metaphor for the blindness that has characterized the special relationship between the Unit- 

ed States and Israel. We must let in daylight if Americans are to understand why and how this bond has come to be seen as unbreak- 

able. 

 

NOTES 

 

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 

 

ILLUSTRATION CREDITS 

 

INDEX 

CONCLUSION

IN HIS 2009 SPEECH IN CAIRO, President Barack Obama spoke of the unbreakable bond between the United States and Israel. The meaning and strength of that bond have fluctuated over the decades since Israel became a state in 1948, but it remains as powerful as ever today. At the same time, it is also more contested than ever before.

While campaigning for office the year before he gave this speech, Obama had evoked a nostalgic view of Israel as a paragon of progressive values. He honored the idea of returning to a homeland and what that meant for people who had suffered from the Holocaust, and he spoke of his great affinity for the idea of social justice that was embodied in the early Zionist movement and the kibbutz. Israel’s story resonated with Obama’s personal history of being uprooted and with the African-American story of exodus, through the example of overcoming great odds and a courage and a commitment to carving out a democracy and prosperity in the midst of hardscrabble land. What Obama loved about Israel when he visited was that the land itself is a metaphor for rebirth.¹

On the campaign trail eight years later, Donald Trump evoked another Israel, one which is successfully fighting present dangers—an example of rigorous homeland security. After a bomb went off in New York City, Trump called on local law enforcement to follow the Israelis’ lead on racial profiling. If a person even looks suspicious, he said, the Israelis will take that person in and check [him or her] out, while he lamented that Americans, in contrast, were hobbled by trying to be so politically correct. Trump promised to build a wall on the Mexican border and argued that all you have to do is ask Israel whether walls work. His analogy to the separation barrier on the West Bank implicitly associated Mexican immigrants with the threatening image of Palestinian terrorists.²

Each presidential candidate related his image of Israel to his own idea of American exceptionalism. For Obama, Israel’s origins had a multiethnic appeal that reflected America’s noble commitment to social amelioration and renewal. For Trump, Israel’s vigilant devotion to security offered a robust model for making America great again. Trump’s praise of walls and profiling in Israel validated racial paranoia at home.

In a speech before the American Israel Public Affairs Committee when he was campaigning, Trump used language similar to Obama’s, declaring that the bond between the United States and Israel is absolutely and totally unbreakable.³ Once in office, despite their different rhetorical cadences, both presidents took unprecedented steps to fortify the alliance for the future. Although President Obama garnered a reputation for bringing the bond nearer to a breaking point, he presided over an agreement that provided a record military aid package to Israel. A year after this deal, President Trump, breaking with U.S. precedent and international consensus, recognized Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and ordered that the U.S. embassy be moved there from Tel Aviv.

Campaign rhetoric and presidential policy obscured the mounting tensions around the special relationship in the United States. By the second decade of the twenty-first century, Israel had become a more contentious topic than at any time since the 1982 Lebanon War. On the eve of Obama’s first inauguration, when many Americans were disaffected with their own endless wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, Israel’s military invaded the Gaza Strip, and it did so again in 2012 and 2014. Many Americans supported these attacks as acts of self-defense to protect civilians from rockets launched into Israel by Hamas. Others decried Israel’s overwhelming use of force—the killing of civilians and the widespread destruction of homes and infrastructure—as disproportionate to the threat posed by Palestinians in Gaza.

Reactions to events in Gaza brought to the surface long-simmering unease with Israel’s treatment of Palestinians. The harshness of life under occupation had become more visible in mainstream American media, as had the stridency of Jewish settlers, whose numbers had doubled to eight hundred thousand during the Obama years. Younger generations of Americans, Jews and non-Jews alike, hadn’t read or seen Exodus, nor did they recall the thrill of David defeating Goliath in the Six-Day War. They were not nostalgic for images of the Israel we have seen in the past, which John Chancellor’s generation venerated. Israel has been occupying Palestinian territories throughout their lifetime, and many have grown up with the tragic narrative about two peoples warring over one land, both with valid aspirations and grievances. Many Jewish youth no longer identify with Israel the way their parents and grandparents did, because they refuse to set aside their liberal values when it comes to Israel’s illiberal treatment of Palestinians. Within the organized community, a number of rabbis avoid speaking of Israel to their congregants.⁴

The American liberal consensus about Israel has also broken down. It was a consensus formulated in the 1940s by New Deal liberals who were committed to antifascism, internationalism, and modernization, and reinforced by enthusiasm about Israel’s humane and mighty army in 1967. But the consensus was shaken by the invasion of Lebanon in 1982, and a new liberal consensus then formed in response to the first intifada, expressing the belief that acknowledging the Palestinian side of the story would help end the occupation and restore Israel to its idealistic Zionist roots.

This liberal consensus has now been replaced by a conservative one, whose origins date back to neoconservative arguments of the 1970s and 1980s, the backlash against the media portrayal of the 1982 war, and the political ascension of the religious Right during the Reagan administration. When President Trump endorsed a long-standing conservative agenda item for Jerusalem, he appealed not only to his pro-Likud Republican Jewish backers, but also to white Christian evangelicals, who overwhelmingly supported him in the election. Israel has become a defining cause for Republicans, Orthodox Jews, and Christian evangelicals.

A generation gap is surfacing, however, not just among American Jews. Young evangelicals are beginning to question their elders’ allegiance to the biblical image of Israel as they see real Palestinians suffering under Israeli rule.⁵ Tensions within the Democratic Party also reflect generational fissures, with an old guard asserting its staunch allegiance to Israel—although criticizing its right-wing government—while a younger, multiracial, progressive alliance criticizes Israeli policies and supports Palestinian rights. In November 2017, for the first time, Democratic congressional representatives introduced a bill promoting Palestinian human rights.⁶

Radical activism on behalf of Palestinian rights has also increased, and some of the arguments hark back to the transnational connections made by the Black Power movement, the antiwar movement, and the struggle against apartheid in South Africa. Some Americans have endorsed the international Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions (BDS) movement, started in 2005 by Palestinian

Previous Chapter

Next Chapter

=====

 NOTES 

 

Introduction 

1. Barack Obama, “On a New Beginning,” Remarks by the President at Cairo University, June 4, 2009, 

https://obamawhitehouse.archives.gov/the-press-office/remarks-president-cairo-university-6-04-09. 

2. Ibid. 

3. For an overview of U.S. aid to Israel through 2016, see the Congressional Research Service report prepared by Jeremy M. Sharp, 

“U.S. Foreign Aid to Israel,” Congressional Research Service, December 22, 2016, https://fas.org/sgp/crs/mideast/RL33222.pdf. On the 

2016 aid package, see Peter Baker and Julie Hirschfeld Davis, “U.S. Finalizes Deal to Give Israel $38 Billion in Military Aid,” New York 

Times, September 13, 2016, A6. 

4. Major works that take a cultural approach to the relationship between the United States and Israel include Michelle Mart, Eye on Is- 

rael: How America Came to View Israel as an Ally (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2006), and Melani McAlister, Epic Encoun- 

ters: Culture, Media, and U.S. Interests in the Middle East since 1945 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005). Mart focuses on the 

1940s and 1950s, while McAlister discusses Israel as part of the wider relationship of the United States to the Middle East. I am in- 

debted to both. 

5. On the Puritan connection, see Todd Gitlin and Liel Leibovitz, The Chosen Peoples: America, Israel, and the Ordeals of Divine Election 

(New York: Simon and Schuster, 2010); Shalom Goldman, God’s Sacred Tongue: Hebrew and the American Imagination (Chapel Hill: 

University of North Carolina Press, 2004); and Peter Gross, Israel in the Mind of America (New York: Knopf, 1983). Gross concludes: 

“Even as they go their own way, in pursuit of their own national interests, Americans and Israelis are bonded together like no two other 

sovereign peoples. As the Judaic heritage flowed through the minds of America’s early settlers and helped to shape the new American 

republic, so Israel restored the vision and values of the American dream. Each, the United States and Israel, grafted the heritage of the 

other onto itself” (p. 316). 

6. On settler colonialism, see Lorenzo Veracini, Settler Colonialism: A Theoretical Overview (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010); 

Patrick Wolfe, Traces of History: Elementary Structures of Race (New York: Verso, 2016); Steven Salaita, The Holy Land in Transit: Colo- 

nialism and the Quest for Canaan (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 2006). For an analysis of the U.S. relationship with Israel 

that brings together Puritan origins and settler colonialism, see Anatol Lieven, America Right or Wrong: An Anatomy of American Nation- 

alism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), 173–216. 

7. Abiel Abbot, Traits of Resemblance in the People of the United States of America to Ancient Israel: In a Sermon, Delivered at Haverhill, 

on the Twenty-eighth of November, 1799, the Day of Anniversary Thanksgiving (Haverhill, MA: Moore & Stebbins, 1799), 6. On the signif- 

icance of this passage, see Lieven, America, 188. 

8. Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (New York: Verso, 1991). 

9. Quoted in Michelle Mart, “Eleanor Roosevelt, Liberalism, and Israel,” Shofar: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Jewish Studies 24 (2006): 

78. 

10. Leon Uris, Exodus (1958; repr., New York: Bantam Books, 1959), 572, 517. 

 

1. Lands of Refuge 

1. Gentleman’s Agreement, directed by Elia Kazan (Los Angeles: 20th Century Fox, 1947). 

2. Michael Cohen, Truman and Israel (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990); Michael Cohen, Palestine and the Great Powers: 

1945–1948 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1982); Irene Gendzier, Dying to Forget: Oil, Power, Palestine, and the Foundations of 

U.S. Policy in the Middle East (New York: Columbia University Press, 2015); John Judis, Genesis: Truman, American Jews, and the Origins 

of the Arab / Israeli Conflict (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2014); Allison Radosh and Ronald Radosh, A Safe Haven: Harry S. Tru- 

man and the Founding of Israel (New York: Harper, 2009); Dan Tschirgi, The Politics of Indecision: Origins and Implications of American In- 

volvement with the Palestine Problem (New York: Praeger, 1983). 

3. Quoted in Ben Shepard, The Long Road Home: The Aftermath of the Second World War (New York: Knopf, 2011), 112. 

4. Anglo-American Committee of Inquiry, “Report to the United States Government and His Majesty’s Government in the United 

Kingdom, 20 April 1946,” http://avalon.law.yale.edu/subject_menus/angtoc.asp. On the committee, see Cohen, Palestine and the Great 

Powers, 96–115; Leonard Dinnerstein, America and the Survivors of the Holocaust (New York: Columbia University Press, 1982), 73–100; 

William Roger Louis, The British Empire in the Middle East, 1945–1951 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1984), 397–419; Amikam 

Nachmani, Great Power Discord in Palestine: The Anglo-American Committee of Inquiry into the Problems of European Jewry and Palestine, 

1945–1946 (London: Frank Cass, 1987). 

5. Anglo-American Committee of Inquiry, “Report.” 

6. William H. Stringer, “Many Palestine Alternatives Offered,” Christian Science Monitor, January 19, 1946, 16. 

7. Ruth Gruber, Exodus 1947: The Ship That Launched a Nation (1948; repr., New York: Random House, 1999), 12; R. H. S. Crossman, 

Palestine Mission: A Personal Record (New York: Harper Brothers, 1947), 22; Nachmani, Great Power Discord, 74–75. On Crum’s life, see 

his daughter’s memoir: Patricia Bosworth, Anything Your Little Heart Desires: An American Family Story (New York: Simon and Schuster, 

1998). 

8. Crossman, Palestine Mission, 100. 

9. “The Biltmore Program: Towards a Jewish State (May 11, 1942),” in The Israel-Arab Reader: A Documentary History of the Middle East 

Conflict, ed. Walter Laqueur and Barry Rubin, 7th ed. (New York: Penguin, 2008), 57. 

10. Nachmani, Great Power Discord, 56; Ofer Shiff, The Downfall of Abba Hillel Silver and the Foundation of Israel (Syracuse, NY: Syra- 

cuse University Press, 2014), 94–95. 

11. Crossman, Palestine Mission, 38, Allen Howard Podet, The Success and Failure of the Anglo-American Committee of Inquiry, 1945– 

1946: Last Chance in Palestine (Lewiston, NY: Mellen Press, 1986), 149–153. 

12. “Leaders of Major Zionist Organizations Testify before Anglo-American Committee,” Jewish Telegraphic Agency, January 9, 1946, 1; 

Bartley C. Crum, Behind the Silken Curtain: A Personal Account of Anglo-American Diplomacy in Palestine and the Middle East (New York: 

Simon and Schuster, 1947), 15. 

13. Crossman, Palestine Mission, 39; Thomas A. Kolsky, Jews against Zionism: The American Council for Judaism, 1942–1948 (Phila- 

delphia: Temple University Press, 1990), 130–133. 

14. Harold A. Hinton, “Einstein Condemns Rule in Palestine: Calls Britain Unfit but Bars Jewish State and Favors UNO— 

Compromise Is Studied,” New York Times, January 12, 1946, 7; Crum, Behind the Silken Curtain, 15, 23–24; Crossman, Palestine Mission, 

39. 

15. Podet, Success and Failure, 184–186; Nachmani, Great Power Discord, 126–128. 

16. Podet, Success and Failure, 172–173; Crum, Behind the Silken Curtain, 21–23. 

17. Crum, Behind the Silken Curtain, 23; Crossman, Palestine Mission, 39. 

18. Crossman, Palestine Mission, 33. 

19. Quoted in Dinnerstein, America and the Survivors, 96–97. 

20. Crossman, Palestine Mission, 33–34. 

21. Ibid., 75. 

22. Ibid., 79; Crum, Behind the Silken Curtain, 90. 

23. For the vote, see Yosef Grodzinsky, In the Shadow of the Holocaust (Monroe, ME: Common Courage Press, 2004), 139. On Zionist 

organizing in DP camps, see Yehuda Bauer, Flight and Rescue: Brichah (New York: Random House, 1970); Dinnerstein, America and the 

Survivors, 63–96; Atina Grossman, Jews, Germans, and Allies: Close Encounters in Occupied Germany (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University 

Press, 2007), 178–182; Arieh J. Kochavi, Post-Holocaust Politics: Britain, the United States, and Jewish Refugees, 1945–1948 (Chapel Hill: 

University of North Carolina Press, 2001), 33–62; Peter Novick, The Holocaust in American Life (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1999), 63–84; 

Shepard, Long Road Home, 105–112, 180–202. 

24. Crum, Behind the Silken Curtain, 102; Crossman, Palestine Mission, 79–81. 

25. Crum, Behind the Silken Curtain, 134. 

26. Crossman, Palestine Mission, 19, 79, 38, 46. 

27. Quotations from Dinnerstein, America and the Survivors, 97. 

28. Quotations from ibid., 132–134. 

29. Congressman quoted in Dinnerstein, America and the Survivors, 158; American Legion quoted in “Opposition to DPs Relaxed by 

Legion,” New York Times, November 1, 1947, 5. 

30. Henry Wallace, “Palestine, Food and Chiang Kai-shek,” New Republic, November 24, 1947, 12. 

31. Crum, Behind the Silken Curtain, 149. 

32. Crossman, Palestine Mission, 109–110, including quote from Azzam Pasha. 

33. Ibid., 110, 111. 

34. Crum, Behind the Silken Curtain, 152. 

35. Ibid., 153, 155. 

36. Ibid., 159. 

37. Ibid., 160; Crossman, Palestine Mission, 119. 

38. Crum, Behind the Silken Curtain, 195, 197 (emphasis in original). 

39. Ibid., 198, 203, 213. 

40. Ibid., 213. 

41. Ibid., 192. 

42. James G. McDonald, My Mission in Israel, 1948–1951 (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1951), 73; Kenneth Bilby, New Star in the 

Near East (New York: Doubleday, 1950), 265. 

43. Crum, Behind the Silken Curtain, 203–204, 228, 230 (emphasis in original). For the population of Palestine, see Gudrun Krämer, A 

History of Palestine: From the Ottoman Conquest to the Founding of the State of Israel (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2008), 

305–306. 

44. Crossman, Palestine Mission, 118, 134–135, 138. 

45. Clifton Daniel, “Jewish Majority in Palestine Asked: Zionists Link State Claim to Million Influx in Ten Years,” New York Times, 

March 9, 1946, 5. 

46. Crossman, Palestine Mission, 123; Crum, Behind the Silken Curtain, 170. 

47. Crum, Behind the Silken Curtain, 66, 227. 

48. Anglo-American Committee of Inquiry, “Report,” chap. 8. 

49. Clifton Daniel, “Palestine Group Approves Magnes: Advocate of Bi-national State Evokes Tribute for Fair Play and Moderation,” 

New York Times, March 15, 1946, 12. 

50. Crossman, Palestine Mission, 130; Nachmani, Great Power Discord, 169. Historians have since debated the extent of the mufti’s 

influence in the Nazi hierarchy and the prevalence of his views among Palestinians. For historical assessments of Haj Amin al-Husseini 

and the relation between Arab nationalists and Nazism, see Gilbert Achcar, The Arabs and the Holocaust: The Arab-Israeli War of Narra- 

tives (New York: Metropolitan Books, 2009); Jeffrey Herf, Nazi Propaganda for the Arab World (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 

2009); and Philip Mattar, The Mufti of Jerusalem: Al-Hajj Amin Al-Husayni and the Palestinian National Movement (New York: Columbia 

University Press, 1988). 

51. Albert Hourani, “The Case against a Jewish State in Palestine: Albert Hourani’s Statement to the Anglo-American Committee of En- 

quiry of 1946,” Journal of Palestine Studies 35 (Autumn 2005): 80–90; Crum, Behind the Silken Curtain, 254–255. 

52. Hourani, “The Case against a Jewish State,” 85, 81. For a condemnation of “refugeeism as a substitute for Zionism,” see “World 

Zionist Conference Warned against ‘Backdoor Diplomacy’ in Fight for Palestine,” Jewish Telegraphic Agency, August 5, 1945, 2. Ben- 

Gurion’s diary quoted in Nachmani, Great Power Discord, 211. 

53. Hourani, “The Case against a Jewish State,” 88–89. 

54. David Horowitz, State in the Making (New York: Knopf, 1953), 50; Crossman, Palestine Mission, 63; Nachmani, Great Power Dis- 

cord, 191. 

55. Anglo-American Committee of Inquiry, “Report,” chap. 1. 

56. Crossman, Palestine Mission, 167–168. 

57. Crum, Behind the Silken Curtain, 288, 260–261. 

58. Ibid., vii, x. Crum’s book was more overtly partisan and less sophisticated than Crossman’s. Indeed, one committee member, 

Evan Wilson, later accused Crum of having had it ghostwritten by the pro-Zionist journalist Gerold Frank, who is thanked profusely in 

the acknowledgments. No matter how much prose Frank may have penned, the book was clearly a collaborative work. See Evan Wilson, 

A Calculated Risk: The U.S. Decision to Recognize Israel (1979; repr., Cincinnati, OH: Clerisy Press, 2008), 333. Wilson served as a State 

Department staff member of the Anglo-American Committee. Gerold Frank later became a famous ghostwriter for Hollywood stars, in- 

cluding Judy Garland. 

59. I. F. Stone, Underground to Palestine (New York: Boni and Gaer, 1946); Stone, This Is Israel (New York: Boni and Gaer, 1948); Ruth 

Gruber, Destination Palestine: The Story of the Haganah Ship Exodus 1947 (New York: A. A. Wyn, 1948); Henry Wallace, “The Problem of 

Palestine,” New Republic, April 21, 1947, 12. Dorothy Thompson shifted her sympathies to the Arab cause after 1948, at great expense to 

her career. 

60. Giora Goodman, “ ‘Palestine’s Best’: The Jewish Agency’s Press Relations, 1946–1947,” Israel Studies 16, no. 3 (2011): 16; Freda 

Kirchwey et al., The Palestine Problem and Proposals for Its Solution, Memorandum submitted to the General Assembly of the United Na- 

tions (New York: Nation Associates, 1947). Lilli Shultz, director of the Nation Associates, insisted that the Jewish Agency’s support for 

The Nation be confidential and that it be paid in installments by individuals without appearing in the Jewish Agency’s books. Both Kirch- 

wey and Shultz continued to advocate for Israel after 1948. In 1951 Kirchwey organized a memorandum signed by “nineteen religious, 

labor, education, and liberal leaders submitted to the General Assembly of the United Nations” calling for the “permanent resettlement 

of the Arab-refugee population in the Arab States.” “The Arab-Refugee Problem: A Plan for Its Solution,” The Nation, December 29, 1951, 

563–566. In 1956, Shultz opened her own public relations firm, Kenmore Associates, whose main client was Israel. 

61. Kirchwey, quoted in Sara Alpern, Freda Kirchwey: A Woman of “The Nation” (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1987), 139– 

140, 197. 

62. Kirchwey et al., The Palestine Problem, 47, 52. For an analysis of how this exaggerated accusation against Haj Amin al-Husseini 

developed in the 1940s and its subsequent political consequences, see Achcar, Arabs and the Holocaust, 150–173. 

63. I. F. Stone, “Palestine Pilgrimage,” The Nation, December 8, 1945, 616–617; Stone, “Jewry in a Blind Alley,” The Nation, November 

24, 1945, 543–544. 

64. Walter C. Lowdermilk, Palestine: Land of Promise (New York: Harper, 1944). 

65. Ibid., 66, 14, epigraph. See also Rory Miller, “Bible and Soil: Walter Clay Lowdermilk, the Jordan Valley Project and the Palestine 

Debate,” Middle Eastern Studies 39, no. 2 (April 2003): 60. 

66. Quoted in Miller, “Bible and Soil,” 61; Lowdermilk, Palestine, 14–15. 

67. Wallace, “The Problem of Palestine,” 12–13; I. F. Stone, “The Palestine Report,” The Nation, May 11, 1946, 564; Crum, Behind the 

Silken Curtain, 236–237; Kirchwey et al., The Palestine Problem, 130–133. 

68. Quoted in Michelle Mart, “Eleanor Roosevelt, Liberalism, and Israel,” Shofar: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Jewish Studies 24 

(Spring 2006): 78. 

69. Kirchwey et al., The Palestine Problem, 1. 

70. Michelle Mart, Eye on Israel: How America Came to View Israel as an Ally (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2006), 

30–33; Henry Wallace, “In Rome, as in Palestine,” New Republic, November 17, 1947, 13; “The Partition of Palestine,” New York Times, 

November 30, 1947, E10. 

71. Sumner Welles, We Need Not Fail (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1948), 53. 

72. Lillie Shultz, “Who Wrote the Bernadotte Plan?” The Nation, October 23, 1948. 

73. Wallace, “The Problem of Palestine,” 12; I. F. Stone, “Gangsters or Patriots?” The Nation, January 12, 1946, 34–35. Right-wing sup- 

porters of the Irgun used the phrase “It’s 1776 in Palestine” throughout their publicity; see Rafael Medoff, Militant Zionism in America: 

The Rise and Impact of the Jabotinsky Movement in the U.S., 1926–1948 (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 2002), 171–200. On 

the effect of terrorism on public opinion, see Bruce J. Evensen, Truman, Palestine, and the Press: Shaping the Conventional Wisdom at the 

Beginning of the Cold War (New York: Greenwood Press, 1992), 71–98. 

74. Stone, Underground to Palestine, xiii. 

75. Ibid., 162, 186, 240. 

76. Bartley Crum, “Escape from Europe,” The Nation, January 27, 1947, 104–105. 

77. I. F. Stone, “Confessions of a Jewish Dissident,” New York Review of Books, March 9, 1978. The essay criticized the contemporary 

American Jewish community for suppressing dissent about Israel and sympathy for the Palestinians. The essay was reprinted in I. F. 

Stone, Underground to Palestine: And Other Writing on Israel, Palestine, and the Middle East (New York: Open Road Media, 2015), loc. 

3037–3047 of 6015, Kindle. 

78. Stone, This Is Israel, 27, 30. 

79. Ibid., 28, 29, 91. 

80. Ibid., 7, 26. 

81. Ibid., 127. 

82. “Palestine Strife Creates DP Issue,” New York Times, May 4, 1948, 20; “Refugees: The New D.P.s,” Time, October 25, 1948, 31; 

journalist quoted in Benny Morris, The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem, 1947–1949 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 

1987), 278. For Israel’s decision against repatriation and subsequent steps to block the refugees’ return, see Morris, Birth of the Pales- 

tinian Refugee Problem, 132–196. For articles and editorials that compare the Jewish and Arab refugees, see “The Dispossessed,” New 

York Times, March 28, 1949, 20; Nasri Khattar, “Problem of Arab Refugees,” New York Times, May 5, 1948, 24; Clifton Daniel, “Diplo- 

matic and Military Defeat in Palestine Followed by Acute Refugee Problem,” New York Times, July 26, 1948, 6; “The Arab Refugees,” New 

York Times, August 12, 1948, 20; Sam Pope Brewer, “Arab Refugee Problem Threatens a New Crisis,” New York Times, August 15, 1948, 

E5; Clifton Daniel, “Refugee Plight Shown,” New York Times, October 13, 1948, 3; George Barret, “The Star of Bethlehem Looks Down on 

750,000 Refugees in Holy Land,” New York Times, December 25, 1948, 2; Kermit Roosevelt, “Aiding Arab Refugees: Peace in Middle 

East Held Dependent on Solution to Problem,” New York Times, February 11, 1949, 22; “Arab Refugee Camps Pitiful, Democrats Told,” 

Washington Post, May 25, 1949, B5; “U.S. Urged to Admit 10,000 Arabs as DPs,” Washington Post, September 10, 1949, 2. For an objec- 

tion to this analogy, see “Jewish DPs—Arab Refugees,” Jewish Exponent, August 20, 1948, 4. On the congressional debate, see Milton 

Friedman, “Congress and the DP’s,” Jewish Exponent, August 1, 1949, 16; “Celler Discounts Value of Any Arab DP Testimony,” Wash- 

ington Post, September 1, 1949, 9; “Arab Issue ‘Fogs’ DP Case-Celler,” Washington Post, September 2, 1949, 21; William Conklin, “Arab 

DP Hearings Fought by Celler,” New York Times, September 2, 1949, 10; Bess Furman, “Inclusion of Arabs in DP Groups Urged: Wit- 

nesses at a Senate Hearing Stress Problems of Palestinian Refugees Displaced by Jews,” New York Times, September 10, 1949, 7. 

83. Freda Kirchwey, “Israel at First Glance,” The Nation, November 27, 1948, 599, 600. 

84. Freda Kirchwey, “Israel at First Glance: Why Did the Arabs Run?” The Nation, December 4, 1948, 624–626. 

85. Ibid., 625. 

86. Ibid., 625–626. 

87. Freda Kirchwey, “Israel at First Glance: Jerusalem under Fire,” The Nation, December 25, 1948, 718–720. 

88. One might assume that in 1948–1949, Kirchwey and Stone could not have been aware of Israeli troops expelling Arabs from their 

homes since historians, such as Benny Morris, did not document the expulsion until the 1980s. But in 1948–1949, other journalists in 

the same political circle, such as Kenneth Bilby, a self-identified pro-Zionist journalist for the New York Herald, wrote about the terror in- 

flicted by violent acts of Jewish soldiers, along with tales of violence, which impelled Arabs to flee: Bilby, New Star in the Near East, 30, 

43–44. Similarly, Hal Lehrman expressed regret about what he reported: “Now that I’ve traveled every corner of this country, it has be- 

come clear that the Israeli troops must have been decidedly tough even with non-combatant Arabs during the war. There are, for in- 

stance, too many dynamited, desolated native villages where little or no fighting ever occurred. The Jews simply came in and smashed 

the place, often sparing only the mosques.” He received some of this information from veterans: “ ‘The Israeli soldier has looted, 

burned, and slaughtered,’ I have been told, ‘and it is no comfort for us that soldiers of every other army do likewise.’ It is even hinted 

that certain officers actually ordered their troops to let themselves go. The best evidence that there were atrocities—and, I suppose, the 

best apology for them, if such things can be apologized for—came to me from a high-ranking veteran of the Jerusalem siege.” Hal 

Lehrman, “The Arabs of Israel: Pages from a Correspondent’s Notebook,” Commentary 8, no. 6 (1949): 523–533. 

89. Dana Adams Schmidt, “200 Arabs Killed; Stronghold Taken,” New York Times, April 10, 1948, 6. Newspapers at the time originally 

reported that 240 people had been killed. For a recent historical account, see Matthew Hogan, “The Massacre at Deir Yassin Revisted,” 

The Historian 63, no. 2 (2001): 309–334. 

90. William O. Douglas, Strange Lands and Friendly People (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1951), 264–265. Douglas also noted that 

“the villagers were told by the Arab leaders to leave. It apparently was a strategy of mass evacuation whether or not necessary as a mili- 

tary or public safety measure.” 

91. Isidore Abramowitz, “New Palestine Party,” New York Times, December 4, 1948, 12. 

92. Bilby, New Star in the Near East, 238. 

 

2. Founding Israel in America 

1. Dan Wakefield, “Israel’s Need for Fiction,” The Nation, April 11, 1959, 318–319. 

2. Ibid.; Victor Haas, “Rich Novel of Israel’s Birth,” review of Exodus, by Leon Uris, Chicago Daily Tribune, September 28, 1958, C3. 

3. Ira B. Nadel, Leon Uris: Life of a Best Seller (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2010), 104. 

4. Ibid., 1–2. 

5. “The Best Pictures of 1960,” Time, January 2, 1961, 49; “The New Pictures,” Time, December 19, 1960, 71; Bosley Crowther, “A Long 

‘Exodus,’ ” New York Times, December 16, 1960, 44; Philip K. Scheuer, “ ‘Exodus’ Stirring but Uneven Epic,” Los Angeles Times, Decem- 

ber 22, 1960, B9; Stanley Kauffmann, “Double Feature,” New Republic, December 19, 1960, 22. 

6. Edward Tivnan, The Lobby: Jewish Political Power and American Foreign Policy (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1987), 51. In a 2001 

essay lamenting the lack of empathy for Palestinians in the American media, Edward Said wrote that “the main narrative model that 

dominates American thinking still seems to be Leon Uris’s 1950 [sic] novel.” Said, “Propaganda and War,” Al-Ahram Weekly Online, no. 

55, September 6–12, 2001, http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/Archive/2001/550/op2.htm. In 2010, Alan Dershowitz bemoaned Israel’s waning 

reputation: “Israel needs to be portrayed in the twenty-first century the way it was portrayed years ago by Leon Uris.” “Alan Dershowitz: 

Hollywood Actors Jumping on Lubavitch Bandwagon,” Matzav.com, November 18, 2010, 

http://matzav.com/alan-dershowitz-hollywood-actors-jumping-on-lubavitch-bandwagon/. 

7. Aviva Halamish, The Exodus Affair: Holocaust Survivors and the Struggle for Palestine (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1998), 

141–143. 

8. Leon Uris, Exodus (1958; repr., New York: Bantam Books, 1959), 182. 

9. Leon Uris to William Uris, March 4, 1958, box 137, folder 8, Leon Uris Archive, Harry Ransom Humanities Research Center, Univer- 

sity of Texas, Austin (hereafter cited as Uris Archive). 

10. Ibid. 

11. Ruth Gruber, Destination Palestine: The Story of the Haganah Ship Exodus 1947 (New York: Current Books, 1948), 35. 

12. D. D. Guttenplan, American Radical: The Life and Times of I. F. Stone (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2009), 228. 

13. Uris, Exodus, 4. 

14. Rachel Simon, “Zionism,” in The Jews of the Middle East and North Africa in Modern Times, ed. Reeva Spector Simon, Michael Men- 

achem Laskier, and Sara Reguer (New York: Columbia University Press, 2003), 165–179. 

15. On the Judeo-Christian tradition in the 1950s, see Deborah Dash Moore, “Jewish GIs and the Creation of the Judeo-Christian 

Tradition,” Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 8, no. 1 (1998): 31–53; Mark Silk, “Notes on the Judeo-Christian 

Tradition in America,” American Quarterly 36, no. 1 (1984): 65–85; Kevin M. Schultz, Tri-Faith America: How Catholics and Jews Held Post- 

war America to Its Protestant Promise (New York: Oxford University Press, 2011). 

16. Leon Uris to William Uris, February 20, 1956, box 137, folder 7, Uris Archive; Nadel, Leon Uris, 95–97. 

17. On the Israeli government’s efforts to influence U.S. public opinion and policy makers, see Peter Hahn, “The View from 

Jerusalem: Revelations about U.S. Diplomacy from the Archives of Israel,” Diplomatic History 22, no. 4 (1998): 509–532. On the cross- 

border raids, Dan Wakefield (who reviewed Exodus for The Nation) wrote: “The reprisal raids have discouraged infiltration and shooting 

on the border, but have also seriously damaged Israel in outside opinion. Even in Jewish communities, Zionist fund-raising regularly 

drops after one of the Israeli raids.” Dan Wakefield, “Israel’s ‘Direct’ Policy: First Talk with Golda Myerson,” The Nation, August 4, 1956, 

93–96. On Uris’s friendship with the Israeli ambassador in Los Angeles, see Nadel, Leon Uris, 95. 

18. Leon Uris to William Uris, March 8, 1956, box 137, folder 7, Uris Archive; Nadel, Leon Uris, 97–104. 

19. On the making of the film, see Chris Fujiwara, The World and Its Double: The Life and Work of Otto Preminger (New York: Faber and 

Faber, 2008), 256–271. To secure contacts in the Israeli government, Preminger enlisted an old friend from Vienna, veteran Zionist 

Meyer Weisgal, a former impresario in America who had become president of the Weizmann Institute of Science. In exchange, Pre- 

minger promised to donate the Israeli royalties from the film to the institute. For funding, Preminger called on Arthur Krim of United 

Artists, a known supporter of Israel, who would later become an intimate advisor to President Lyndon B. Johnson. Weisgal applauded 

Exodus for clearing the Zionist record from the taint of terrorism. In the 1940s, he had been infuriated that “political violence in other 

parts of the world” was called “patriotism, resistance, revolt,” while in Palestine it was reduced to a “very simple thing: terror.” For infor- 

mation on the government’s aid and the quotation from Weisgal’s diary, see Tony Shaw, Cinematic Terror: A Global History of Terrorism 

on Film (London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2014), 64–66. 

20. Leon Uris to William Uris, May 14, 1956, box 137, folder 7, Uris Archive. 

21. Ibid. 

22. Leon Uris to William Uris, September 17, 1956, box 137, folder 8, Uris Archive. 

23. Leon Uris, “Author in Search of a Novel,” promotional essay for Doubleday, box 25, folder 7, Uris Archive. 

24. Edward Murrow, “Egypt-Israel,” See It Now, season 5, episode 5, CBS, March 13, 1956. The article Uris wired to the Philadelphia In- 

quirer is available in box 25, folder 3, Uris Archive. 

25. After the 1949 armistice, according to historian Benny Morris, Palestinian refugees stole across the new borders primarily for so- 

cial and economic reasons—to recover property, reunite with families, shepherd their flocks, or harvest their fields. In the mid-1950s, 

politically motivated groups of fedayeen (Arabic for “those who sacrifice themselves”) started conducting raids into Israeli territory to 

attack soldiers and civilians and to gather intelligence. Israel reacted by mounting larger and fiercer reprisals, which culminated in the 

shelling of Gaza City on April 5, 1956. Benny Morris, Israel’s Border Wars, 1949–1956: Arab Infiltration, Israeli Retaliation, and the Count- 

down to the Suez War (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1993), 382–389. On Roi Rothberg and the text of Dayan’s eulogy, see Idith Zertal, 

Israel’s Holocaust and the Politics of Nationhood (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 178–182. 

26. “We Must Not Be Lulled by Peace Talk—Dayan,” Jerusalem Post, May 2, 1956, 1; quotations from Zertal, Israel’s Holocaust, 180–181. 

27. Leon Uris to William Uris, May 4, 1956, box 137, folder 7, Uris Archive. On Uris’s response to Rothberg’s funeral, see M. M. Silver, 

Our Exodus: Leon Uris and the Americanization of Israel’s Founding Story (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 2010), 172–174. Uris men- 

tioned the See It Now episode in an unpublished article on the funeral that he wrote for the Philadelphia Inquirer. 

28. Lewis W. Gillenson, “Young Kids on a Tense Border,” Coronet, October 1956, 44–53. Uris had a copy of Gillenson’s article with his 

research material. 

29. Paul Breines, Tough Jews: Political Fantasies and the Moral Dilemma of American Jewry (New York: Basic Books, 1990), 54–59. 

30. Yael Zerubavel, Recovered Roots: Collective Memory and the Making of Israeli National Tradition (Chicago: University of Chicago 

Press, 1995), 39–47, 43, 44. 

31. Uris, Exodus, 52, 177, 443, 44, 25, 41, 56. 

32. David Boroff, “Exodus: Another Look,” New York Post, May 17, 1959; “When Men Were Men—and Killers,” World-Telegram and 

Sun, May 3, 1957, in Leon Uris scrapbook, box 168, Uris Archive; “westerns” quote from Nadel, Leon Uris, 87. 

33. Richard Slotkin, Regeneration through Violence: The Mythology of the American Frontier, 1600–1860 (Norman: University of Okla- 

homa Press, 1973); Slotkin, Gunfighter Nation: The Myth of the Frontier in Twentieth-Century America (New York: Atheneum, 1992). 

34. Uris, Exodus, 264. 

35. Ibid., 264, 379. 

36. Ibid., 265. 

37. Ibid., 551, 281. 

38. Ibid., 271. 

39. Interview quoted in Nadel, Leon Uris, 316n16; Leon Uris to William Uris, September 17, 1956, box 137, folder 7, Uris Archive; Leon 

Uris to William Uris, June 25, 1957, box 137, folder 8, Uris Archive. Marjorie Morningstar is the main female character in a popular novel 

(1955) of the same name by Herman Wouk, which deals with Jewish assimilation, and whose main male character is an artist. 

40. On the “crisis of masculinity,” see K. A. Cuordileone, Manhood and American Political Culture in the Cold War (New York: Rout- 

ledge, 2005); Robert D. Dean, Imperial Brotherhood: Gender and the Making of Cold War Foreign Policy (Amherst: University of Massa- 

chusetts Press, 2001); James Gilbert, Men in the Middle: Searching for Masculinity in the 1950s (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 

2005). 

41. Schlesinger quoted in Dean, Imperial Brotherhood, 172; Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr., The Vital Center: The Politics of Freedom (Boston: 

Houghton Mifflin, 1949), 13–15, 25, 36–44; John F. Kennedy, “The New Frontier,” Speech, Democratic National Convention, Los Ange- 

les, July 15, 1960. 

42. Uris, Exodus, 448, 551. 

43. Rudolf Flesch, “Conversation Piece: A Book with Universal Appeal,” Los Angeles Times, February 8, 1960, B5. 

44. Editorial reprinted in 1956 Congressional Record, Uris scrapbook, box 168, Uris Archive. 

45. Bosley Crowther, “The Screen in Review: Movie Study of Jewish-British Strife in Palestine, ‘Sword in the Desert,’ ” New York Times, 

August 25, 1949, 20. 

46. Robert Friedman, “ ‘Israeli Minutemen,’ review of Exodus, by Leon Uris,” St. Louis Post-Dispatch, in Uris scrapbook, box 168, Uris 

Archive. 

47. Uris, Exodus, 25. 

48. Ibid., 257, 268. 

49. Leon Uris, “A Summary of the Outstanding Actions of the Jewish Underground,” box 25, folder 1, Uris Archive. 

50. Quoted in Fujiwara, World and Its Double, 256–277. 

51. Quoted in ibid., 263 (emphasis in original). 

52. Uris, Exodus, 518, 572. 

53. Ibid., 588, 589. 

54. Ibid., 348. 

55. Ibid., 458. 

56. Ibid., 523, 553, 554. 

57. Ibid., 550. 

58. Ibid., 19. 

59. Salim Yaqub, Containing Arab Nationalism: The Eisenhower Doctrine and the Middle East (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina 

Press, 2004); Carroll Kilpatrick, “Vice President Calls It Declaration of Independence from Colonialism,” Washington Post, November 3, 

1956, 1. 

60. Roger Cohen, “A Crass and Consequent Error,” review of Patriot of Persia: Muhammad Mossadegh and a Tragic Anglo-American 

Coup, by Christopher de Bellaigue, New York Review of Books, August 16, 2012. 

61. “Ghana: A People Reaching for the Light,” Life, January 18, 1960, 82. 

62. Jason Parker, “The Eisenhower Administration and the Bandung Conference,” in The Eisenhower Administration, the Third World 

and the Globalization of the Cold War, ed. Kathryn Statler and Andrew Johns (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2006), 168. 

63. Douglass Little, American Orientalism: The United States and the Middle East since 1945 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina 

Press, 2008), 178. 

64. Quoted in ibid., 175. 

65. Dana Adams Schmidt, “Israel Relaxed and Confident after a Decade of Hardships: Nation’s Mood Found to Contrast Sharply with 

Crises of Its Early Statehood—Shops Full of Goods and Buyers,” New York Times, December 20, 1959, 17. 

66. Agnes E. Meyer, “Israel’s Labor Movement Is Its Backbone,” Washington Post, January 22, 1961, E1. See also “Israel in Africa,” New 

Republic, October 5, 1959, 6–7; Kalman Seigel, “Israel to Step Up Aid to Neighbors: Official Tells Zionists of Plan to Turn Nation into 

Pilot Plant for Progress,” New York Times, November 20, 1960, 27; “Israel is Democracy’s Classroom for Africans,” Washington Post / 

Times Herald, March 23, 1961, D1. 

67. From Herzl’s The Jewish State, as quoted in Arthur Hertzberg, The Zionist Idea: A Historical Analysis and Reader (Philadelphia: Jew- 

ish Publication Society, 1997), 222. 

68. Uris, Exodus, 589, 596. 

69. Seth King, “ ‘Exodus’ and Israel,” New York Times, October 4, 1959, 21; Arthur Hertzberg, The Jews in America: Four Centuries of an 

Uneasy Encounter (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1989), 319. 

70. Philip Roth, “Some New Jewish Stereotypes,” in Reading Myself and Others (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1975), 145–146. 

71. Ibid., 146 (emphasis in original). 

72. Aziz S. Sahwell, “Exodus: A Distortion of Truth” (New York: Arab Information Center, 1960). A few reviews in the United States did 

note the bias of the novel and film. Time named Exodus one of the ten best films of 1960, but a review in the magazine had objected that 

“the film unequivocally blames the Arabs, absolutely absolves the Jews. Then, in chauvinistic frenzy, the picture goes on to sanctify the 

Jewish terror.” “The Best Pictures of 1960,” Time, January 2, 1961, 49; “The New Pictures,” Time, December 19, 1960, 71. A Cosmopolitan 

article on Preminger’s filming in Israel reported that four men in Nazareth were arrested for distributing circulars protesting the novel’s 

“degradation of Arabs” and that “Egypt radio urged a boycott of the film.” It also mentioned a critique of the film by Palestinian poet 

Rashad Husein in the Arab-language newspaper Al Mirsad. “Saga of Exodus,” Cosmopolitan, November 1960, 12–15. 

73. For three very different responses, see Jeffrey Goldberg, Prisoners: A Story of Friendship and Terror (New York: Vintage Books, 

2006); Karen Brodkin, How Jews Became White Folks: And What That Says about Race in America (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers Univer- 

sity Press, 2000), loc. 1603 of 2887, Kindle; Julius Lester, Lovesong: Becoming a Jew (New York: Arcade, 1988), 30. Goldberg wrote of dis- 

covering, as an adolescent, a new hero in Ari Ben Canaan, a “Hebrew (not, somehow, Jewish) warrior, brave and cold-eyed, who de- 

fended Jewish honor.” Goldberg was inspired to enlist in the IDF, where he served as a prison guard during the first intifada. 

74. Albert Hazbun, email message to the author, March 16, 2010. 

75. L. R. S., “Exodus—Unhistorical Novel,” Issues 13, no. 5 (Fall 1959): 31–35; Irwin M. Hermann, “An Historical Appraisal,” Issues 13, 

no. 5 (1959): 35–41. 

 

3. Invincible Victim 

1. “Hero of the Israelis: Itzhak Rabin,” New York Times, June 8, 1967, 16; Theodore H. White, “Mideast War,” Life, June 23, 1967, 24. 

2. “Hero of the Israelis.” 

3. Jack Pitman, “6-Day War: $6 Mil TV ‘Event,’ ” Variety, June 14, 1967, 40. 

4. “Israel Forswears War of Conquest: Premier Declares Nation Has No Territorial Aims,” New York Times, June 6, 1967, 16. 

5. James Reston, “Washington: Nasser’s Reckless Maneuvers,” New York Times, May 24, 1967, 46; Reston, “The Issue in Cairo: Israel 

a U.S. ‘Base,’ ” New York Times, June 4, 1967, 1; Reston, “Tel Aviv: The Irony of Israel’s Success,” New York Times, June 7, 1967, 46. 

6. “The Israeli Thrust—The Astounding Sixty Hours,” Life, June 16, 1967, 33; “In 60 Hours a New Middle East,” Life, June 16, 1967, 4. 

7. “Law and the Middle East,” editorial, Christian Science Monitor, May 27, 1967, 16; “Testing the Aqaba Blockade,” editorial, Wash- 

ington Post, June 2, 1967, A20. 

8. David Pela, “Mobilization Motivates Israel’s Moves and Moods,” Jewish Chronicle (Pittsburgh, PA), June 2, 1967, 14, 

http://doi.library.cmu.edu/10.1184/pmc/CHR/CHR_1967_006_014_06021967; Alfred W. Bloom, “Israel Will Wait—How Long?” Jewish 

Chronicle (Pittsburgh, PA), June 2, 1967, 26, http://doi.library.cmu.edu/10.1184/pmc/CHR/CHR_1967_006_014_06021967. 

9. Don Cook and Tom Lambert, “Odds in Battle Favor Israel, Experts Declare,” Los Angeles Times, May 24, 1967, 6; James Feron, 

“Dayan Says Israel Needs No Aid by Foreign Troops,” New York Times, June 4, 1967, 1; William Beecher, “U.S. Military Analysts Expect 

Short War, with Israel Winning,” New York Times, June 6, 1967, 1; “U.S. Believes Israel Can Hold Its Own: Congressmen Report McNa- 

mara View,” Chicago Tribune, June 6, 1967, 8. For the “turkey shoot” memo, see Michael Oren, Six Days of War: June 1967 and the Making 

of the Modern Middle East (New York: Rosetta Books, 2004), 210. 

10. Theodore White, “After the Last Campaign, the Hazards of Victory,” in “Israel’s Swift Victory,” special edition of Life, June 1967, 

83. 

11. J. J. Goldberg, Jewish Power: Inside the American Jewish Establishment (New York: Basic Books, 1997), 137. See also Lucy Dawid- 

owicz, “American Public Opinion,” American Jewish Yearbook 69 (1968): 198–229, and Arthur Hertzberg, “Israel and American Jewry,” 

Commentary 44, no. 2 (1967): 69–73. 

12. “Israel’s Chief Orator: Abba Eban,” New York Times, June 21, 1967, 15; “Text of Kosygin Address to General Assembly and Excerpts 

from Eban Speech: Russian and Israeli Talks Give Sharply Opposing Views of Conflict in the Mideast,” New York Times, June 20, 1967, 

16; “Major Points of Speech by Eban,” Los Angeles Times, June 20, 1967, 16. 

13. According to Michael Oren (Six Days of War, 306), “between 175,000 (Israeli estimates) and 250,000 (Jordanian estimates) Pales- 

tinians fled the West Bank.” 

14. Alfred Friendly, “Israel’s Image: Agreement on Refugees,” Washington Post, August 8, 1967, A11; James Feron, “Israel Has the 

Image Problem of a Tough Victor,” New York Times, July 20, 1969, E4. See also “Israel’s Opportunity,” editorial, New York Times, June 

19, 1967, 34. 

15. Carl T. Rowan, “Why the Danger Is So Great,” Los Angeles Times, May 28, 1967, D7. See also C. L. Sulzberger, “Foreign Affairs: The 

Edge of Infinity,” New York Times, May 24, 1967, 46. 

16. See Michael Sherry, In the Shadow of War: The United States since the 1930s (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1995), 158. 

17. Bill Mauldin, “Not a Litterbug among Them, Those Israeli Troops,” New Republic, June 24, 1967, 6. 

18. “Israel’s Swift Victory”; Associated Press, Lightning out of Israel: The Six-Day War in the Middle East (New York, 1967); S. L. A. Mar- 

shall and United Press International, Swift Sword: The Historical Record of Israel’s Victory, June 1967 (New York: American Heritage Pub- 

lishing, 1967); Mike Wallace and S. L. A. Marshall, “How Israel Won the War,” CBS News Special, July 18, 1967, produced by Burton 

Benjamin, Gene Deporis, and Palmer Williams (National Archives and Records Administration: Washington, D.C., 2009). When fight- 

ing broke out, Egypt expelled foreign journalists, while Israel welcomed them. The Associated Press opened its first bureau office there, 

and the number of foreign journalists registered in Tel Aviv soared to nearly four hundred (rivaling the numbers in Washington, D.C., 

and Moscow). See Giovanna Dell’Orto, American Journalism and International Relations: Foreign Correspondence from the Early Republic to 

the Digital Era (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013), 127–133. 

19. “Israel’s Swift Victory,” 3, 17–19. 

20. Ibid., 25, 20, 36, 74, 82, 80. 

21. Edmund Stillman, “The Short War and the Long War,” New York Times, June 18, 1967; “Defoliating Viet Nam,” Time, February 23, 

1968, 84. 

22. “Israel’s Swift Victory,” 8. 

23. Ibid., 4–5, 8. 

24. Ibid., 44–45. 

25. “Wrap Up of the Astounding War,” Life, June 23, 1967. 

26. “Israel’s Swift Victory,” 48–49. 

27. Wallace and Marshall, “How Israel Won the War”; Mike Wallace, “The Ordeal of Con Thien,” CBS News Special, October 1, 1967, 

Archive.org, uploaded by National Archives, http://archive.org/details/gov.archives.arc.653071. 

28. Wallace and Marshall, “How Israel Won the War.” 

29. James Reston, “A War’s First Hours: Propaganda of All Sides Can Be Heard in Israel, and Determination Can Be Felt,” New York 

Times, June 6, 1967, 16. 

30. Marshall Frady, “In Israel: An American Innocent in the Middle East: Part III,” Harper’s Magazine, January 1971, 71. 

31. Alfred Kazin, “In Israel: After the Triumph,” Harper’s Magazine, November 1967, 84, 74, 73. 

32. “A Nation under Siege,” Time, June 9, 1967, 46–55. 

33. White, “After the Last Campaign, the Hazards of Victory,” 84. 

34. “Blintzkrieg,” Time, June 16, 1967, 35. 

35. Curtis G. Pepper, “Hawk of Israel,” New York Times, July 9, 1969, 169; Yael Dayan, “General Dayan: Father and Hero,” Look, August 

22, 1967. 

36. C. W. Gonick, “Israel: The Stagnation of War,” The Nation, November 18, 1968, 526; “Israel’s Swift Victory,” 10; Mauldin, “Not a 

Litterbug among Them,” 5. 

37. Kazin, “In Israel: After the Triumph,” 83, 73–74. 

38. Barbara Tuchman, “Israel’s Swift Sword,” Atlantic Monthly, September 1967, 62. 

39. “Israel’s Swift Victory,” 57; “Israeli Thrust—The Astounding 60 Hours,” Life, June 16, 1967, 38A. 

40. “Israel’s Swift Victory,” 60–61. 

41. This image was reproduced on the back cover of Marshall and United Press International, Swift Sword. 

42. Stanley Wolpert, “Today in Tel Aviv,” The Nation, July 3, 1967, 7. 

43. Amos Perlmutter, “Israel’s Tough Stand on Captured Territories,” New Republic, January 13, 1968, 13. 

44. Louis Walinsky, “ ‘Now We Must Fear Our Friends’: Victorious Israel’s Look and Mood,” New Republic, July 8, 1967, 10. 

45. Michael Walzer and Martin Peretz, “Israel Is Not Vietnam,” Ramparts, July 1967, 11–14. 

46. Ibid. 

47. I. F. Stone, “The Future of Israel,” Ramparts, July 1967, 41–44. 

48. I. F. Stone, “Holy War,” review of Le conflit israélo-arabe, ed. Claude Lanzmann, New York Review of Books 9, no. 2 (August 3, 

1967), http://www.nybooks.com/articles/archives/1967/aug/03/holy-war/?pagination=false. 

49. Kwame Ture (formerly known as Stokely Carmichael) and Charles V. Hamilton, Black Power: The Politics of Liberation (New York: 

Vintage Books, 1992), 1, 5. The epigraph is from I. F. Stone, “People without a Country,” review of The Negro American, ed. Talcott Par- 

sons and Kenneth B. Clark, New York Review of Books 7, no. 2 (August 18, 1966), 

http://www.nybooks.com/articles/archives/1966/aug/18/people-without-a-country/. 

50. On the relationship of the Black Power movement to Israel and Palestine, see Keith Feldman, A Shadow over Palestine: The Imperial 

Life of Race in America (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2015), 59–102; Alex Lubin, Geographies of Liberation: The Making of 

an Afro-Arab Political Imaginary (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2014), 111–141; Lewis Young, “American Blacks and the 

Arab-Israeli Conflict,” Journal of Palestine Studies 2, no. 1 (1972): 70–85; Salim Yaqub, “ ‘Our Declaration of Independence’: African Amer- 

icans, Arab Americans, and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1967–1979,” Mashriq and Mahjar 3, no. 1 (2015): 12–29; Eric Sundquist, Strangers in 

the Land: Blacks, Jews, and Post-Holocaust America (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2005), 310–380; Cheryl Lynn Greenberg, 

Troubling the Waters: Black-Jewish Relations in the American Century (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2006), 205–250. 

51. Quoted in Feldman, Shadow over Palestine, 59–60. 

52. Quoted in Melani McAlister, Epic Encounters: Culture, Media, and U.S. Interests in the Middle East since 1945 (Berkeley: University of 

California Press, 2005), 113. 

53. Gene Roberts, “S.N.C.C. Charges Israel Atrocities,” New York Times, August 15, 1967, 1; Kathleen Teltsch, “S.N.C.C. Criticized for 

Israel Stand,” New York Times, August 16, 1967, 28. For analysis of the SNCC newsletter and ensuing controversy, see Clayborne Car- 

son, In Struggle: SNCC and the Black Awakening of the 1960s (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1995), 265–269; Feldman, 

Shadow over Palestine, 71–80. 

54. “SNCC and the Arab-Israeli Conflict,” editorial, The Movement 3, no. 9 (September 1967): 2. 

55. Quotations from Lubin, Geographies of Liberation, 122–123; Young, “American Blacks,” 80. 

56. “An Appeal by Black Americans for United States Support for Israel,” New York Times, June 28, 1970, 5. See also Lubin, Geogra- 

phies of Liberation, 118. 

57. “An Appeal by Black Americans against United States Support for the Zionist Government of Israel,” New York Times, November 1, 

1970, 172. See also Marjorie Feld, Nations Divided: American Jews and the Struggle over Apartheid (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014), 

63–86; Sasha Polakow-Suransky, The Unspoken Alliance: Israel’s Secret Relationship with Apartheid South Africa (New York: Pantheon, 

2010). 

58. Dick Edwards, “Black Man in Israel: Reason for Trip—II,” New York Amsterdam News, January 31, 1970, 1; Edwards, “Black Man in 

Israel: Abba Eban on Arabs,” New York Amsterdam News, February 28, 1970, 2. 

59. Stanley Meisler, “S. Africa Jews Caught between Two Cultures,” Los Angeles Times, November 25, 1968, 1; C. L. Sulzberger, 

“Strange Nonalliance,” New York Times, April 30, 1971, 39; Martin Peretz, “Israel, South Africa and a ‘Preposterous Analogy,’ ” letter to 

editor, New York Times, May 17, 1971, 34. 

60. “Let There Be Peace,” editorial, New York Times, June 11, 1967, 206; “The Ugly Face of War,” editorial, Washington Post, June 13, 

1967, A18; “The Guerrilla Threat in the Middle East,” Time, December 14, 1968, 29. 

61. Joseph Kraft, “Israel Considers a Homeland for Its Palestinian Arabs,” Washington Post, September 14, 1967, A21; “Bitter Pill,” 

editorial, Washington Post, October 22, 1967, B6; Flora Lewis, “Arabs’ Own Efforts Forced Israel into Expansionism,” Washington Post, 

September 15, 1967, A21. 

62. Joseph Alsop, “ ‘No Problems, No Trouble’ on West Bank, but for How Long?,” Los Angeles Times, September 19, 1967, A5. 

63. Joseph Alsop, “Hussein Visit to U.S. Indicates Hard Choice Ahead for Israel,” Washington Post, November 13, 1967, A17; Alsop, 

“Israel Joy in Victory Dimmed by Schism in Soul over Future,” Washington Post, September 8, 1967, A21; Alsop, “Moshe Dayan Faces 

Issue of Israel’s Million Arabs,” Washington Post, September 11, 1967, A21; Alsop, “No Problems, No Trouble,” A5. 

64. Joseph Alsop, “Eshkol Insists Jorrdan [sic] Bank Is Israel’s Security Border,” Washington Post, September 13, 1967, A21; Alsop, “Is- 

rael Joy in Victory,” A21; Alsop, “Failure to Face Facts Has Blunted Negro Aid Plans,” Los Angeles Times, August 1, 1967, A5; Alsop, “Mat- 

ter of Fact … For God’s Sake (and Ours),” Washington Post, August 4, 1967, A19. 

65. Joseph Alsop, “The Non-Modernism of Israel,” Los Angeles Times, September 21, 1967, B5; Alsop, “Eshkol Insists Jorrdan [sic] Bank 

Is Israel’s Security Border.” Alsop’s critique of Israel’s occupation lasted only as long as it fulfilled a Cold War imperative. As the up- 

heavals of the late 1960s abated at home, and Nixon armed Israel as a regional proxy, Alsop discarded the link from southern Africa to 

Israel and America and replaced it with a rigid dichotomy between superpowers. He also advocated selling Israel the most advanced 

weapons to protect it from destruction—by Soviet proxies. He came to see America’s global power as necessary for maintaining Israel’s 

military might and protecting it from genocide. Alsop therefore attacked antiwar liberals (especially I. F. Stone) who criticized Israel, on 

the grounds that they were abetting an assault on “American power and will.” Joseph Alsop, “Now Is Time for Plain Talk on Israel and 

American Jews,” Washington Post, February 11, 1970, A21. 

66. “The Guerrilla Threat in the Middle East,” 35; Paul Thomas Chamberlin, The Global Offensive: The United States, the Palestine Liber- 

ation Organization, and the Making of the Post–Cold War Order (New York: Oxford University Press, 2012). 

67. “The Guerrilla Threat in the Middle East,” 36. 

68. Ibid., 29. 

69. William Tuohy, “Poverty, Hope Fill Palestinian Camp,” Washington Post, March 13, 1969, F1. 

70. “Train Black Panthers, Arab Commandos Say,” Los Angeles Times, February 1, 1970, F12. 

71. “The Guerrilla Threat in the Middle East,” 35. 

72. Gavin Young, “Commandos Who Raid the Borders of Israel Are New Heroes of the Arab World,” Washington Post, November 7, 

1968, F6. 

73. William Tuohy, “Lebanese Camps Spawn Commandos,” Los Angeles Times, December 14, 1969, F4; Tuohy, “Poverty, Hope Fill 

Palestinian Camp,” F1. 

74. Dana Adams Schmidt, “Commandos Are Now the Heroes of the Arab World,” New York Times, December 27, 1968, 3; “The Guer- 

rilla Threat in the Middle East,” 32; Marshall Frady, “On Jordan’s Banks: An American Innocent in the Middle East, Part II,” Harper’s 

Magazine, November 1970, 109. 

75. Dana Adams Schmidt, “Sensational Claims Win Recruits for Palestinian Commando Unit,” New York Times, September 17, 1969, 

12. In his book Armageddon in the Middle East (New York: New York Times Co., 1974), Schmidt attributed this “philosophy” to “Dr. 

George Habash, the PFLP founder, and his most brilliant ideologist, Ghassan Kanafani, editor until his assassination in 1972 of 

al-Hadaf” (163). 

76. Georgie Anne Geyer, “The Palestinian Refugees: A New Breed: Smart, Skilled, Fanatical,” New Republic, November 21, 1970, 14, 15, 

16, 18. 

77. Schmidt, Armageddon, 152, 18. 

78. Zalin B. Grant, “Commando Revolution: A Hundred Years War in the Middle East?” New Republic, January 24, 1970, 11. 

79. Walter Laqueur, “The Middle East Is Potentially More Dangerous than Vietnam,” New York Times Magazine, June 5, 1968, SM40. 

80. Dana Adams Schmidt, “An Arab Guerrilla Chief Emerges,” New York Times, March 4, 1969, 6. 

81. Peter Jennings, “Palestine—New State of Mind,” ABC News, New York, 1970. 

82. “Palestine: A Case of Right v. Right,” Time, December 21, 1970, 30–31; Stone, “Holy War.” 

83. James Feron, “Israel Concerned over Guerrillas,” New York Times, March 9, 1969, 9. 

84. Interview with Frank Giles of the Sunday Times, reprinted as “Golda Meir Scorns Soviets,” Washington Post, June 16, 1969, 2. 

85. “The Guerrilla Threat in the Middle East,” 35. 

86. Alfred Friendly, “Anti-Israeli Guerrillas Are Mostly a Nuisance,” Washington Post, March 16, 1969, 35. 

87. Philip Ben, “Americans, Not Arabs, Worry Israelis,” New Republic, April 6, 1968, 12. 

88. “The U.S. and the Skyjackers: Where Power Is Vulnerable,” Time, September 21, 1970, 29–30. 

89. Ibid. 

90. “Murder in Munich,” editorial, New York Times, September 6, 1972, 44; Stephen Rosenfeld, “Terror a Tactic of Many Aspects,” 

Washington Post, September 8, 1972, A22; David S. Broder, “Munich and Vietnam,” Washington Post, September 10, 1972, B7. 

91. “Israel’s New War,” Time, September 25, 1972, 28. 

92. Ibid. 

93. Robert Alden, “Policy Shift by U.S. at U.N.,” New York Times, September 12, 1972, 10. The first veto, which Great Britain joined, 

was in 1970, against a resolution calling for the isolation of Rhodesia and condemning Britain for not using force against Rhodesia’s 

white government. 

94. James Naughton, “Ford Pledges to Resist the Third World in the U.N.,” New York Times, July 1, 1975, 3. 

95. “Speech to the United Nations General Assembly, by U.S. Ambassador to the UN Daniel Patrick Moynihan, November 10, 1975,” 

in Gil Troy, Moynihan’s Moment: America’s Fight against Zionism as Racism (New York: Oxford University Press, 2012), 275–280. See also 

Feldman, Shadow over Palestine, 23–43. 

96. Moynihan, “Speech to the United Nations General Assembly.” 

97. Quoted in Troy, Moynihan’s Moment, 102. 

98. Quoted in Feldman, Shadow over Palestine, 54. 

99. Responses to Moynihan quoted in Troy, Moynihan’s Moment, 176, 8, 103. 

100. “Response to Terror,” editorial, New York Times, July 5, 1976, 10; “A Victory over Terrorism,” editorial, Washington Post, July 6, 

1976, A16; William Stevenson, 90 Minutes at Entebbe (New York: Bantam Books, 1976); “Entebbe Derby,” Time, July 26, 1976, 86; see 

also McAlister, Epic Encounters, 183–186. 

101. Stevenson, 90 Minutes at Entebbe, ix. For the image of soldiers singing, see Raid on Entebbe, directed by Irving Kershner, 1977. 

102. William F. Buckley Jr., “Israel to the Rescue—of the U.S., That Is!” Los Angeles Times, June 12, 1967; “Israel Acting like U.S. Used 

to Act, Reagan Says,” Los Angeles Times, July 6, 1976, A16; “Comment: Thirty-Six Minutes,” New Republic, July 17, 1976, 7; “A Legend Is 

Born,” New York Times, July 6, 1967, 23. 

103. “Response to Terror,” 10; “The Israeli Commando Force: Faceless, Swift, and Deadly,” Washington Post, July 5, 1976, A4. 

104. Stevenson, 90 Minutes at Entebbe, i; “Comment: Thirty-Six Minutes”; “Vindication for the Israelis,” Time, July 26, 1976, 46; “Re- 

sponse to Terror.” 

 

4. “Not the Israel We Have Seen in the Past” 

1. NBC Nightly News, August 2, 1982. 

2. Martin Peretz, “Lebanon Eyewitness,” New Republic, August 2, 1982, 15–23. 

3. Edward Said, “Permission to Narrate,” review of Israel in Lebanon: The Report of the International Commission, by Sean MacBride 

[etc.], London Review of Books 6, no. 3 (1984): 13–17. 

4. For historical accounts of the war, see Ze’ev Schiff and Ehud Ya’ari, Israel’s Lebanon War (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1984); 

Rashid Khalidi, Under Siege: PLO Decisionmaking during the 1982 War (1985; repr., New York: Columbia University Press, 2014); Robert 

Fisk, Pity the Nation: The Abduction of Lebanon (New York: Nation Books, 2002), 199–442; Avi Shlaim, The Iron Wall: Israel and the Arab 

World (New York: Norton, 2001), 384–423. 

5. On the first week of the invasion, see Roger Morris, “Beirut—and the Press—under Siege,” Columbia Journalism Review, November 

/ December 1982, 24–25; William A. Dorman and Mansour Farhang, “The U.S. Press and Lebanon,” SAIS Review 3, no. 1 (1983): 65–81; 

Edmund Ghareeb, ed., Split Vision: The Portrayal of Arabs in the American Media (Washington, D.C.: American–Arab Affairs Council, 

1983), 169–175, 299–319. 

6. ABC report as quoted in Trudy Rubin, “Lebanon: The (Censored) Price of War,” Christian Science Monitor, June 16, 1982, 23; James 

LeMoyne et al., “Suffer the Children,” Newsweek, June 28, 1982, 26. For sample press reports from Sidon, see Edward Cody, “Once Live- 

ly and Lawless, Sidon Now Is Occupied and Hungry: Sidon Is a Ghostly Captive,” Washington Post, June 11, 1982, A17; David K. Shipler, 

“In Lebanon, White Flags Fly amid the Misery and Rubble,” New York Times, June 15, 1982, A1; Eric Pace, “In Sidon, 80 More Bodies for 

a Vast Bulldozed Pit,” New York Times, June 17, 1982, A21. 

7. Dorman and Farhang, “The U.S. Press and Lebanon,” 70–73; David K. Shipler, “Israelis Say Siege Will Not Drag On,” New York 

Times, June 29, 1982, A8. 

8. David K. Shipler, “Piles of Rubble Were the Homes of Palestinians,” New York Times, July 3, 1982, 1. 

9. “Israelis Are Censoring Accounts of Invasion,” New York Times, June 9, 1982, A19. For sample of censorship notice, see David K. 

Shipler, “At School in Tyre, Guns and Rockets,” New York Times, June 17, 1982, A20; Sally Bedell, “3 Networks in Dispute with Israel,” 

New York Times, June 25, 1982, C8; NBC Nightly News, June 26, 1986. On the Arafat interview, see “Israel Says ABC Violated Military 

Censorship Ban,” Washington Post, June 23, 1982, A20; “Israel Bars ABC-TV from Using Satellite after Arafat Interview,” Los Angeles 

Times, June 23, 1982, B12. 

10. On the accessibility of Beirut, see Dorman and Farhang, “The U.S. Press and Lebanon,” 74; Edward Cody and Pnina Ramati, “Cov- 

ering the Invasion of Lebanon,” Washington Journalism Review (September 1982): 19; Fisk, Pity the Nation, 407–408. 

11. NBC Nightly News, July 2, 1982. 

12. Thomas Friedman, “Palestinians Say Invaders Are Seeking to Destroy P.L.O. and Idea of a State,” New York Times, June 9, 1982, 

A18. 

13. Jonathan Randal, “Getting Stuck in Lebanon: Begin May Become as Trapped as the PLO he’s surrounded,” Washington Post, July 

18, 1982, p. B5; NBC Nightly News, August 11, 1982. 

14. John Chancellor, NBC Nightly News, August 2; William E. Farrell, “Dazed Refugees Deluge a Graceful Park in Beirut,” New York 

Times, June 30, 1982, A1; Morris, “Beirut—and the Press—under Siege,” 29; John Brecher et al., “Beirut: A City in Agony,” Newsweek, Au- 

gust 16, 1982, 10–11. 

15. NBC Nightly News, July 9, 1982. 

16. Quoted in Morris, “Beirut—and the Press—under Siege,” 30. 

17. Angus Deming et al., “Special Report: Where Do They Go From Here?” Newsweek, August 16, 1982, 16–22. 

18. Morris, “Beirut—and the Press—under Siege,” 30. 

19. Dorman and Farhang, “The U.S. Press and Lebanon,” 73. 

20. CBS example in Joshua Muravchik, “Misreporting Lebanon,” Policy Review 23 (Winter 1983): 11–66, at 44; NBC Nightly News, Au- 

gust 13, 1982. 

21. Philip Geyelin, “Lebanon—1958 and Now,” Washington Post, August 3, 1982, A17. 

22. David Lamb, “War Has Cost Israel Its Underdog Image,” Los Angeles Times, June 30, 1982, 6; Edward Cody, “Palestinian Captives 

Are Problem for Israel, Washington Post, June 22, 1982, A14; Glenn Frankel, “ ‘Battle over the Truth’ Rages,” Washington Post, July 18, 

1982, A1; Alfred Friendly, “Israel: Recollections and Regrets,” Washington Post, June 29, 1982, A17. 

23. Lamb, “War Has Cost Israel Its Underdog Image.” 

24. David K. Shipler, “Some Israelis Fear Their Vietnam Is Lebanon,” New York Times, June 27, 1982, 149. 

25. Nat Hentoff, “The Silence of American Jews,” Village Voice, June 29, 1982, 7–8; Paul L. Montgomery, “Discord among U.S. Jews 

over Israel Seems to Grow,” New York Times, July 15, 1982, A16. 

26. Stone quoted in Montgomery, “Discord among U.S. Jews,” A16; Nathan Glazer and Seymour Martin Lipset, “Israel Isn’t Threat- 

ened: The War’s Ill-Advised,” New York Times, June 30, 1982, A23. The ad, entitled “A Call to Peace,” is quoted in Steven T. Rosenthal, Ir- 

reconcilable Differences? The Waning of the American Jewish Love Affair with Israel (Hanover, NH: University Press of New England, 2001), 

67. 

27. Richard Cohen, “Israel,” Washington Post, June 27, 1982, B1. 

28. Cohen, “Israel”; Hentoff, “Silence of American Jews,” 8. At the height of the bombing of Beirut, the New York Times reminded its 

readers of an older Zionist dream of a progressive social experiment by publishing a long magazine article by the Israeli writer Amos 

Oz: “Has Israel Altered Its Vision?” New York Times Magazine, July 11, 1982, SM1. 

29. For contemporary accounts, see Thomas L. Friedman, “The Beirut Massacre: The Four Days,” New York Times, September 26, 

1982, 1, 19–22; William Smith, Harry Kelly, and Robert Slater, “The Verdict Is Guilty,” Time, February 21, 1983, 36–45. For a compre- 

hensive history, see Bayan Nuwayhed al-Hout, Sabra and Shatila: September 1982 (London: Pluto Press, 2004). 

30. George F. Will, “Israel Should Show ‘a Decent Respect,’ ” Washington Post, September 23, 1982, A27. 

31. Time, September 27, 1982; Newsweek, October 4, 1982. 

32. “Newsweek Poll: Israel Loses Ground,” Newsweek, October 4, 1982. 

33. Wolf Blitzer, “Distraught Friends,” Jerusalem Post, September 24, 1982, 18, reprinted in The Beirut Massacre: Press Profile, 2nd ed. 

(New York: Claremont Research and Publications, 1984), 51. See also Barry Sussman, “Beirut Massacre Sours American Views on Is- 

rael,” Washington Post, September 29, 1982, A1. 

34. David K. Shipler, “Post Mortem: The Massacre Brings on a Crisis of Faith for Israelis,” New York Times, September 26, 1982, E1; 

Anthony Lewis, “The End of a Policy,” New York Times, September 20, 1982, A15; “The Horror in Beirut,” New Republic, October 11, 1982, 

7–8. 

35. Arthur Hertzberg, “Begin Must Go,” New York Times, September 26, 1982, E19. See also “The Horror, and the Shame,” New York 

Times, September 21, 1982, A26. 

36. Meg Greenfield, “How to Defend Israel,” Washington Post, September 29, 1982, A23; “The Conscience of Israel,” Christian Science 

Monitor, September 28, 1982, 24; “Israel’s Soul, and Security,” New York Times, September 26, 1982, E18. 

37. Richard Cohen, “Proportion,” Washington Post, June 10, 1982, B1; Greenfield, “How to Defend Israel.” 

38. “Israel Finds Its Voice,” New York Times, September 29, 1982, A26; “All the Facts and Factors,” Washington Post, September 30, 

1982, A22. 

39. Morris, “Beirut—and the Press—under Siege,” 23. 

40. For criticism of media coverage, see Peretz, “Lebanon Eyewitness”; Norman Podhoretz, “J’Accuse,” Commentary, September 

1982, 21–31; Pear Sheffy Gefen, “Behind the Lie in Lebanon,” Jerusalem Post, October 29, 1982, 5; Marvin Maurer and Peter E. Goldman, 

“Lessons of the Lebanese Campaign,” Midstream, April 1983, 44–52; Muravchik, “Misreporting Lebanon”; Frank Gervasi, “Media Cov- 

erage: The War in Lebanon,” Center for International Studies, 1983, 1–29; Dan Bavly and Eliahu Salpeter, Fire in Beirut: Israel’s War in 

Lebanon with the PLO (New York: Stein and Day, 1984), 135–150; Ze’ev Chafets, Double Vision: How the Press Distorts America’s View of 

the Middle East (New York: William Morrow, 1985). On the Washington Post’s invitation to the director of the Jewish Community Council 

of Greater Washington, see R. J. McCloskey, “Open to Criticism,” Washington Post, October 6, 1982. Quotation from ADL study (Anti- 

Defamation League of B’nai B’rith, “Television Network Coverage of the War in Lebanon,” unpublished study prepared by Garth-Furth 

International, New York, October, 1982) is from Noam Chomsky, The Fateful Triangle: The United States, Israel and the Palestinians (Bos- 

ton: South End Press, 1983), 285. For excerpts of this study, see Landrum R. Bolling, ed., Reporters under Fire: U.S. Media Coverage of 

Conflicts in Lebanon and Central America (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1985). See also Tony Schwartz, “A.D.L. Criticizes TV over Cov- 

erage of Lebanon,” New York Times, October 21, 1982, C30. 

41. “America-Israel Dialogue—Hasbara: Israel’s Public Image: Problems and Remedies,” American Jewish Congress Monthly, 51, no. 2–3 

(1984): 3. 

42. Ibid., 7. 

43. Peretz, “Lebanon Eyewitness”; Arnold Foster, “The Media’s Most Disgraceful Hour,” Penthouse 15, no. 6 (February 1984): 116–120; 

Chafets, Double Vision, 127–154. 

44. Podhoretz, “J’Accuse.” The essay was also printed on October 24, 1982, in the New York Times and the Los Angeles Times. For 

influential formulations of the new anti-Semitism from the Anti-Defamation League, see Arnold Foster and Benjamin R. Epstein, The 

New Anti-Semitism (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1974), and Nathan Perlmutter and Ruth Ann Perlmutter, The Real Anti-Semitism in America 

(New York: Arbor House, 1982). On the trope of the “Jew among nations,” see Norman Finkelstein, Beyond Chutzpah: On the Misuse of 

Anti-Semitism and the Abuse of History (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005), 32–65. 

45. Podhoretz, “J’Accuse,” 23. 

46. Ibid., 22, 25. Podhoretz did find one suitable analogy: “But if we are looking for analogies, a better one than any fished up in re- 

cent weeks would be the invasion of France by allied troops in World War II. The purpose was not to conquer France but to liberate it 

from its German conquerors, just as the purpose of the Israelis in 1982 was to liberate Lebanon from the PLO” (25). 

47. Ibid., 22, 25, 26. 

48. Ibid., 28, 29 

49. Ibid., 29–30 (emphasis in original). 

50. Norman Podhoretz, Why We Were in Vietnam (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1982), 210; Podhoretz, “J’Accuse,” 30 (emphasis 

in original). 

51. Podhoretz, “J’Accuse,” 30, 31. 

52. On CAMERA’s history and activities since 1982 see its website, http://www.camera.org/. 

53. On comparative critiques of media coverage in Lebanon and Central America see Bolling, Reporters under Fire; Mike Hoyt, “The 

Mozote Massacre,” Columbia Journalism Review 31, no. 5 (January 1993): 31–34. 

54. Edward Tivnan, The Lobby: Jewish Political Power and American Foreign Policy (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1987), 178. The need 

to control the public narrative and produce knowledge about Israel that serves its interests was seen as too important by key members 

of AIPAC to be left to their overt advocacy role. In 1984, a group of AIPAC leaders started a new think tank, the Washington Institute for 

Near East Policy (WINEP), naming as its executive director Martyn Indyk, who had previously worked in the AIPAC research depart- 

ment. Its purpose was not to sell Israel’s policy but to “define the agenda in a way that’s conducive to Israeli interests” (quoted in 

Jonathan J. Goldberg, Jewish Power: Inside the American Jewish Establishment [New York: Basic Books, 1996], 221). On the founding of 

WINEP, see M. J. Rosenberg, “Does PBS Know That ‘The Washington Institute’ Was Founded by AIPAC?” Huffpost, May 25, 2011, 

https://www.huffingtonpost.com/mj-rosenberg/does-pbs-know-that-washin_b_533808.html. In 1982, AIPAC started publishing a series 

of papers that documented this case for Israeli power, with titles like “Strategic Value of Israel,” “Israel and the U.S. Airforce,” “Israeli 

Medical Support for the U.S. Armed Forces,” and “U.S. Procurement of Israeli Defense Goods and Services.” 

55. Amy Kaufman Goott et al., The Campaign to Discredit Israel (Washington, D.C.: American Israel Public Affairs Committee, 1983); 

Jonathan Kessler and Jeff Schwaber, The AIPAC College Guide: Exposing the Anti-Israel Campaign on Campus (Washington, D.C.: Amer- 

ican Israel Public Affairs Committee, 1984); Pro-Arab Propaganda in America: Vehicles and Voices: A Handbook (New York: Anti- 

Defamation League of B’nai B’rith, 1983). 

56. Pro-Arab Propaganda in America, 1. 

57. Goott et al., Campaign to Discredit Israel, 14–15. 

58. Ibid., viii, 14–16. 

59. Kessler and Schwaber, AIPAC College Guide, v, 22, 55 (emphasis in original). 

60. Zachary Lockman, Contending Visions of the Middle East: The History and Politics of Orientalism (Cambridge: Cambridge University 

Press, 2010), 254–255; David K. Shipler, “On Middle East Policy, a Major Influence,” New York Times, January 30, 1985, 1; Anthony Lewis, 

“No Moderates Allowed,” New York Times, December 22, 1983, A21; Kenneth Bialkin, “A Palestinian Professor Unqualified to Be Called a 

Moderate,” letter to the editor, New York Times, January 12, 1984, A30; Anthony Lewis, “Protocols of Palestine,” New York Times, January 

16, 1985, A15; Kenneth Bialkin, “Of Khalidi and the Anti-Defamation League,” letter to the editor, New York Times, January 23, 1984, A20. 

61. Joan Peters, From Time Immemorial: The Origins of the Arab-Jewish Conflict over Palestine (New York: Harper and Row, 1984). 

62. Avi Shlaim, “The Debate about 1948,” International Journal of Middle East Studies 27, no. 3 (1995): 287–304. 

63. Peters, From Time Immemorial, 173. 

64. The universal rejection of Peters’s scholarship by professional historians has never fully buried her book, which remains alive on 

the right today. On CAMERA’s website, the book appears in a bibliography for its “Adopt a Library Project,” which advocates donating 

to libraries “solid works presenting reliable information” to counteract the more readily available “volumes by Edward Said, Noam 

Chomsky and other extreme detractors of Israel.” See http://www.camera.org/index.asp?x_context=2&x_article=704#list; 

http://www.camera.org/index.asp?x_context=53. 

65. Sidney Zion, “Scoop!” review of From Time Immemorial, by Joan Peters, National Review, October 5, 1984, 47. 

66. Norman G. Finkelstein, “Disinformation and the Palestine Question: The Not-So-Strange Case of Joan Peters’s From Time 

Immemorial,” in Blaming the Victims: Spurious Scholarship and the Palestinian Question, ed. Edward W. Said and Christopher Hitchens 

(New York: Verso, 1988), 33–69; Porath quoted in Colin Campbell, “Dispute Flares over Book on Claims to Palestine,” New York Times, 

November 28, 1985, C16; Yehoshua Porath, “Mrs. Peters’s Palestine,” review of From Time Immemorial, by Joan Peters, New York Review 

of Books 32, nos. 21 and 22 (January 16, 1986); Edward Said, “Conspiracy of Praise,” in Said and Hitchens, Blaming the Victims, 30; An- 

thony Lewis, “There Were No Indians,” New York Times, January 13, 1986, A15. 

67. Leon Uris, The Haj (New York: Bantam, 1984). Uris did not invent these stereotypes. He credited his “knowledge” to meetings 

with the distinguished Princeton historian Bernard Lewis, whom Peters also acknowledged, and to the “huge influence” of Raphael 

Patai’s book The Arab Mind. Lewis espoused an influential view of Islam as a monolithic and unchanging civilization inherently antago- 

nistic to modernity, as embodied in the “Judeo-Christian” West. Patai’s book was based on ideas of the supposed essential irrationality 

of Arab culture and displayed a prurient interest in sexuality. See Ira B. Nadel, Leon Uris: Life of a Best Seller (Austin: University of Texas 

Press, 2010), 245–256. 

68. Quoted in Mark A. Tessler, A History of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, 2nd ed. (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2009), 701. 

69. David K. Shipler, Arab and Jew: Wounded Spirits in a Promised Land (New York: Random House, 1986); Thomas L. Friedman, From 

Beirut to Jerusalem (New York: Anchor, 1989). 

70. Shipler, Arab and Jew, 77, 16. 

71. Friedman, From Beirut to Jerusalem, 73, 164. 

72. Ibid., 159; Shipler, Arab and Jew, 74–75. 

73. Friedman, From Beirut to Jerusalem, 163. 

74. Shipler, Arab and Jew, 378–380. 

75. Ibid., 254–255. 

76. Friedman, From Beirut to Jerusalem, 361–363. 

77. Ibid., 360, 391, 345. On the casualty figures for the intifada, see https://www.btselem.org/statistics/first_intifada_tables. 

78. Thomas L. Friedman, “How Long Can Israel Deny Its Civil War?” New York Times, December 27, 1987, E3. 

79. Friedman, From Beirut to Jerusalem, 391, 392. 

80. Quoted in Friedman, From Beirut to Jerusalem, 403. 

81. Friedman, From Beirut to Jerusalem, 421. 

82. Ibid., 488, 450. 

83. Shipler, Arab and Jew, 111, 159–160, 33, 63, 332–333. 

84. Ibid., 500–502, 511. 

85. Ronald Sanders, “What Strangers, Whose Gates,” review of Arab and Jew, by David K. Shipler, New York Times, September 28, 

1986, BR1; Gary Abrams, “Pulitzer Winner Shipler Reflects on ‘Arab and Jew,’ ” Los Angeles Times, April 20, 1987, F1. 

86. Friedman, From Beirut to Jerusalem, 499, 509. 

87. “PBS Producing Program to Offset Criticism of ‘Days of Rage’ Film,” Jewish Telegraphic Agency, August 3, 1989, 

https://www.jta.org/1989/08/03/archive/pbs-producing-program-to-offset-criticism-of-days-of-rage-film. On the controversy, see B. J. 

Bullert, Public Television: Politics and the Battle over Documentary Film (Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1997), 63–90. 

88. Walter Goodman, “Two Views of Mideast Conflict: A Delicate Balance for PBS,” New York Times, May 29, 1989, 40. 

89. Jo Franklin-Trout, “It’s a Fair Honest Film,” New York Times, September 6, 1989, A25. 

90. Edward Said, The Question of Palestine (1979; New York: Vintage, 1992); Noam Chomsky, The Fateful Triangle: The United States, 

Israel and the Palestinians (Boston: South End Press, 1983). 

 

5. The Future Holocaust 

1. On the development of the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, see Edward Linenthal, Preserving Memory: The Struggle to 

Create America’s Holocaust Museum (New York: Columbia University Press, 1995); Judith Miller, One, by One, by One: Facing the Holo- 

caust (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1990), 220–275. For Carter’s speech and Begin’s response, see “30th Anniversary of the State of 

Israel Remarks of the President and Prime Minister Menachem Begin at a White House Reception,” May 1, 1978, in Gerhard Peters and 

John T. Woolley, The American Presidency Project, http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=30730. 

2. Oswald Johnston, “Israeli Denounces Group as ‘Huns,’ ” Los Angeles Times, August 10, 1977, B1. 

3. On the political context of Carter’s announcement see Linenthal, Preserving Memory, 17–20. On the first time an American president 

used the phrase “Palestinian homeland,” see William Quandt, Peace Process: American Diplomacy and the Arab-Israeli Conflict since 1967 

(Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005), 182. On American Jewish discontent with Carter, see James Perry, “American Jews and 

Jimmy Carter,” Wall Street Journal, March 2, 1978, 20; Judith Miller, “Holocaust Museum: A Troubled Start,” New York Times, April 22, 

1990, 34; Edward Tivnan, The Lobby: Jewish Political Power and American Foreign Policy (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1987), 98–134. 

4. “30th Anniversary of the State of Israel Remarks of the President and Prime Minister Begin.” 

5. On Nixon’s reluctance to visit Yad Vashem, see Noam Kochavi, Nixon and Israel: Forging a Conservative Partnership (Albany: State 

University of New York Press, 2010), 71. On Johnson, see Steven Spiegel, The Other Arab-Israeli Conflict: Making America’s Middle East 

Policy from Truman to Reagan (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1985), 123–124. 

6. Peter Novick, The Holocaust in American Life (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1999); Linenthal, Preserving Memory, 5–11. Hasia Diner ar- 

gues against the claim that American Jews did not address the Holocaust until the 1970s but does acknowledge that Holocaust memo- 

rialization shifted from local Jewish communities to a national scale at that time, in We Remember with Reverence and Love: American 

Jews and the Myth of Silence after the Holocaust, 1945–1962 (New York: New York University Press, 2009). On American fear of nuclear 

attacks, see Paul Boyer, By the Bomb’s Early Light: American Thought and Culture at the Dawn of the Atomic Age (New York: Pantheon, 

1985). My argument is indebted to Novick’s seminal study, but the major shift I see in the 1970s is not only that Jewish organizations 

evoked the Holocaust to support Israel, as he argues, but that the temporal significance of the Holocaust changes from past event to 

future threat. 

7. On Israel’s national uses of the Holocaust, see Tom Segev, The Seventh Million: The Israelis and the Holocaust, trans. Haim Watz- 

man (New York: Holt, 1991); Idith Zertal, Israel’s Holocaust and the Politics of Nationhood (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 

2005). On the fear in the weeks before the Six-Day War, see Tom Segev, 1967: Israel, the War, and the Year That Transformed the Middle 

East (New York: Metropolitan Books, 2007), 283–387. 

8. Novick, The Holocaust in American Life, 146–160; Arnold Forster and Benjamin Epstein, The New Anti-Semitism (New York: Mc- 

Graw-Hill, 1974). Some scholars regard 1967 as the turning point in Holocaust consciousness among American Jews: see Norman 

Finkelstein, The Holocaust Industry: Reflections on the Exploitation of Jewish Suffering (London: Verso, 2000), 16–32; J. J. Goldberg, Jewish 

Power: Inside the American Jewish Establishment (New York: Basic Books, 1996), 144–147; Michael Berenbaum, “Is the Holocaust Being 

Exploited?” Midstream 50, no. 3 (2004): 2–9. 

9. Segev, The Seventh Million, 396–400. 

10. David K. Shipler, “Begin Defends Raid, Pledges to Thwart a New ‘Holocaust,’ ” New York Times, June 10, 1981, 1. 

11. For letter to Reagan, see Yoram Kessel, “Israel Isn’t Ready to Cope with the Issue of Palestinians, Even if PLO Alters Tack,” Wall 

Street Journal, August 6, 1982, 6. Some Israeli Holocaust survivors and intellectuals objected to Begin’s use of these Holocaust analo- 

gies; see Benny Morris, Righteous Victims: A History of the Zionist-Arab Conflict, 1881–1998 (New York: Knopf, 2001), 514–516. 

12. David K. Shipler, “Begin Is Optimistic All Foreign Units Will Quit Lebanon,” New York Times, August 29, 1982, 1. 

13. “Begin on Begin: Soon I’ll Retire to Write My Book,” Wall Street Journal, July 9, 1982, 1. 

14. David K. Shipler, “In Israel, Anguish over the Moral Questions,” New York Times, September 24, 1982, A1. Peter Novick argued 

that Begin’s “promiscuous” use of Holocaust imagery discredited that usage, and that in the 1980s, particularly after the intifada, the 

Holocaust frame became implausible, except for the far right (The Holocaust in American Life, 162–165). I contend, on the contrary, that 

the Holocaust became more important as a means to convey Israel’s vulnerability precisely at the time that its military power was in- 

creasing. 

15. Holocaust, produced by Robert Berger and Herbert Brodkin, broadcast April 16–19, 1978, National Broadcasting Company. On this 

miniseries, see Judith Doneson, The Holocaust in American Film (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 2002), 141–196; Jeffrey Shan- 

dler, While America Watches: Televising the Holocaust (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999), 155–181; John De Vito and Fran Tropea, 

Epic Television Miniseries: A Critical History (Jefferson, NC: McFarland, 2010), 42–52. 

16. Gerald Green, Holocaust (New York: Bantam Books, 1978), 3; American Jewish Committee, “NBC’s ‘Holocaust’ Program: A Na- 

tionwide Survey among Viewers and Nonviewers” (1978), 42. For an overview of the publicity and the responses to the miniseries, see 

Sander A. Diamond, “ ‘Holocaust’ Film’s Impact on Americans,” Patterns of Prejudice 12, no. 4 (1978): 1–19; “Human Relations Cata- 

logue Printed,” American Israelite, September 7, 1978, 16. Quotations from Lutheran magazine in Diamond, “ ‘Holocaust’ Film’s Im- 

pact,” 9. 

17. “Lesson of the Holocaust,” Near East Report, April 19, 1978, 65. 

18. “AIPAC Policy Statement,” Near East Report, June 17, 1983, 98. 

19. Elie Wiesel, “The Holocaust: Beginning or End?” April 24, 1979, in Report to the President, President’s Commission on the Holocaust, 

September 27, 1979, 30–31, reprinted by United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, June 2005, 

https://www.ushmm.org/m/pdfs/20050707-presidents-commission-holocaust.pdf. 

20. “Address by President Jimmy Carter,” April 24, 1979, in Report to the President, President’s Commission, 26–27. The Senate had long 

dragged its feet on ratifying this UN Convention, drafted in 1948, because of fear that it would be used against segregation and lynching 

in the United States. See Barbara J. Keys, Reclaiming American Virtue: The Human Rights Revolution of the 1970s (Cambridge, MA: Har- 

vard University Press, 2014), 23–26; Mark Philip Bradley, The World Reimagined: Americans and Human Rights in the Twentieth Century 

(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2016), 110–112. 

21. “Remarks of the President at the Presentation of the Final Report of the President’s Commission on the Holocaust,” in Report to 

the President, President’s Commission, 35. 

22. See, for example, Samantha Powers, A Problem from Hell: America and the Age of Genocide (New York: Harper Collins, 2002), xxi. 

Powers refers to the Holocaust Museum and the vows of four presidents to prevent the recurrence of genocide, and concludes that “the 

forward-looking, consoling refrain of ‘never again,’ a testament to America’s can-do spirit, never grappled with the fact that the country 

had done nothing, practically or politically, to prepare itself to respond to genocide. The commitment proved hollow in the face of ac- 

tual slaughter.” 

23. Meir Kahane, Never Again! A Program for Survival (New York: Pyramid Books, 1972); John Kifner, “Meir Kahane, 58, Israeli Militant 

and Founder of the Jewish Defense League,” New York Times, November 6, 1990, B13. On the invention of the slogan, see Gal Beck- 

erman, When They Come for Us, We’ll Be Gone: The Epic Struggle to Save Soviet Jewry (New York: Houghton Mifflin, 2010), loc. 3551 of 

11879, Kindle. 

24. Robert Meister, After Evil: A Politics of Human Rights (New York: Columbia University Press, 2011), 192–206. 

25. Alan Mintz, Popular Culture and the Shaping of Holocaust Memory in America (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2012), 10, 

21, 161; Elie Wiesel, “Presentation of the Report of the President’s Commission on the Holocaust to the President of the United States,” 

in Report to the President, President’s Commission, 34. 

26. Elie Wiesel, “To a Young Palestinian Arab,” in A Jew Today (New York: Vintage, 1979), 122–127. On Wiesel’s attitude toward Israel 

and the Palestinians, see Mark Chmiel, Elie Wiesel and the Politics of Moral Leadership (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2001), 79– 

114. 

27. Segev, The Seventh Million, 401. 

28. Eric Levin, “Holocaust Survivor Elie Wiesel Decries a Rising Tide of Anti-Semitism at Home and Abroad,” People, November 29, 

1982. Wiesel was one of the authors whose responses were collected in the New York Times after the massacre at Sabra and Shatila 

(“Prominent U.S. Jews Support Israel, but Some Criticize Begin and Sharon,” September 22, 1982, A16), but his statement is hard to 

decipher. He acknowledged feeling darkness and sadness, said that he did not blame the Israelis, and stated enigmatically: “Perhaps if 

we had told the story more convincingly, if we had prevented the cheapening and trivialization of what was and remains a unique catas- 

trophe, things would not have happened his way.” 

29. Caryle Murphy, “The Holocaust: A Gathering of Survivors; Holocaust Survivors to Rally Here,” Washington Post, April 9, 1983, 1. 

30. Wolf Blitzer, Between Washington and Jerusalem: A Reporter’s Notebook (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985), 9–10. 

31. Dody Tsiantar, “ ‘A Holocaust of One’: 800 Hear Klinghoffer Eulogized in N.Y.,” Washington Post, October 22, 1985, A25. 

32. Mark A. Tessler, A History of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, 2nd ed. (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2009), 481. 

33. “Press Release—Peace 1986,” Nobelprize.org, Nobel Media, October 14, 1986, 

http://www.nobelprize.org/nobel_prizes/peace/laureates/1986/press.html. 

34. Elie Wiesel, “The Nobel Address,” in Wiesel, From Kingdom of Memory: Reminiscences (New York: Summit, 1990), 233. This ver- 

sion of the speech differs slightly from the written transcript available on the Nobel website (“Elie Wiesel—Acceptance Speech,” 

http://www.nobelprize.org/nobel_prizes/peace/laureates/1986/wiesel-acceptance_en.html). The version in the book is closer to the ac- 

tual speech delivered at the ceremony (https://www.nobelprize.org/mediaplayer/index.php?id=2028). 

35. Elie Wiesel, “A Mideast Peace—Is It Impossible?” New York Times, June 23, 1988, 23. See also Chmiel, Elie Wiesel, 105–108; “Pales- 

tinian’s Poem Unnerves Israelis,” New York Times, April 5, 1988, A18. 

36. Anthony Lewis, “A Chance to Talk,” New York Times, June 23, 1988, 23; Arthur Hertzberg, “An Open Letter to Elie Wiesel,” New 

York Review of Books, August 18, 1988, 14. 

37. Berenbaum quoted in Edward Norden, “Yes and No to the Holocaust Museums,” Commentary, August 1, 1993, 23–32. See also 

Michael Berenbaum, “High Intensity Jewishness or We Wither Away,” Sh’ma, October 19, 1990, 146–148; Michael Berenbaum, “Will Is- 

rael Divide Where It Once United?” Sh’ma, May 1, 1987, 102–104. 

38. Michael Berenbaum, After Tragedy and Triumph: Essays in Modern Jewish Thought and the American Experience (Cambridge: Cam- 

bridge University Press, 2009), 20, 11. 

39. On the Americanization of the Holocaust, see, e.g., Alvin H. Rosenfeld, “The Americanization of the Holocaust,” Commentary, 

June 1, 1995, 35–40; Hilene Flanzbaum, ed., Americanization of the Holocaust (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1999); Tim 

Cole, Selling the Holocaust: From Auschwitz to Schindler: How History Is Bought, Packaged, and Sold (New York: Routledge, 2000); James 

Young, The Texture of Memory: Holocaust Memorials and Meaning (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1993); David B. MacDonald, 

Identity Politics in the Age of Genocide: The Holocaust and Historical Representation (London: Routledge, 2008), 13–58; Novick, The Holo- 

caust in American Life, 207–238. See also the influential article by sociologist Jeffrey Alexander, “The Social Construction of Moral Univ- 

ersals” and the responses to it, in Jeffrey Alexander, Remembering the Holocaust: A Debate (New York: Oxford University Press, 2009). 

40. Controversies continued about the relation of the Holocaust Museum to the politics of Israel and Palestine. See Linenthal, Pre- 

serving Memory, 258; Marilyn Henry, “A House Divided,” Jerusalem Post, July 17, 1998, 8. Holocaust scholar John Roth wrote about the 

controversy that involved him in Holocaust Politics (Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox, 2001). 

41. William J. Clinton, “Remarks at the Dedication of the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum,” April 22, 1993, in Peters and 

Woolley, The American Presidency Project, http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=46468. 

42. Ibid. 

43. The Holocaust Museum dedication on April 23, 1993, can be viewed at 

https://www.c-span.org/video/?39949-1/holocaust-memorial-museum-dedication. 

44. On “chronicles of liberation” as a framework for journalists in 1945, see Barbie Zelizer, Remembering to Forget: Holocaust Memory 

through the Camera’s Eye (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998), 63–68. On the disorienting encounter of soldiers with the death 

camps, see Robert Abzug, Inside the Vicious Heart: Americans and the Liberation of Nazi Concentration Camps (New York: Oxford Univer- 

sity Press, 1987), 21–44. 

45. Jimmy Carter, “Proclamation 4652: Days of Remembrance of Victims of the Holocaust, April 28 and 29, 1979,” April 2, 1979, in Pe- 

ters and Woolley, The American Presidency Project, http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=32137. 

46. Ronald Reagan, “Remarks at the First Annual Commemoration of the Days of Remembrance of Victims of the Holocaust,” April 

30, 1981, in Peters and Woolley, The American Presidency Project, http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=43761. 

47. Ronald Reagan, “Remarks at a White House Ceremony Commemorating the Day of Remembrance of Victims of the Holocaust,” 

April 20, 1982, in Peters and Woolley, The American Presidency Project, http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=42425. 

48. Ronald Reagan, “Remarks at the Site of the Future Holocaust Memorial Museum,” October 5, 1988, in Peters and Woolley, The 

American Presidency Project, http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=34970. Reagan’s relationship to the Holocaust is best remem- 

bered for the controversy that erupted when he agreed to lay a wreath at a German military cemetery in Bitburg. Elie Wiesel exhorted 

Reagan to change his plans during a televised ceremony conferring on Wiesel the Congressional Gold Medal. For an overview of the 

controversy and commentaries see Geoffrey Hartman, ed., Bitburg in Moral and Political Perspective (Bloomington: Indiana University 

Press, 2000); on Wiesel’s involvement, see Chmiel, Elie Wiesel, 131–137. For Wiesel’s televised exhortation, see “Elie Wiesel Receives 

Congressional Gold Medal,” 131 Cong. Rec .S4431, April 22, 1985; for Wiesel’s remarks after the controversy, see Michael Elkin, “Elie 

Wiesel’s Frame of Mind,” Jewish Exponent, November 8, 1985, 89. 

49. Days of Remembrance: A Department of Defense Guide for Annual Commemorative Observances (Washington, D.C.: Department of 

Defense, 1989), inside cover. 

50. Quoted in Young, Texture of Memory, 321. 

51. In “The Social Construction of Moral Universals,” Jeffrey Alexander argues that a historical transformation occurred in Holocaust 

memory in which a postwar progressive narrative about America’s triumph over Nazism was supplanted by a tragic universal narrative, 

in which everyone has come to acknowledge complicity in the evil that the Holocaust epitomizes. He sees this development as a growth 

in moral consciousness, which reflects the post-Vietnam disillusionment with American power. Alexander’s sequential narrative ignores 

the fact that the progressive narrative of America as liberator actually grew in importance in the 1980s and 1990s, at the same time that 

the universal narrative came into its own. 

52. Quoted in David Hoogland Noon, “Operation Enduring Analogy: World War II, the War on Terror, and the Uses of Historical 

Memory,” Rhetoric and Public Affairs 7, no. 3 (2004): 345. 

53. This description relies on my own visits and the guides to the exhibit on the museum’s website: https://www.ushmm.org/. See 

also Greig Crysler and Abidin Kusno, “Angels in the Temple: The Aesthetic Construction of Citizenship at the United States Holocaust 

Memorial Museum,” Art Journal, 56, no. 1 (1997): 52–64; Jennifer Hansen-Glucklich, Holocaust Memory Reframed: Museums and the 

Challenges of Representation (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2014), locs. 1586–1774 of 6823, Kindle. Specifics of the exhi- 

bition have been altered at times. 

54. For the different positions in this debate, see Michael J. Neufeld and Michael Berenbaum, eds., The Bombing of Auschwitz: Should 

the Allies Have Attempted It? (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 2000). The contention that the Allies should have bombed Auschwitz first 

achieved public notice with David Wyman’s 1978 essay in Commentary, “Why Auschwitz Was Never Bombed,” which he followed with 

The Abandonment of the Jews (New York: New Press, 2007). William D. Rubinstein rejects this thesis in The Myth of Refuge: Why the 

Democracies Could Not Have Saved More Jews from the Nazis (New York: Routledge, 1997). 

55. Quoted in Linenthal, Preserving Memory, 218, who writes that the “definite word ‘would’ instead of ‘might’ keeps visitors from 

appreciating an ongoing controversy, and makes an interpretive stance a statement of fact.” The Museum’s online encyclopedia offers a 

more nuanced interpretation, mentioning the intense debate, and changing the wording to indicate more tentative speculation: 

https://www.ushmm.org/wlc/en/article.php?ModuleId=10008041. 

56. Deborah Lipstadt, “The Failure to Rescue and Contemporary American Jewish Historiography of the Holocaust, Judging from a 

Distance,” in Neufeld and Berenbaum, Bombing of Auschwitz, 227–236. 

57. “ ‘This Time the World Acted’: Wiesel Hails Action in Kosovo,” Jewish Telegraphic Agency, April 14, 1999, 

http://www.jta.org/1999/04/14/archive/this-time-the-world-acted-wiesel-hails-action-in-kosovo-2. 

58. Jackie Calmes and Mark Lander, “Obama Scolds G.O.P. Critics of Iran Policy: Backs Diplomatic Path over ‘Drums of War,’ ” New 

York Times, March 7, 2012, A1. 

59. Carter quoted in Keys, Reclaiming American Virtue, 268. 

60. Keys, Reclaiming American Virtue. 

61. Byron Price, “ ‘Cutting for Sign’: Museums and Western Revisionism,” Western Historical Quarterly 24.2 (May 1993): 229–234. 

62. Edward T. Linenthal and Tom Engelhardt, eds., History Wars: The “Enola Gay” and Other Battles for the American Past (New York: 

Macmillan, 1996). 

63. Schindler’s List, directed by Steven Spielberg (Universal Pictures, 1993). 

64. Spielberg quoted in David Ansen, “Spielberg’s Obsession,” Newsweek, December 19, 1993; James Young, “Schindler’s List: Myth, 

Movie, and Memory,” Village Voice, March 24, 1994, 24. 

65. Omer Bartov, “Spielberg’s Oskar, Hollywood Tries Evil,” in Spielberg’s Holocaust: Critical Perspectives on “Schindler’s List,” ed. Yose- 

fa Loshitzky (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1997), 45; Haim Bresheeth, “The Great Taboo Broken: Reflections on the Israeli 

Reception of Schindler’s List,” in ibid., 205. 

 

6. Apocalypse Soon 

1. For overviews of Christian attitudes toward the Holy Land, see John Davis, The Landscape of Belief: Encountering the Holy Land in 

Nineteenth-Century American Art and Culture (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1996); Shalom L. Goldman, Zeal for Zion: Chris- 

tians, Jews, and the Idea of the Promised Land (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2009); Melani McAlister, Epic Encounters: 

Culture, Media, and U.S. Interests in the Middle East, 1945–2000, rev. ed. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005), 13–20; Hilton 

Obenzinger, American Palestine: Melville, Twain, and the Holy Land Mania (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1999). 

2. On the history of prophecy belief in America, see Paul Boyer, When Time Shall Be No More: Prophecy Belief in Modern American Cul- 

ture (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992). On the contemporary belief in the end of days, see Nicholas Guyatt, Have a Nice 

Doomsday: Why Millions of Americans Are Looking Forward to the End of the World (New York: Harper Perennial, 2007). 

3. On Christian Zionism, see Yaakov Ariel, An Unusual Relationship: Evangelical Christians and Jews (New York: New York University 

Press, 2013); Caitlin Carenen, The Fervent Embrace: Liberal Protestants, Evangelicals, and Israel (New York: New York University Press, 

2012); Victoria Clark, Allies for Armageddon: The Rise of Christian Zionism (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007); Samuel Gold- 

man, God’s Country: Christian Zionism in America (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2018); Goldman, Zeal for Zion; Ger- 

shom Gorenberg, The End of Days: Fundamentalism and the Struggle for the Temple Mount (New York: Free Press, 2000); Grace Halsell, 

Prophecy and Politics: The Secret Alliance between Israel and the U.S. Christian Right (Chicago: Lawrence Hill, 1986); Robert O. Smith, 

More Desired Than Our Owne Salvation: The Roots of Christian Zionism (New York: Oxford University Press, 2013); Stephen Spector, 

Evangelicals and Israel: The Story of American Christian Zionism (New York: Oxford University Press, 2009); Timothy P. Weber, On the 

Road to Armageddon: How Evangelicals Became Israel’s Best Friend (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic, 2004). 

4. David Brinn, “Pat Boone’s Christmas Present to the Jews,” Jerusalem Post, February 9, 2010, 

http://www.jpost.com/Arts-and-Culture/Music/Pat-Boones-Christmas-present-to-the-Jews. 

5. Sam Sokol, “Pat Boone Sells Land in Galilee to Evangelicals,” Jerusalem Post, February 13, 2013, 

http://www.jpost.com/Features/In-Thespotlight/Pat-Boone-sells-land-in-Galilee-to-evangelicals. 

6. Hal Lindsey with C. C. Carson, The Late Great Planet Earth (Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan, 1970). 

7. Boyer, When Time Shall Be No More, 5–7, 126–128; Weber, On the Road to Armageddon, locs. 2572–2623 of 4795, Kindle. 

8. Lindsey, The Late Great Planet Earth, 20. 

9. Ibid., 43. 

10. Premillennialism refers to the idea that Christ must come to earth before the dawning of one thousand years of peace (as op- 

posed to postmillennialism—which holds that man’s good works would progressively lead to this utopian stage of human history). 

Dispensationalism refers to the division of human history into biblical eras, in which Church history and the biblical history of the Jews 

are on separate trajectories, both of which will culminate in the final Messianic Age. Dispensationalist beliefs were codified in the enor- 

mously popular Scofield Reference Bible (1909), in which prophecy interpretations were printed alongside the biblical text, merging the 

two as a single whole. On Darby, Scofield, and premillennial dispensationalism, see Boyer, When Time Shall Be No More, 80–112, Clark, 

Allies for Armageddon, 73–92, Weber, On the Road to Armageddon, locs. 163–509 of 4795, Kindle. 

11. Quoted in Goldman, God’s Country, loc. 1267 of 5604, Kindle. 

12. On the Blackstone Memorial, see ibid., locs. 1236–3108; Clark, Allies for Armageddon, 92–97; Weber, On the Road to Armageddon, 

locs. 1358–1381 of 4795, Kindle; Hilton Obenzinger, “In the Shadow of ‘God’s Sun-Dial’: The Construction of American Christian Zion- 

ism and the Blackstone Memorial,” Stanford Electronic Humanities Review 5, no. 1 (Spring 1996), n.p., 

https://www.stanford.edu/group/SHR/5-1/text/obenzinger.html. On Christian Zionism and British imperial politics, see Clark, Allies for 

Armageddon, 92–97; Donald M. Lewis, The Origins of Christian Zionism: Lord Shaftesbury and Evangelical Support for a Jewish Homeland 

(New York: Cambridge University Press, 2010). 

13. Quoted in Smith, More Desired Than Our Owne Salvation, 11. 

14. Lindsey, The Late Great Planet Earth, 55–56; Gorenberg, The End of Days, 175–179. 

15. Lindsey, The Late Great Planet Earth, 79. 

16. Ibid., 166, 135, 144. 

17. Ibid., 150, 44, 174. 

18. Ibid., 111. 

19. Ibid., 29. 

20. Stu Weber, Tender Warrior: God’s Intention for Man (Colorado Springs, CO: Multnomah Books, 1993), 208–209. 

21. Halsell, Prophecy and Politics, 122. 

22. Hal Lindsey, A Prophetical Walk through the Holy Land (Eugene, OR: Harvest House, 1983), 190. 

23. Hal Lindsey, The 1980s: Countdown to Armageddon (New York: Bantam Books, 1981), 157. 

24. Tim LaHaye, The Battle for the Mind (Old Tappan, NJ: Fleming H. Revell, 1980), 217. On the Religious Right, see Darren Dochuk, 

From Bible Belt to Sun Belt: Plain-folk Religion, Grassroots Politics, and the Rise of Evangelical Conservatism (New York: Norton, 2010); 

Susan Friend Harding, The Book of Jerry Falwell: Fundamentalist Language and Politics (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2000); 

Michael Lienesch, Redeeming America: Piety and Politics in the New Christian Right (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 

1993). 

25. Quoted in Clark, Allies for Armageddon, 187. 

26. Quoted in William Martin, “The Christian Right and American Foreign Policy,” Foreign Policy 114 (Spring 1999): 72. 

27. Mike Evans, Israel—America’s Key to Survival, rev ed. (Bedford, TX: Bedford Books, 1983). On Evans’s influence, see Daniel K. 

Eisenbud, “The Bridge Builder,” Jerusalem Post, June 14, 2012, http://www.jpost.com/Magazine/Features/The-bridge-builder; Bill 

Berkowitz, “The Most Influential (and Self-Promotional) Christian Zionist You’ve Never Heard Of,” Alternet, February 23, 2009, 

http://www.alternet.org/story/128353/the_most_influential_%28and_self-promotional%29_christian_zionist_you%27ve_never_heard_of. 

28. Tim LaHaye, The Coming Peace in the Middle East (Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan, 1984), 169. 

29. Jerry Falwell, Listen, America! (New York: Bantam, 1980), 98. 

30. Ibid., 84. 

31. This narrative underwrote Reagan’s “Star Wars” agenda of creating an impenetrable shield of nuclear defense missiles, which 

would protect America in fighting and winning a nuclear war. “Blessing Israel,” to Falwell and the Christian right, also meant blessing 

America with Reagan’s massive military buildup of nuclear and conventional arms. 

32. LaHaye, The Battle for the Mind, 138. 

33. LaHaye, The Coming Peace, 170. 

34. John Hagee, Beginning of the End: The Assassination of Yitzhak Rabin and the Coming Antichrist (Nashville, TN: Thomas Nelson, 

1996), 124; Robertson quoted in Michael Lind, “Rev. Robertson’s Grand International Conspiracy Theory,” New York Review of Books, 

February 2, 1995, http://www.nybooks.com/articles/archives/1995/feb/02/rev-robertsons-grand-international-conspiracy-theo/. 

35. LaHaye, The Coming Peace, 60, 61. 

36. Quoted in Evans, Israel, 120. 

37. Tim LaHaye, quoted in Michelle Goldberg, Kingdom Coming: The Rise of Christian Nationalism (New York: Norton, 2006), 161. 

38. LaHaye, The Coming Peace, 13. 

39. Michael Standaert, Skipping towards Armageddon: The Politics and Propaganda of the Left Behind Novels and the LaHaye Empire 

(New York: Soft Skull Press, 2006), 13–14. On the popularity of the novels, see Craig Unger, “American Rapture,” Vanity Fair, December 

2005, 204. 

40. Tim LaHaye and Jerry B. Jenkins, Apollyon: The Destroyer Is Unleashed (Colorado Springs, CO: Tyndale, 1999), 2. 

41. Melani McAlister, “Prophecy, Politics, and the Popular: The Left Behind Series and Christian Fundamentalism’s New World 

Order,” South Atlantic Quarterly 102 (2003): 773–798. 

42. LaHaye, The Coming Peace, 16, 170. 

43. Tim LaHaye and Jerry B. Jenkins, The Mark: The Beast Rules the World (Colorado Springs, CO: Tyndale, 2000), 235. 

44. Tim LaHaye and Jerry B. Jenkins, Desecration: Antichrist Takes the Throne (Colorado Springs, CO: Tyndale, 2001), 339. 

45. Tim LaHaye and Jerry B. Jenkins, The Remnant: On the Brink of Armageddon (Colorado Springs, CO: Tyndale, 2002), 264, 225. 

46. Ibid., 169, 174, 100. 

47. Tim LaHaye and Jerry B. Jenkins, Armageddon: The Cosmic Battle of the Ages (Colorado Springs, CO: Tyndale, 2003), 339; Tim La- 

Haye and Jerry B. Jenkins, Glorious Appearing: The End of Days (Colorado Springs, CO: Tyndale, 2004), 28. 

48. LaHaye and Jenkins, Glorious Appearing, 200. 

49. LaHaye and Jenkins, Armageddon, 251. 

50. LaHaye and Jenkins, Glorious Appearing, 273. 

51. LaHaye and Jenkins, The Mark, 234. 

52. Merrill Simon, Jerry Falwell and the Jews (Middle Village, NY: Jonathan David, 1984), 87–88. 

53. Clark, Allies for Armageddon, 189. 

54. Kenneth L. Woodward, “Born Again!” Newsweek, October 25, 1976, 68. 

55. Quoted in Donald Wagner, “Evangelicals and Israel: Theological Roots of a Political Alliance,” The Christian Century, November 4, 

1998, 1020–1026. 

56. Clark, Allies for Armageddon, 189–192; Halsell, Prophecy and Politics, 73–74, 118–122. 

57. Clark, Allies for Armageddon, 192. Falwell was fond of telling the story (which journalists and historians have repeated) that Begin 

called him with the news before letting Reagan know. Though Begin in fact only called him a few days later, the story indicates the pride 

that Falwell and other evangelical leaders expressed at being insiders with access to the highest echelons of government in Israel. 

58. Evans, Israel, 9–11. 

59. On Robertson and Falwell in Lebanon, see Clark, Allies for Armageddon, 193. 

60. Falwell, Old Time Gospel Hour, November 7, 1982; transcript at 

http://crwsarchive.berkeley.edu/sites/default/files/shared/sourcedocs/1982-11.pdf, p. 13. 

61. Sara Diamond, Spiritual Warfare: The Politics of the Christian Right (Boston: South End Press, 1989), 203. 

62. Quoted in Irvine H. Anderson, Biblical Prophecy and Middle East Policy: The Promised Land, America and Israel, 1917–2002 

(Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2005), 123. 

63. Hagee, Beginning of the End, 16. 

64. Quotations from Clark, Allies for Armageddon, 192–193. 

65. Quoted in Caitlin Stewart, “Patriotism, National Identity, and Foreign Policy: The US–Israeli Alliance in the Twenty-First Century,” 

in United States Foreign Policy and National Identity in the 21st Century, ed. Kenneth Christie (New York: Routledge, 2009), 58; Nate Perl- 

mutter and Ruth Ann Perlmutter, The Real Anti-Semitism in America (New York: Arbor House, 1982), 156; Irving Kristol, “The Political 

Dilemma of America’s Jews,” Commentary, July 1984, 23–29. 

66. These observations on parallels between conservative evangelicals and neoconservatives rely on Andrew J. Bacevich, The New 

American Militarism: How Americans Are Seduced by War (New York: Oxford University Press, 2005); Justin Vaïsse, Neoconservatism: The 

Biography of a Movement, trans. Arthur Goldhammer (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2010); David Bruce MacDonald, Think- 

ing History, Fighting Evil: Neoconservatives and the Perils of Analogy (Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2009); John Ehrman, The Rise of 

Neoconservativism: Intellectuals and Foreign Affairs, 1945–1994 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1996); Gary Dorrien, The Neocon- 

servative Mind: Politics, Culture, and the War of Ideology (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1993); and Jacob Heilbrunn, They Knew 

They Were Right: The Rise of the Neocons (New York: Doubleday, 2008). 

67. Kristol, “Political Dilemma of America’s Jews.” 

68. Lind, “Rev. Robertson’s Grand International Conspiracy Theory”; Clark, Allies for Armageddon, 195–196. 

69. Clark, Allies for Armageddon, 217; Abraham H. Foxman, “Why Evangelical Support for Israel Is a Good Thing,” Jewish Telegraphic 

Agency, Daily News Bulletin, July 16, 2002. Ze’ev Chafets describes this post–9 / 11 alliance based on a common Islamic foe in A Match 

Made in Heaven: American Jews, Christian Zionists, and One Man’s Exploration of the Weird and Wonderful Judeo-Evangelical Alliance (New 

York: Harper Collins, 2007). 

70. “Falwell Brands Mohammed a ‘Terrorist,’ ” 60 Minutes, CBS News, June 5, 2003, 

http://www.cbsnews.com/news/falwell-brands-mohammed-a-terrorist/. 

 

7. Homeland Insecurities 

1. George W. Bush, “Address to the Joint Session of the 107th Congress,” September 20, 2001, 65–73, 

https://georgewbush-whitehouse.archives.gov/infocus/bushrecord/documents/Selected_Speeches_George_W_Bush.pdf. 

2. Gary Gerson quoted in Nancy Gibbs, “If You Want to Humble an Empire,” Time, September 14, 2001. For other examples, see 

Samuel G. Freedman, “We’re All on the Front Lines Now,” USA Today, September 13, 2001; Martin Peretz, “Israel, the United States, 

and Evil,” New Republic, September 24, 2001. 

3. Jan Freeman, “Existentially Speaking,” Boston Globe, February 4, 2007. 

4. David Frum and Richard Perle, An End to Evil: How to Win the War on Terror (New York: Random House, 2003), 7. 

5. George F. Will, “The End of Our Holiday from History,” Washington Post, September 12, 2001, A31; Clyde Haberman, “When the 

Unimaginable Happens and It’s Right Outside Your Window,” New York Times, September 12, 2001, A10; James Bennet, “The Israelis: 

Spilled Blood Is Seen as Bond That Draws Two Nations Closer,” New York Times, September 12, 2001, A22; Bill Keller, “America’s Emer- 

gency Line: 9/11,” New York Times, September 12, 2001, A27; Bruce Hoffman, “The Logic of Suicide Terrorism,” Atlantic, June 2003, 

40–47. 

6. Keller, “America’s Emergency Line”; Dexter Filkins, The Forever War (New York: Knopf, 2008), 45; Carolyn Davis, “This Day We 

Joined the Dangerous World,” Philadelphia Inquirer, September 12, 2001, A27. 

7. Quotations from Bennet, “The Israelis.” See also Brian Whitaker, “Sharon Likens Arafat to Bin Laden,” Guardian, September 14, 

2001. For agreement with Sharon, see Alan Dershowitz, “Bin Laden’s Inspiration,” Jerusalem Post, November 10, 2005. For Arafat’s 

refutation, see Ian Fisher, “Arafat Disavows Bin Laden, Saying ‘He Never Helped Us,’ ” New York Times, December 16, 2002. For a 

rejection of the connection between the two men on pragmatic grounds, see Gerald Seib, “Arafat Can’t Be Dealt with Like bin Laden Be- 

cause There Isn’t Any Viable Alternative,” Wall Street Journal, December 5, 2001. 

8. Lisa Stampnitzky, Disciplining Terror: How Experts Invented “Terrorism” (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013), 139–164. 

9. Benjamin Netanyahu, Fighting Terrorism: How Democracies Can Defeat Domestic and International Terrorists (New York: Farrar, 

Straus and Giroux, 1996). Peretz takes the same position in “Israel, the United States, and Evil.” 

10. On the second intifada, see Mark A. Tessler, A History of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, 2nd ed. (Bloomington: Indiana University 

Press, 2009), 807–827. 

11. Seth Ackerman, “Al-Aqsa Intifada and the U.S. Media,” Journal of Palestine Studies 30, no. 2 (2000–2001): 61–74; Barbie Zelizer, 

David Park, and David Gudelunas, “How Bias Shapes the News: Challenging The New York Times’ Status as a Newspaper of Record on 

the Middle East,” Journalism 3 (2002): 283–307. 

12. Lee Hockstader, “Israelis Say U.S. Could Learn from Their Tactics,” Washington Post, September 13, 2001, 13; Hockstader, “Sharon 

Defies Bush’s Request for Peace Talks,” Washington Post, September 16, 2001, 16. 

13. “Giuliani: Israel, U.S. Shoulder-to-Shoulder in Fight against Terror,” Haaretz (via the Associated Press), December 9, 2001, 

http://www.haaretz.com/news/giuliani-israel-u-s-shoulder-to-shoulder-in-fight-against-terror-1.76912. 

14. Charles Krauthammer, “Banish Arafat Now,” Washington Post, April 5, 2002, A23. On the convergence of the war on terror with the 

second intifada, see Derek Gregory, The Colonial Present: Afghanistan, Palestine, Iraq (Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2004), 107–143. 

15. Stephen Graham, “Laboratories of War: United States–Israeli Collaboration in Urban War and Securitization,” Brown Journal of 

World Affairs 17, no. 1 (2010): 31–51 (marine quoted on 36); Seymour Hersh, Chain of Command: The Road from 9/11 to Abu Ghraib (New 

York: HarperCollins, 2004), 279–280; Chris McGreal, “Send In the Bulldozers: What Israel Told Marines about Urban Battles,” 

Guardian, April 2, 2003, https://www.theguardian.com/world/2003/apr/02/iraq.israel; Eric Fair, Consequence: A Memoir (New York: 

Henry Holt, 2016), 106 (reference to “Palestinian chair”); Steve Niva, “Walling Off Iraq: Israel’s Imprint on U.S. Counterinsurgency Doc- 

trine,” Middle East Policy 15, no. 3 (2008): 67–79 (Iraqi protester quoted on 68). 

16. President George W. Bush, “Message to the Congress Transmitting Proposed Legislation to Create the Department of Homeland 

Security,” June 18, 2002, http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=64050&st=&st1; Avi Dichter and Daniel Byman, “Israel’s 

Lessons for Fighting Terrorists and Their Implications for the United States,” Saban Center for Middle East Policy at the Brookings 

Institute, Analysis Paper no. 8, March 2006; Jeffrey A. Larsen and Tasha L. Pravecek, Comparative U.S.-Israeli Homeland Security, Max- 

well Air Force Base, Alabama, USAF Counterproliferation Center, Air University, 2006, http://purl.access.gpo.gov/GPO/LPS105341; 

Thomas Henriksen, “The Israeli Approach to Irregular Warfare and Implications for the United States,” Joint Special Operations Univer- 

sity Report 07-3 (Hurlburt Field, FL: JSOU Press, 2007), https://jsoupublic.socom.mil/publications/jsoupubs_2007.php, p. 1. 

17. Michael Walzer, Just and Unjust Wars: A Moral Argument with Historical Illustrations (1977; repr., New York: Basic Books, 2015), 

81–85; Stephen Graham, Cities under Siege: The New Military Urbanism (London: Verso, 2010), loc. 5583 of 10754, Kindle; Andrew Bace- 

vich, “How We Became Israel: Peace Means Dominion for Netanyahu—and Now for Us,” American Conservative, September 10, 2012, 

16. 

18. Lisa Hajjar, “International Humanitarian Law and ‘Wars On Terror’: A Comparative Analysis of Israeli and American Doctrines and 

Policies,” Journal of Palestine Studies 36, no. 1 (2006): 32. 

19. “An Eye for an Eye,” 60 Minutes, CBS News, November 20, 2001, https://www.cbsnews.com/news/an-eye-for-an-eye-20-11-2001/. 

20. Munich, directed by Steven Spielberg (Universal Pictures, 2005); Michelle Goldberg, “Steven Spielberg’s Controversial New Film: 

The War on ‘Munich,’ ” Spiegel Online, December 20, 2005, 

http://www.spiegel.de/international/steven-spielberg-s-controversial-new-film-the-war-on-munich-a-391525-druck.html. 

21. Yosefa Loshitzky, “The Post-Holocaust Jew in the Age of ‘The War on Terror’: Steven Spielberg’s Munich,” Journal of Palestine Stud- 

ies 40, no. 2 (2011): 77–87. 

22. David Brooks, “What ‘Munich’ Left Out,” New York Times, December 11, 2005, C13. 

23. The book was written before 9/11. In The Kill Artist (New York: Random House, 2000), Allon does express remorse after an as- 

sassination, saying that it only felt good until “you start to think you’re as bad as the people you’re killing” (p. 82). However, by the fifth 

novel, The Prince of Fire (New York: Signet, 2005), Allon proudly describes filling a body with eleven bullets for every Jew murdered (pp. 

88, 289), an item repeated in the novels that followed. 

24. Bush, “Address to the Joint Session of the 107th Congress,” 68–69. 

25. Fareed Zakaria, “The Politics of Rage: Why Do They Hate Us?” Newsweek, October 15, 2001, 22. 

26. Mary-Jayne McKay, “Falwell Brands Mohammed a ‘Terrorist’: Conservative Christian Says Founder of Islam Set a Bad Example,” 

60 Minutes, CBS News, June 5, 2003, http://www.cbsnews.com/news/falwell-brands-mohammed-a-terrorist/; John Hagee, Jerusalem 

Countdown: A Warning to the World (Lake Mary, FL: FrontLine, 2006), 42, 193; Chuck Missler, Prophecy 20 / 20: Profiling the Future 

through the Lens of Scripture (Nashville, TN: Nelson Books, 2006), 148 (emphasis in original). See also Stephen Fink, “Fear under Con- 

struction: Islamophobia within American Christian Zionism,” Islamophobia Studies Journal 2, no. 1 (2014): 26–43. 

27. Christopher Hitchens, “Defending Islamofascism: It’s a Valid Term,” Slate, October 22, 2007, 

http://www.slate.com/articles/news_and_politics/fighting_words/2007/10/defending_islamofascism.html; “Bush: U.S. at War with ‘Is- 

lamic Fascists,’ ” CNN.com, August 10, 2006, http://www.cnn.com/2006/POLITICS/08/10/washington.terror.plot/. For a discussion 

of the term “Islamofascism,” see Katha Pollitt, “Wrong War, Wrong Word,” Nation, August 24, 2006, 

https://www.thenation.com/article/wrong-war-wrong-word/; Fred Halliday, Shocked and Awed: A Dictionary of the War on Terror (Berke- 

ley: University of California Press, 2010), 185–187. 

28. Boteach quoted in Brian Klug, Being Jewish and Doing Justice: Bringing Argument to Life (London: Vallentine Mitchell, 2012), 69; 

Natan Sharansky, “On Hating the Jews,” Commentary, November 1, 2003, 26–34; Daniel Goldhagen, “Globalization of Antisemitism,” 

Forward, May 2, 2003, http://forward.com/opinion/8736/the-globalization-of-antisemitism/; Andrei Markovits, Uncouth Nation: Why 

Europe Dislikes America (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2007). The link between anti-Semitism and anti-Americanism be- 

came part of the U.S. State Department’s 2005 Report on Global Anti-Semitism. The first section of the executive summary ends with the 

statement that “Global anti-Semitism in recent years has had four main sources.” The fourth source is described as “Criticism of both 

the United States and globalization that spills over to Israel, and to Jews in general who are identified with both.” See Anti-Semitism in 

the United States: Report on Global Anti-Semitism, U.S. Department of State, January 5, 2005, executive summary, part 1, 

https://2009-2017.state.gov/j/drl/rls/40258.htm. 

29. Josef Joffe, “The Demons of Europe,” Commentary, January 1, 2004, 29–34. Markovits repurposes the phrase “twin brothers” 

from André Glucksmann: see Uncouth Nation, 150–200. For further discussion of the relationship between anti-Americanism and anti- 

Semitism, see Alvin Rosenfeld, Anti-Americanism and Anti-Semitism: A New Frontier of Bigotry, American Jewish Committee, July 1, 2003, 

http://www.ajc.org/site/apps/nlnet/content3.aspx?c=7oJILSPwFfJSG&b=8449851&ct=12484851. 

30. Larsen and Pravecek, Comparative U.S.-Israeli Homeland Security, 43, 67, 69. 

31. James Traub, “The Dark History of Defending ‘The Homeland,’ ” New York Times Magazine, April 5, 2016, 

https://nyti.ms/2pCAuCX. For more on the meanings of “homeland,” see my article “Homeland Insecurities: Reflections on Language 

and Space,” Radical History Review 85 (2003): 82–93. 

32. Michelle Malkin, “Candidates Ignore ‘Security Moms,’ at Their Peril,” op-ed, USA Today, July 20, 2004, 

https://usatoday30.usatoday.com/news/opinion/editorials/2004-07-20-malkin_x.htm; Inderpal Grewal, “ ‘Security Moms’ in the Early 

Twentieth-Century United States: The Gender of Security in Neo-liberalism,” Women’s Studies Quarterly, 34, nos. 1–2 (2006): 25–39; Al- 

berto Gonzales, “Nothing Improper,” Washington Post, April 15, 2007, B07. 

33. National Commission on Terrorist Attacks upon the United States, The 9/11 Commission Report (New York: Norton, 2004), 362. 

34. Homeland, Showtime Networks, http://www.sho.com/homeland; Traub, “The Dark History of Defending ‘The Homeland.’ ” 

35. NCIS, CBS, https://www.cbs.com/shows/ncis/. On the popularity of the character Ziva David, see Mike Hale, “Sugar and Spice 

and Vicious Beatings,” New York Times, March 10, 2011, 6. 

36. For JINSA, see the brochure Empowering Law Enforcement Protecting America, which discusses the Homeland Security Program 

(formerly known as the Law Enforcement Exchange Program [LEEP]), at http://www.jinsa.org/files/LEEPbookletforweb.pdf. For ADL, 

see website for National Counter-Terrorism Seminar in Israel, 

https://www.adl.org/who-we-are/our-organization/signature-programs/law-enforcement-training/counter-terrorism-seminar. See also 

Max Blumenthal, “From Occupation to ‘Occupy’: The Israelification of American Domestic Security,” Al-Akhbar English, December 2, 

2011, https://english.al-akhbar.com/node/2178. 

37. LEEP, “Empowering Law Enforcement Protecting America.” 

38. Sari Horwitz, “Israeli Experts Teach Police on Terrorism,” Washington Post, June 12, 2005, C01. 

39. LEEP, “Empowering Law Enforcement Protecting America”; Anemone quoted in Hoffman, “The Logic of Suicide Terrorism.” 

40. LEEP, “Empowering Law Enforcement Protecting America.” 

41. Andrea Adelson, “Lessons from Israel,” Jewish Journal, October 3, 2002. For “matrix of control,” see Jeff Halper, “The 94 Percent 

Solution: A Matrix of Control,” Middle East Report 216 (Fall 2000): 14–19. 

42. Rebecca Anna Stoil, “Dichter’s Tour Fosters Bonds with US Marshals,” Jerusalem Post, October 18, 2006, 4. 

43. Sarah Kershaw, “Suicide Bombings Bring Urgency to Police in U.S.,” New York Times, July 25, 2005, A14; Travis Hudson, “AP In- 

vestigation: With CIA Help, NYPD Moves Covertly in Muslim Areas Post-9/11,” Dallas News, August 24, 2011. On the Israeli inspiration 

for the Demographics Unit, see Matt Apuzzo and Adam Goldman, Enemies Within: Inside the NYPD’s Secret Spying Unit and bin Laden’s 

Final Plot against America (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2013), 73. See also Horwitz, “Israeli Experts Teach Police on Terrorism”; Blu- 

menthal, “From Occupation to ‘Occupy.’ ” 

44. Kershaw, “Suicide Bombings Bring Urgency”; Horwitz, “Israeli Experts Teach Police on Terrorism.” 

45. H. J. Reza, “Arming Marines with Know-How for Staying Alive,” Los Angeles Times, October 24, 2005. 

46. Daniel K. Eisenbud, “U.S. Police Delegation Visits Israel to Learn Counter-terrorism Techniques,” Jerusalem Post, September 9, 

2016, 4; for the “Star of David,” see “JINSA Launches Law Enforcement Exchange,” JINSA Online, September 6, 2002, 

http://www.jinsa.org/events-programs/law-enforcement-exchange-program-leep/jinsa-launches-law-enforcement-exchange; for the 

emotional force experienced by American law enforcement, see Horwitz, “Israeli Experts Teach Police on Terrorism.” 

47. ADL, “Law Enforcement and Society: Lessons on the Holocaust,” http://dc.adl.org/law-enforcement-and-society/; United States 

Holocaust Memorial Museum, “Law Enforcement,” https://www.ushmm.org/professionals-and-student-leaders/law-enforcement. 

48. On the consortium between Boeing and Elbit, and quotation, see “Israeli Technology to Keep US Borders Safe,” Israel21c, Octo- 

ber 15, 2008, https://www.israel21c.org/israeli-technology-to-keep-us-borders-safe/. On the southern border drones, see “Elbit UAVs 

patrolling Arizona-Mexico Border,” Globes, June 28, 2004, http://www.globes.co.il/en/article-809421. On Elbit Systems’s 2014 and 

2018 contracts, see Kathleen Miller, “Israel’s Elbit Wins U.S. Border Work after Boeing Dumped,” Bloomberg Technology, February 27, 

2014, https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2014-02-27/israel-s-elbit-wins-u-s-border-surveillance-contract; “U.S. Customs and 

Border Protection Certifies Elbit Systems of America’s In-fill Radar and Tower System,” PR Newswire, February 1, 2018, 

https://www.prnewswire.com/news-releases/us-customs-and-border-protection-certifies-elbit-systems-of-americas-in-fill-radar-and-tower-system-300591799.html. 

49. Naomi Klein, “Laboratory for a Fortressed World,” The Nation, July 2, 2007, 9; Thomas Friedman, “Israel Discovers Oil,” New 

York Times, June 10, 2007, C15. 

50. Darryl Li, “The Gaza Strip as Laboratory: Notes in the Wake of Disengagement,” Journal of Palestine Studies 35, no. 2 (2006): 38–55. 

51. Yotam Feldman, “The Lab: Filmmaker’s View,” Al-Jazeera, May 8, 2014, 

https://www.aljazeera.com/programmes/witness/2014/05/lab-20145475423526313.html; Jonathan Cook, “ ‘The Lab’: Israel Tests 

Weapons, Tactics on Captive Palestinian Population,” Washington Report on Middle Eastern Affairs, September 2013, 16–17. 

52. Jeff Halper, War against the People: Israel, The Palestinians and Global Pacification (London: Pluto Press, 2015), loc. 2855 of 9372, 

Kindle. 

53. Quoted in Cook, “The Lab,” 17. 

54. Klein, “Laboratory for a Fortressed World.” 

55. Dan Senor and Saul Singer, Start-Up Nation: The Story of Israel’s Economic Miracle (New York: Hachette, 2009). 

56. Rajiv Chandrasekaran, Imperial Life in the Emerald City: Inside Iraq’s Green Zone (New York: Knopf, 2006), 144–147. 

57. Senor and Singer, Start-Up Nation, 8, 61. 

58. Ibid., 53. 

59. Ibid., 48. 

60. Ibid., 150. 

61. Ibid., 81. 

62. Ibid., 228 (bracketed phrase in original). 

63. Ibid., 229, 235. 

 

Conclusion 

1. Jeffrey Goldberg, “Obama on Zionism and Hamas,” Atlantic, May 12, 2008. 

2. Tessa Stuart, “Why Trump Calls for Racial Profiling after Attacks,” Rolling Stone, September 19, 2016; Tracy Wilkinson, “Trump Says 

Walls Work: ‘Just ask Israel,’ ” Los Angeles Times, February 8, 2017. 

3. Alan Rappeport, “Donald Trump Calls Himself ‘Lifelong Supporter’ of Israel,” First Draft newsletter, New York Times, March 21, 

2016, https://www.nytimes.com/politics/first-draft/2016/03/21/donald-trump-calls-himself-lifelong-supporter-of-israel/. 

4. Peter Beinart, The Crisis of Zionism (New York: Macmillan, 2012). 

5. Christina Maza, “Support for Israel among Young Evangelicals Drops Despite Biblical Teachings on Jewish Homeland,” Newsweek, 

December 5, 2017. 

6. Promoting Human Rights by Ending Israeli Military Detention of Palestinian Children Act, H.R. 4391, 115th Congress, 1st Session 

(2017). 

7. “Nikki Haley’s Jerusalem Speech at UN—Full Speech,” UN Watch, December 10, 2017, 

https://www.unwatch.org/nikki-haleys-jerusalem-speech-un-full-text/. 

8. World War Z, directed by Marc Foster (Paramount Pictures, 2013). The film is based on the book World War Z: An Oral History of 

the Zombie War, by Max Brooks (New York: Random House, 2006). 

NOTES

Introduction

1. Barack Obama, On a New Beginning, Remarks by the President at Cairo University, June 4, 2009, https://obamawhitehouse.archives.gov/the-press-office/remarks-president-cairo-university-6-04-09.

2. Ibid.

3. For an overview of U.S. aid to Israel through 2016, see the Congressional Research Service report prepared by Jeremy M. Sharp, U.S. Foreign Aid to Israel, Congressional Research Service, December 22, 2016, https://fas.org/sgp/crs/mideast/RL33222.pdf. On the 2016 aid package, see Peter Baker and Julie Hirschfeld Davis, U.S. Finalizes Deal to Give Israel $38 Billion in Military Aid, New York Times, September 13, 2016, A6.

4. Major works that take a cultural approach to the relationship between the United States and Israel include Michelle Mart, Eye on Israel: How America Came to View Israel as an Ally (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2006), and Melani McAlister, Epic Encounters: Culture, Media, and U.S. Interests in the Middle East since 1945 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005). Mart focuses on the 1940s and 1950s, while McAlister discusses Israel as part of the wider relationship of the United States to the Middle East. I am indebted to both.

5. On the Puritan connection, see Todd Gitlin and Liel Leibovitz, The Chosen Peoples: America, Israel, and the Ordeals of Divine Election (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2010); Shalom Goldman, God’s Sacred Tongue: Hebrew and the American Imagination (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2004); and Peter Gross, Israel in the Mind of America (New York: Knopf, 1983). Gross concludes: Even as they go their own way, in pursuit of their own national interests, Americans and Israelis are bonded together like no two other sovereign peoples. As the Judaic heritage flowed through the minds of America’s early settlers and helped to shape the new American republic, so Israel restored the vision and values of the American dream. Each, the United States and Israel, grafted the heritage of the other onto itself (p. 316).

6. On settler colonialism, see Lorenzo Veracini, Settler Colonialism: A Theoretical Overview (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010); Patrick Wolfe, Traces of History: Elementary Structures of Race (New York: Verso, 2016); Steven Salaita, The Holy Land in Transit: Colonialism and the Quest for Canaan (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 2006). For an analysis of the U.S. relationship with Israel that brings together Puritan origins and settler colonialism, see Anatol Lieven, America Right or Wrong: An Anatomy of American Nationalism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), 173–216.

7. Abiel Abbot, Traits of Resemblance in the People of the United States of America to Ancient Israel: In a Sermon, Delivered at Haverhill, on the Twenty-eighth of November, 1799, the Day of Anniversary Thanksgiving (Haverhill, MA: Moore & Stebbins, 1799), 6. On the significance of this passage, see Lieven, America, 188.

8. Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (New York: Verso, 1991).

9. Quoted in Michelle Mart, Eleanor Roosevelt, Liberalism, and Israel, Shofar: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Jewish Studies 24 (2006): 78.

10. Leon Uris, Exodus (1958; repr., New York: Bantam Books, 1959), 572, 517.

1. Lands of Refuge

1. Gentleman’s Agreement, directed by Elia Kazan (Los Angeles: 20th Century Fox, 1947).

2. Michael Cohen, Truman and Israel (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990); Michael Cohen, Palestine and the Great Powers: 1945–1948 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1982); Irene Gendzier, Dying to Forget: Oil, Power, Palestine, and the Foundations of U.S. Policy in the Middle East (New York: Columbia University Press, 2015); John Judis, Genesis: Truman, American Jews, and the Origins of the Arab / Israeli Conflict (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2014); Allison Radosh and Ronald Radosh, A Safe Haven: Harry S. Truman and the Founding of Israel (New York: Harper, 2009); Dan Tschirgi, The Politics of Indecision: Origins and Implications of American Involvement with the Palestine Problem (New York: Praeger, 1983).

3. Quoted in Ben Shepard, The Long Road Home: The Aftermath of the Second World War (New York: Knopf, 2011), 112.

4. Anglo-American Committee of Inquiry, Report to the United States Government and His Majesty’s Government in the United Kingdom, 20 April 1946, http://avalon.law.yale.edu/subject_menus/angtoc.asp. On the committee, see Cohen, Palestine and the Great Powers, 96–115; Leonard Dinnerstein, America and the Survivors of the Holocaust (New York: Columbia University Press, 1982), 73–100; William Roger Louis, The British Empire in the Middle East, 1945–1951 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1984), 397–419; Amikam Nachmani, Great Power Discord in Palestine: The Anglo-American Committee of Inquiry into the Problems of European Jewry and Palestine, 1945–1946 (London: Frank Cass, 1987).

5. Anglo-American Committee of Inquiry, Report.

6. William H. Stringer, Many Palestine Alternatives Offered, Christian Science Monitor, January 19, 1946, 16.

7. Ruth Gruber, Exodus 1947: The Ship That Launched a Nation (1948; repr., New York: Random House, 1999), 12; R. H. S. Crossman, Palestine Mission: A Personal Record (New York: Harper Brothers, 1947), 22; Nachmani, Great Power Discord, 74–75. On Crum’s life, see his daughter’s memoir: Patricia Bosworth, Anything Your Little Heart Desires: An American Family Story (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1998).

8. Crossman, Palestine Mission, 100.

9. The Biltmore Program: Towards a Jewish State (May 11, 1942), in The Israel-Arab Reader: A Documentary History of the Middle East Conflict, ed. Walter Laqueur and Barry Rubin, 7th ed. (New York: Penguin, 2008), 57.

10. Nachmani, Great Power Discord, 56; Ofer Shiff, The Downfall of Abba Hillel Silver and the Foundation of Israel (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 2014), 94–95.

11. Crossman, Palestine Mission, 38, Allen Howard Podet, The Success and Failure of the Anglo-American Committee of Inquiry, 1945–1946: Last Chance in Palestine (Lewiston, NY: Mellen Press, 1986), 149–153.

12. Leaders of Major Zionist Organizations Testify before Anglo-American Committee, Jewish Telegraphic Agency, January 9, 1946, 1; Bartley C. Crum, Behind the Silken Curtain: A Personal Account of Anglo-American Diplomacy in Palestine and the Middle East (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1947), 15.

13. Crossman, Palestine Mission, 39; Thomas A. Kolsky, Jews against Zionism: The American Council for Judaism, 1942–1948 (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1990), 130–133.

14. Harold A. Hinton, Einstein Condemns Rule in Palestine: Calls Britain Unfit but Bars Jewish State and Favors UNO—Compromise Is Studied, New York Times, January 12, 1946, 7; Crum, Behind the Silken Curtain, 15, 23–24; Crossman, Palestine Mission, 39.

15. Podet, Success and Failure, 184–186; Nachmani, Great Power Discord, 126–128.

16. Podet, Success and Failure, 172–173; Crum, Behind the Silken Curtain, 21–23.

17. Crum, Behind the Silken Curtain, 23; Crossman, Palestine Mission, 39.

18. Crossman, Palestine Mission, 33.

19. Quoted in Dinnerstein, America and the Survivors, 96–97.

20. Crossman, Palestine Mission, 33–34.

21. Ibid., 75.

22. Ibid., 79; Crum, Behind the Silken Curtain, 90.

23. For the vote, see Yosef Grodzinsky, In the Shadow of the Holocaust (Monroe, ME: Common Courage Press, 2004), 139. On Zionist organizing in DP camps, see Yehuda Bauer, Flight and Rescue: Brichah (New York: Random House, 1970); Dinnerstein, America and the Survivors, 63–96; Atina Grossman, Jews, Germans, and Allies: Close Encounters in Occupied Germany (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2007), 178–182; Arieh J. Kochavi, Post-Holocaust Politics: Britain, the United States, and Jewish Refugees, 1945–1948 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2001), 33–62; Peter Novick, The Holocaust in American Life (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1999), 63–84; Shepard, Long Road Home, 105–112, 180–202.

24. Crum, Behind the Silken Curtain, 102; Crossman, Palestine Mission, 79–81.

25. Crum, Behind the Silken Curtain, 134.

26. Crossman, Palestine Mission, 19, 79, 38, 46.

27. Quotations from Dinnerstein, America and the Survivors, 97.

28. Quotations from ibid., 132–134.

29. Congressman quoted in Dinnerstein, America and the Survivors, 158; American Legion quoted in Opposition to DPs Relaxed by Legion, New York Times, November 1, 1947, 5.

30. Henry Wallace, Palestine, Food and Chiang Kai-shek, New Republic, November 24, 1947, 12.

31. Crum, Behind the Silken Curtain, 149.

32. Crossman, Palestine Mission, 109–110, including quote from Azzam Pasha.

33. Ibid., 110, 111.

34. Crum, Behind the Silken Curtain, 152.

35. Ibid., 153, 155.

36. Ibid., 159.

37. Ibid., 160; Crossman, Palestine Mission, 119.

38. Crum, Behind the Silken Curtain, 195, 197 (emphasis in original).

39. Ibid., 198, 203, 213.

40. Ibid., 213.

41. Ibid., 192.

42. James G. McDonald, My Mission in Israel, 1948–1951 (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1951), 73; Kenneth Bilby, New Star in the Near East (New York: Doubleday, 1950), 265.

43. Crum, Behind the Silken Curtain, 203–204, 228, 230 (emphasis in original). For the population of Palestine, see Gudrun Krämer, A History of Palestine: From the Ottoman Conquest to the Founding of the State of Israel (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2008), 305–306.

44. Crossman, Palestine Mission, 118, 134–135, 138.

45. Clifton Daniel, Jewish Majority in Palestine Asked: Zionists Link State Claim to Million Influx in Ten Years, New York Times, March 9, 1946, 5.

46. Crossman, Palestine Mission, 123; Crum, Behind the Silken Curtain, 170.

47. Crum, Behind the Silken Curtain, 66, 227.

48. Anglo-American Committee of Inquiry, Report, chap. 8.

49. Clifton Daniel, Palestine Group Approves Magnes: Advocate of Bi-national State Evokes Tribute for Fair Play and Moderation, New York Times, March 15, 1946, 12.

50. Crossman, Palestine Mission, 130; Nachmani, Great Power Discord, 169. Historians have since debated the extent of the mufti’s influence in the Nazi hierarchy and the prevalence of his views among Palestinians. For historical assessments of Haj Amin al-Husseini and the relation between Arab nationalists and Nazism, see Gilbert Achcar, The Arabs and the Holocaust: The Arab-Israeli War of Narratives (New York: Metropolitan Books, 2009); Jeffrey Herf, Nazi Propaganda for the Arab World (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press,

2009); and Philip Mattar, The Mufti of Jerusalem: Al-Hajj Amin Al-Husayni and the Palestinian National Movement (New York: Columbia University Press, 1988).

51. Albert Hourani, The Case against a Jewish State in Palestine: Albert Hourani’s Statement to the Anglo-American Committee of Enquiry of 1946, Journal of Palestine Studies 35 (Autumn 2005): 80–90; Crum, Behind the Silken Curtain, 254–255.

52. Hourani, The Case against a Jewish State, 85, 81. For a condemnation of refugeeism as a substitute for Zionism, see World Zionist Conference Warned against ‘Backdoor Diplomacy’ in Fight for Palestine, Jewish Telegraphic Agency, August 5, 1945, 2. Ben-Gurion’s diary quoted in Nachmani, Great Power Discord, 211.

53. Hourani, The Case against a Jewish State, 88–89.

54. David Horowitz, State in the Making (New York: Knopf, 1953), 50; Crossman, Palestine Mission, 63; Nachmani, Great Power Discord, 191.

55. Anglo-American Committee of Inquiry, Report, chap. 1.

56. Crossman, Palestine Mission, 167–168.

57. Crum, Behind the Silken Curtain, 288, 260–261.

58. Ibid., vii, x. Crum’s book was more overtly partisan and less sophisticated than Crossman’s. Indeed, one committee member, Evan Wilson, later accused Crum of having had it ghostwritten by the pro-Zionist journalist Gerold Frank, who is thanked profusely in the acknowledgments. No matter how much prose Frank may have penned, the book was clearly a collaborative work. See Evan Wilson, A Calculated Risk: The U.S. Decision to Recognize Israel (1979; repr., Cincinnati, OH: Clerisy Press, 2008), 333. Wilson served as a State Department staff member of the Anglo-American Committee. Gerold Frank later became a famous ghostwriter for Hollywood stars, including Judy Garland.

59. I. F. Stone, Underground to Palestine (New York: Boni and Gaer, 1946); Stone, This Is Israel (New York: Boni and Gaer, 1948); Ruth Gruber, Destination Palestine: The Story of the Haganah Ship Exodus 1947 (New York: A. A. Wyn, 1948); Henry Wallace, The Problem of Palestine, New Republic, April 21, 1947, 12. Dorothy Thompson shifted her sympathies to the Arab cause after 1948, at great expense to her career.

60. Giora Goodman,  ‘Palestine’s Best’: The Jewish Agency’s Press Relations, 1946–1947, Israel Studies 16, no. 3 (2011): 16; Freda Kirchwey et al., The Palestine Problem and Proposals for Its Solution, Memorandum submitted to the General Assembly of the United Nations (New York: Nation Associates, 1947). Lilli Shultz, director of the Nation Associates, insisted that the Jewish Agency’s support for The Nation be confidential and that it be paid in installments by individuals without appearing in the Jewish Agency’s books. Both Kirchwey and Shultz continued to advocate for Israel after 1948. In 1951 Kirchwey organized a memorandum signed by nineteen religious, labor, education, and liberal leaders submitted to the General Assembly of the United Nations calling for the permanent resettlement of the Arab-refugee population in the Arab States. The Arab-Refugee Problem: A Plan for Its Solution, The Nation, December 29, 1951, 563–566. In 1956, Shultz opened her own public relations firm, Kenmore Associates, whose main client was Israel.

61. Kirchwey, quoted in Sara Alpern, Freda Kirchwey: A Woman of The Nation (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1987), 139–140, 197.

62. Kirchwey et al., The Palestine Problem, 47, 52. For an analysis of how this exaggerated accusation against Haj Amin al-Husseini developed in the 1940s and its subsequent political consequences, see Achcar, Arabs and the Holocaust, 150–173.

63. I. F. Stone, Palestine Pilgrimage, The Nation, December 8, 1945, 616–617; Stone, Jewry in a Blind Alley, The Nation, November 24, 1945, 543–544.

64. Walter C. Lowdermilk, Palestine: Land of Promise (New York: Harper, 1944).

65. Ibid., 66, 14, epigraph. See also Rory Miller, Bible and Soil: Walter Clay Lowdermilk, the Jordan Valley Project and the Palestine Debate, Middle Eastern Studies 39, no. 2 (April 2003): 60.

66. Quoted in Miller, Bible and Soil, 61; Lowdermilk, Palestine, 14–15.

67. Wallace, The Problem of Palestine, 12–13; I. F. Stone, The Palestine Report, The Nation, May 11, 1946, 564; Crum, Behind the Silken Curtain, 236–237; Kirchwey et al., The Palestine Problem, 130–133.

68. Quoted in Michelle Mart, Eleanor Roosevelt, Liberalism, and Israel, Shofar: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Jewish Studies 24 (Spring 2006): 78.

69. Kirchwey et al., The Palestine Problem, 1.

70. Michelle Mart, Eye on Israel: How America Came to View Israel as an Ally (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2006), 30–33; Henry Wallace, In Rome, as in Palestine, New Republic, November 17, 1947, 13; The Partition of Palestine, New York Times, November 30, 1947, E10.

71. Sumner Welles, We Need Not Fail (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1948), 53.

72. Lillie Shultz, Who Wrote the Bernadotte Plan? The Nation, October 23, 1948.

73. Wallace, The Problem of Palestine, 12; I. F. Stone, Gangsters or Patriots? The Nation, January 12, 1946, 34–35. Right-wing supporters of the Irgun used the phrase It’s 1776 in Palestine throughout their publicity; see Rafael Medoff, Militant Zionism in America: The Rise and Impact of the Jabotinsky Movement in the U.S., 1926–1948 (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 2002), 171–200. On the effect of terrorism on public opinion, see Bruce J. Evensen, Truman, Palestine, and the Press: Shaping the Conventional Wisdom at the Beginning of the Cold War (New York: Greenwood Press, 1992), 71–98.

74. Stone, Underground to Palestine, xiii.

75. Ibid., 162, 186, 240.

76. Bartley Crum, Escape from Europe, The Nation, January 27, 1947, 104–105.

77. I. F. Stone, Confessions of a Jewish Dissident, New York Review of Books, March 9, 1978. The essay criticized the contemporary

American Jewish community for suppressing dissent about Israel and sympathy for the Palestinians. The essay was reprinted in I. F. Stone, Underground to Palestine: And Other Writing on Israel, Palestine, and the Middle East (New York: Open Road Media, 2015), loc. 3037–3047 of 6015, Kindle.

78. Stone, This Is Israel, 27, 30.

79. Ibid., 28, 29, 91.

80. Ibid., 7, 26.

81. Ibid., 127.

82. Palestine Strife Creates DP Issue, New York Times, May 4, 1948, 20; Refugees: The New D.P.s, Time, October 25, 1948, 31; journalist quoted in Benny Morris, The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem, 1947–1949 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 278. For Israel’s decision against repatriation and subsequent steps to block the refugees’ return, see Morris, Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem, 132–196. For articles and editorials that compare the Jewish and Arab refugees, see The Dispossessed, New York Times, March 28, 1949, 20; Nasri Khattar, Problem of Arab Refugees, New York Times, May 5, 1948, 24; Clifton Daniel, Diplomatic and Military Defeat in Palestine Followed by Acute Refugee Problem, New York Times, July 26, 1948, 6; The Arab Refugees, New York Times, August 12, 1948, 20; Sam Pope Brewer, Arab Refugee Problem Threatens a New Crisis, New York Times, August 15, 1948, E5; Clifton Daniel, Refugee Plight Shown, New York Times, October 13, 1948, 3; George Barret, The Star of Bethlehem Looks Down on 750,000 Refugees in Holy Land, New York Times, December 25, 1948, 2; Kermit Roosevelt, Aiding Arab Refugees: Peace in Middle East Held Dependent on Solution to Problem, New York Times, February 11, 1949, 22; Arab Refugee Camps Pitiful, Democrats Told, Washington Post, May 25, 1949, B5; U.S. Urged to Admit 10,000 Arabs as DPs, Washington Post, September 10, 1949, 2. For an objection to this analogy, see Jewish DPs—Arab Refugees, Jewish Exponent, August 20, 1948, 4. On the congressional debate, see Milton Friedman, Congress and the DP’s, Jewish Exponent, August 1, 1949, 16; Celler Discounts Value of Any Arab DP Testimony, Washington Post, September 1, 1949, 9; Arab Issue ‘Fogs’ DP Case-Celler, Washington Post, September 2, 1949, 21; William Conklin, Arab DP Hearings Fought by Celler, New York Times, September 2, 1949, 10; Bess Furman, Inclusion of Arabs in DP Groups Urged: Witnesses at a Senate Hearing Stress Problems of Palestinian Refugees Displaced by Jews, New York Times, September 10, 1949, 7.

83. Freda Kirchwey, Israel at First Glance, The Nation, November 27, 1948, 599, 600.

84. Freda Kirchwey, Israel at First Glance: Why Did the Arabs Run? The Nation, December 4, 1948, 624–626.

85. Ibid., 625.

86. Ibid., 625–626.

87. Freda Kirchwey, Israel at First Glance: Jerusalem under Fire, The Nation, December 25, 1948, 718–720.

88. One might assume that in 1948–1949, Kirchwey and Stone could not have been aware of Israeli troops expelling Arabs from their homes since historians, such as Benny Morris, did not document the expulsion until the 1980s. But in 1948–1949, other journalists in the same political circle, such as Kenneth Bilby, a self-identified pro-Zionist journalist for the New York Herald, wrote about the terror inflicted by violent acts of Jewish soldiers, along with tales of violence, which impelled Arabs to flee: Bilby, New Star in the Near East, 30, 43–44. Similarly, Hal Lehrman expressed regret about what he reported: Now that I’ve traveled every corner of this country, it has become clear that the Israeli troops must have been decidedly tough even with non-combatant Arabs during the war. There are, for instance, too many dynamited, desolated native villages where little or no fighting ever occurred. The Jews simply came in and smashed the place, often sparing only the mosques. He received some of this information from veterans:  ‘The Israeli soldier has looted, burned, and slaughtered,’ I have been told, ‘and it is no comfort for us that soldiers of every other army do likewise.’ It is even hinted that certain officers actually ordered their troops to let themselves go. The best evidence that there were atrocities—and, I suppose, the best apology for them, if such things can be apologized for—came to me from a high-ranking veteran of the Jerusalem siege. Hal Lehrman, The Arabs of Israel: Pages from a Correspondent’s Notebook, Commentary 8, no. 6 (1949): 523–533.

89. Dana Adams Schmidt, 200 Arabs Killed; Stronghold Taken, New York Times, April 10, 1948, 6. Newspapers at the time originally reported that 240 people had been killed. For a recent historical account, see Matthew Hogan, The Massacre at Deir Yassin Revisted, The Historian 63, no. 2 (2001): 309–334.

90. William O. Douglas, Strange Lands and Friendly People (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1951), 264–265. Douglas also noted that the villagers were told by the Arab leaders to leave. It apparently was a strategy of mass evacuation whether or not necessary as a military or public safety measure.

91. Isidore Abramowitz, New Palestine Party, New York Times, December 4, 1948, 12.

92. Bilby, New Star in the Near East, 238.

2. Founding Israel in America

1. Dan Wakefield, Israel’s Need for Fiction, The Nation, April 11, 1959, 318–319.

2. Ibid.; Victor Haas, Rich Novel of Israel’s Birth, review of Exodus, by Leon Uris, Chicago Daily Tribune, September 28, 1958, C3.

3. Ira B. Nadel, Leon Uris: Life of a Best Seller (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2010), 104.

4. Ibid., 1–2.

5. The Best Pictures of 1960, Time, January 2, 1961, 49; The New Pictures, Time, December 19, 1960, 71; Bosley Crowther, A Long ‘Exodus,’  New York Times, December 16, 1960, 44; Philip K. Scheuer,  ‘Exodus’ Stirring but Uneven Epic, Los Angeles Times, December 22, 1960, B9; Stanley Kauffmann, Double Feature, New Republic, December 19, 1960, 22.

6. Edward Tivnan, The Lobby: Jewish Political Power and American Foreign Policy (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1987), 51. In a 2001 essay lamenting the lack of empathy for Palestinians in the American media, Edward Said wrote that "the main narrative model that dominates American thinking still seems to be Leon Uris’s 1950 [sic] novel. Said, Propaganda and War," Al-Ahram Weekly Online, no. 55, September 6–12, 2001, http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/Archive/2001/550/op2.htm. In 2010, Alan Dershowitz bemoaned Israel’s waning

reputation: Israel needs to be portrayed in the twenty-first century the way it was portrayed years ago by Leon Uris. Alan Dershowitz: Hollywood Actors Jumping on Lubavitch Bandwagon, Matzav.com, November 18, 2010, http://matzav.com/alan-dershowitz-hollywood-actors-jumping-on-lubavitch-bandwagon/.

7. Aviva Halamish, The Exodus Affair: Holocaust Survivors and the Struggle for Palestine (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1998), 141–143.

8. Leon Uris, Exodus (1958; repr., New York: Bantam Books, 1959), 182.

9. Leon Uris to William Uris, March 4, 1958, box 137, folder 8, Leon Uris Archive, Harry Ransom Humanities Research Center, University of Texas, Austin (hereafter cited as Uris Archive).

10. Ibid.

11. Ruth Gruber, Destination Palestine: The Story of the Haganah Ship Exodus 1947 (New York: Current Books, 1948), 35.

12. D. D. Guttenplan, American Radical: The Life and Times of I. F. Stone (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2009), 228.

13. Uris, Exodus, 4.

14. Rachel Simon, Zionism, in The Jews of the Middle East and North Africa in Modern Times, ed. Reeva Spector Simon, Michael Menachem Laskier, and Sara Reguer (New York: Columbia University Press, 2003), 165–179.

15. On the Judeo-Christian tradition in the 1950s, see Deborah Dash Moore, Jewish GIs and the Creation of the Judeo-Christian Tradition, Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 8, no. 1 (1998): 31–53; Mark Silk, Notes on the Judeo-Christian Tradition in America, American Quarterly 36, no. 1 (1984): 65–85; Kevin M. Schultz, Tri-Faith America: How Catholics and Jews Held Postwar America to Its Protestant Promise (New York: Oxford University Press, 2011).

16. Leon Uris to William Uris, February 20, 1956, box 137, folder 7, Uris Archive; Nadel, Leon Uris, 95–97.

17. On the Israeli government’s efforts to influence U.S. public opinion and policy makers, see Peter Hahn, The View from Jerusalem: Revelations about U.S. Diplomacy from the Archives of Israel, Diplomatic History 22, no. 4 (1998): 509–532. On the cross-border raids, Dan Wakefield (who reviewed Exodus for The Nation) wrote: The reprisal raids have discouraged infiltration and shooting on the border, but have also seriously damaged Israel in outside opinion. Even in Jewish communities, Zionist fund-raising regularly drops after one of the Israeli raids. Dan Wakefield, Israel’s ‘Direct’ Policy: First Talk with Golda Myerson, The Nation, August 4, 1956, 93–96. On Uris’s friendship with the Israeli ambassador in Los Angeles, see Nadel, Leon Uris, 95.

18. Leon Uris to William Uris, March 8, 1956, box 137, folder 7, Uris Archive; Nadel, Leon Uris, 97–104.

19. On the making of the film, see Chris Fujiwara, The World and Its Double: The Life and Work of Otto Preminger (New York: Faber and Faber, 2008), 256–271. To secure contacts in the Israeli government, Preminger enlisted an old friend from Vienna, veteran Zionist Meyer Weisgal, a former impresario in America who had become president of the Weizmann Institute of Science. In exchange, Preminger promised to donate the Israeli royalties from the film to the institute. For funding, Preminger called on Arthur Krim of United Artists, a known supporter of Israel, who would later become an intimate advisor to President Lyndon B. Johnson. Weisgal applauded Exodus for clearing the Zionist record from the taint of terrorism. In the 1940s, he had been infuriated that political violence in other parts of the world was called patriotism, resistance, revolt, while in Palestine it was reduced to a very simple thing: terror. For information on the government’s aid and the quotation from Weisgal’s diary, see Tony Shaw, Cinematic Terror: A Global History of Terrorism on Film (London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2014), 64–66.

20. Leon Uris to William Uris, May 14, 1956, box 137, folder 7, Uris Archive.

21. Ibid.

22. Leon Uris to William Uris, September 17, 1956, box 137, folder 8, Uris Archive.

23. Leon Uris, Author in Search of a Novel, promotional essay for Doubleday, box 25, folder 7, Uris Archive.

24. Edward Murrow, Egypt-Israel, See It Now, season 5, episode 5, CBS, March 13, 1956. The article Uris wired to the Philadelphia Inquirer is available in box 25, folder 3, Uris Archive.

25. After the 1949 armistice, according to historian Benny Morris, Palestinian refugees stole across the new borders primarily for social and economic reasons—to recover property, reunite with families, shepherd their flocks, or harvest their fields. In the mid-1950s, politically motivated groups of fedayeen (Arabic for those who sacrifice themselves) started conducting raids into Israeli territory to attack soldiers and civilians and to gather intelligence. Israel reacted by mounting larger and fiercer reprisals, which culminated in the shelling of Gaza City on April 5, 1956. Benny Morris, Israel’s Border Wars, 1949–1956: Arab Infiltration, Israeli Retaliation, and the Countdown to the Suez War (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1993), 382–389. On Roi Rothberg and the text of Dayan’s eulogy, see Idith Zertal, Israel’s Holocaust and the Politics of Nationhood (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 178–182.

26. We Must Not Be Lulled by Peace Talk—Dayan, Jerusalem Post, May 2, 1956, 1; quotations from Zertal, Israel’s Holocaust, 180–181.

27. Leon Uris to William Uris, May 4, 1956, box 137, folder 7, Uris Archive. On Uris’s response to Rothberg’s funeral, see M. M. Silver, Our Exodus: Leon Uris and the Americanization of Israel’s Founding Story (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 2010), 172–174. Uris mentioned the See It Now episode in an unpublished article on the funeral that he wrote for the Philadelphia Inquirer.

28. Lewis W. Gillenson, Young Kids on a Tense Border, Coronet, October 1956, 44–53. Uris had a copy of Gillenson’s article with his research material.

29. Paul Breines, Tough Jews: Political Fantasies and the Moral Dilemma of American Jewry (New York: Basic Books, 1990), 54–59.

30. Yael Zerubavel, Recovered Roots: Collective Memory and the Making of Israeli National Tradition (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995), 39–47, 43, 44.

31. Uris, Exodus, 52, 177, 443, 44, 25, 41, 56.

32. David Boroff, Exodus: Another Look, New York Post, May 17, 1959; When Men Were Men—and Killers, World-Telegram and Sun, May 3, 1957, in Leon Uris scrapbook, box 168, Uris Archive; westerns quote from Nadel, Leon Uris, 87.

33. Richard Slotkin, Regeneration through Violence: The Mythology of the American Frontier, 1600–1860 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1973); Slotkin, Gunfighter Nation: The Myth of the Frontier in Twentieth-Century America (New York: Atheneum, 1992).

34. Uris, Exodus, 264.

35. Ibid., 264, 379.

36. Ibid., 265.

37. Ibid., 551, 281.

38. Ibid., 271.

39. Interview quoted in Nadel, Leon Uris, 316n16; Leon Uris to William Uris, September 17, 1956, box 137, folder 7, Uris Archive; Leon Uris to William Uris, June 25, 1957, box 137, folder 8, Uris Archive. Marjorie Morningstar is the main female character in a popular novel (1955) of the same name by Herman Wouk, which deals with Jewish assimilation, and whose main male character is an artist.

40. On the crisis of masculinity, see K. A. Cuordileone, Manhood and American Political Culture in the Cold War (New York: Routledge, 2005); Robert D. Dean, Imperial Brotherhood: Gender and the Making of Cold War Foreign Policy (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 2001); James Gilbert, Men in the Middle: Searching for Masculinity in the 1950s (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2005).

41. Schlesinger quoted in Dean, Imperial Brotherhood, 172; Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr., The Vital Center: The Politics of Freedom (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1949), 13–15, 25, 36–44; John F. Kennedy, The New Frontier, Speech, Democratic National Convention, Los Angeles, July 15, 1960.

42. Uris, Exodus, 448, 551.

43. Rudolf Flesch, Conversation Piece: A Book with Universal Appeal, Los Angeles Times, February 8, 1960, B5.

44. Editorial reprinted in 1956 Congressional Record, Uris scrapbook, box 168, Uris Archive.

45. Bosley Crowther, The Screen in Review: Movie Study of Jewish-British Strife in Palestine, ‘Sword in the Desert,’  New York Times, August 25, 1949, 20.

46. Robert Friedman, " ‘Israeli Minutemen,’ review of Exodus, by Leon Uris," St. Louis Post-Dispatch, in Uris scrapbook, box 168, Uris Archive.

47. Uris, Exodus, 25.

48. Ibid., 257, 268.

49. Leon Uris, A Summary of the Outstanding Actions of the Jewish Underground, box 25, folder 1, Uris Archive.

50. Quoted in Fujiwara, World and Its Double, 256–277.

51. Quoted in ibid., 263 (emphasis in original).

52. Uris, Exodus, 518, 572.

53. Ibid., 588, 589.

54. Ibid., 348.

55. Ibid., 458.

56. Ibid., 523, 553, 554.

57. Ibid., 550.

58. Ibid., 19.

59. Salim Yaqub, Containing Arab Nationalism: The Eisenhower Doctrine and the Middle East (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2004); Carroll Kilpatrick, Vice President Calls It Declaration of Independence from Colonialism, Washington Post, November 3, 1956, 1.

60. Roger Cohen, A Crass and Consequent Error, review of Patriot of Persia: Muhammad Mossadegh and a Tragic Anglo-American Coup, by Christopher de Bellaigue, New York Review of Books, August 16, 2012.

61. Ghana: A People Reaching for the Light, Life, January 18, 1960, 82.

62. Jason Parker, The Eisenhower Administration and the Bandung Conference, in The Eisenhower Administration, the Third World and the Globalization of the Cold War, ed. Kathryn Statler and Andrew Johns (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2006), 168.

63. Douglass Little, American Orientalism: The United States and the Middle East since 1945 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2008), 178.

64. Quoted in ibid., 175.

65. Dana Adams Schmidt, Israel Relaxed and Confident after a Decade of Hardships: Nation’s Mood Found to Contrast Sharply with Crises of Its Early Statehood—Shops Full of Goods and Buyers, New York Times, December 20, 1959, 17.

66. Agnes E. Meyer, Israel’s Labor Movement Is Its Backbone, Washington Post, January 22, 1961, E1. See also Israel in Africa, New Republic, October 5, 1959, 6–7; Kalman Seigel, Israel to Step Up Aid to Neighbors: Official Tells Zionists of Plan to Turn Nation into Pilot Plant for Progress, New York Times, November 20, 1960, 27; Israel is Democracy’s Classroom for Africans, Washington Post / Times Herald, March 23, 1961, D1.

67. From Herzl’s The Jewish State, as quoted in Arthur Hertzberg, The Zionist Idea: A Historical Analysis and Reader (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 1997), 222.

68. Uris, Exodus, 589, 596.

69. Seth King,  ‘Exodus’ and Israel, New York Times, October 4, 1959, 21; Arthur Hertzberg, The Jews in America: Four Centuries of an Uneasy Encounter (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1989), 319.

70. Philip Roth, Some New Jewish Stereotypes, in Reading Myself and Others (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1975), 145–146.

71. Ibid., 146 (emphasis in original).

72. Aziz S. Sahwell, "Exodus: A Distortion of Truth" (New York: Arab Information Center, 1960). A few reviews in the United States did note the bias of the novel and film. Time named Exodus one of the ten best films of 1960, but a review in the magazine had objected that the film unequivocally blames the Arabs, absolutely absolves the Jews. Then, in chauvinistic frenzy, the picture goes on to sanctify the Jewish terror. The Best Pictures of 1960, Time, January 2, 1961, 49; The New Pictures, Time, December 19, 1960, 71. A Cosmopolitan article on Preminger’s filming in Israel reported that four men in Nazareth were arrested for distributing circulars protesting the novel’s degradation of Arabs and that Egypt radio urged a boycott of the film. It also mentioned a critique of the film by Palestinian poet Rashad Husein in the Arab-language newspaper Al Mirsad. Saga of Exodus, Cosmopolitan, November 1960, 12–15.

73. For three very different responses, see Jeffrey Goldberg, Prisoners: A Story of Friendship and Terror (New York: Vintage Books, 2006); Karen Brodkin, How Jews Became White Folks: And What That Says about Race in America (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2000), loc. 1603 of 2887, Kindle; Julius Lester, Lovesong: Becoming a Jew (New York: Arcade, 1988), 30. Goldberg wrote of discovering, as an adolescent, a new hero in Ari Ben Canaan, a Hebrew (not, somehow, Jewish) warrior, brave and cold-eyed, who defended Jewish honor. Goldberg was inspired to enlist in the IDF, where he served as a prison guard during the first intifada.

74. Albert Hazbun, email message to the author, March 16, 2010.

75. L. R. S., Exodus—Unhistorical Novel, Issues 13, no. 5 (Fall 1959): 31–35; Irwin M. Hermann, An Historical Appraisal, Issues 13, no. 5 (1959): 35–41.

3. Invincible Victim

1. Hero of the Israelis: Itzhak Rabin, New York Times, June 8, 1967, 16; Theodore H. White, Mideast War, Life, June 23, 1967, 24.

2. Hero of the Israelis.

3. Jack Pitman, 6-Day War: $6 Mil TV ‘Event,’  Variety, June 14, 1967, 40.

4. Israel Forswears War of Conquest: Premier Declares Nation Has No Territorial Aims, New York Times, June 6, 1967, 16.

5. James Reston, Washington: Nasser’s Reckless Maneuvers, New York Times, May 24, 1967, 46; Reston, The Issue in Cairo: Israel a U.S. ‘Base,’  New York Times, June 4, 1967, 1; Reston, Tel Aviv: The Irony of Israel’s Success, New York Times, June 7, 1967, 46.

6. The Israeli Thrust—The Astounding Sixty Hours, Life, June 16, 1967, 33; In 60 Hours a New Middle East, Life, June 16, 1967, 4.

7. Law and the Middle East, editorial, Christian Science Monitor, May 27, 1967, 16; Testing the Aqaba Blockade, editorial, Washington Post, June 2, 1967, A20.

8. David Pela, Mobilization Motivates Israel’s Moves and Moods, Jewish Chronicle (Pittsburgh, PA), June 2, 1967, 14, http://doi.library.cmu.edu/10.1184/pmc/CHR/CHR_1967_006_014_06021967; Alfred W. Bloom, Israel Will Wait—How Long? Jewish Chronicle (Pittsburgh, PA), June 2, 1967, 26, http://doi.library.cmu.edu/10.1184/pmc/CHR/CHR_1967_006_014_06021967.

9. Don Cook and Tom Lambert, Odds in Battle Favor Israel, Experts Declare, Los Angeles Times, May 24, 1967, 6; James Feron, Dayan Says Israel Needs No Aid by Foreign Troops, New York Times, June 4, 1967, 1; William Beecher, U.S. Military Analysts Expect Short War, with Israel Winning, New York Times, June 6, 1967, 1; U.S. Believes Israel Can Hold Its Own: Congressmen Report McNamara View, Chicago Tribune, June 6, 1967, 8. For the turkey shoot memo, see Michael Oren, Six Days of War: June 1967 and the Making of the Modern Middle East (New York: Rosetta Books, 2004), 210.

10. Theodore White, After the Last Campaign, the Hazards of Victory, in Israel’s Swift Victory, special edition of Life, June 1967, 83.

11. J. J. Goldberg, Jewish Power: Inside the American Jewish Establishment (New York: Basic Books, 1997), 137. See also Lucy Dawidowicz, American Public Opinion, American Jewish Yearbook 69 (1968): 198–229, and Arthur Hertzberg, Israel and American Jewry, Commentary 44, no. 2 (1967): 69–73.

12. Israel’s Chief Orator: Abba Eban, New York Times, June 21, 1967, 15; Text of Kosygin Address to General Assembly and Excerpts from Eban Speech: Russian and Israeli Talks Give Sharply Opposing Views of Conflict in the Mideast, New York Times, June 20, 1967, 16; Major Points of Speech by Eban, Los Angeles Times, June 20, 1967, 16.

13. According to Michael Oren (Six Days of War, 306), between 175,000 (Israeli estimates) and 250,000 (Jordanian estimates) Palestinians fled the West Bank.

14. Alfred Friendly, Israel’s Image: Agreement on Refugees, Washington Post, August 8, 1967, A11; James Feron, Israel Has the Image Problem of a Tough Victor, New York Times, July 20, 1969, E4. See also Israel’s Opportunity, editorial, New York Times, June 19, 1967, 34.

15. Carl T. Rowan, Why the Danger Is So Great, Los Angeles Times, May 28, 1967, D7. See also C. L. Sulzberger, Foreign Affairs: The Edge of Infinity, New York Times, May 24, 1967, 46.

16. See Michael Sherry, In the Shadow of War: The United States since the 1930s (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1995), 158.

17. Bill Mauldin, Not a Litterbug among Them, Those Israeli Troops, New Republic, June 24, 1967, 6.

18. Israel’s Swift Victory; Associated Press, Lightning out of Israel: The Six-Day War in the Middle East (New York, 1967); S. L. A. Marshall and United Press International, Swift Sword: The Historical Record of Israel’s Victory, June 1967 (New York: American Heritage Publishing, 1967); Mike Wallace and S. L. A. Marshall, How Israel Won the War, CBS News Special, July 18, 1967, produced by Burton Benjamin, Gene Deporis, and Palmer Williams (National Archives and Records Administration: Washington, D.C., 2009). When fighting broke out, Egypt expelled foreign journalists, while Israel welcomed them. The Associated Press opened its first bureau office there, and the number of foreign journalists registered in Tel Aviv soared to nearly four hundred (rivaling the numbers in Washington, D.C., and Moscow). See Giovanna Dell’Orto, American Journalism and International Relations: Foreign Correspondence from the Early Republic to the Digital Era (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013), 127–133.

19. Israel’s Swift Victory, 3, 17–19.

20. Ibid., 25, 20, 36, 74, 82, 80.

21. Edmund Stillman, The Short War and the Long War, New York Times, June 18, 1967; Defoliating Viet Nam, Time, February 23, 1968, 84.

22. Israel’s Swift Victory, 8.

23. Ibid., 4–5, 8.

24. Ibid., 44–45.

25. Wrap Up of the Astounding War, Life, June 23, 1967.

26. Israel’s Swift Victory, 48–49.

27. Wallace and Marshall, How Israel Won the War; Mike Wallace, The Ordeal of Con Thien, CBS News Special, October 1, 1967, Archive.org, uploaded by National Archives, http://archive.org/details/gov.archives.arc.653071.

28. Wallace and Marshall, How Israel Won the War.

29. James Reston, A War’s First Hours: Propaganda of All Sides Can Be Heard in Israel, and Determination Can Be Felt, New York Times, June 6, 1967, 16.

30. Marshall Frady, In Israel: An American Innocent in the Middle East: Part III, Harper’s Magazine, January 1971, 71.

31. Alfred Kazin, In Israel: After the Triumph, Harper’s Magazine, November 1967, 84, 74, 73.

32. A Nation under Siege, Time, June 9, 1967, 46–55.

33. White, After the Last Campaign, the Hazards of Victory, 84.

34. Blintzkrieg, Time, June 16, 1967, 35.

35. Curtis G. Pepper, Hawk of Israel, New York Times, July 9, 1969, 169; Yael Dayan, General Dayan: Father and Hero, Look, August 22, 1967.

36. C. W. Gonick, Israel: The Stagnation of War, The Nation, November 18, 1968, 526; Israel’s Swift Victory, 10; Mauldin, Not a Litterbug among Them, 5.

37. Kazin, In Israel: After the Triumph, 83, 73–74.

38. Barbara Tuchman, Israel’s Swift Sword, Atlantic Monthly, September 1967, 62.

39. Israel’s Swift Victory, 57; Israeli Thrust—The Astounding 60 Hours, Life, June 16, 1967, 38A.

40. Israel’s Swift Victory, 60–61.

41. This image was reproduced on the back cover of Marshall and United Press International, Swift Sword.

42. Stanley Wolpert, Today in Tel Aviv, The Nation, July 3, 1967, 7.

43. Amos Perlmutter, Israel’s Tough Stand on Captured Territories, New Republic, January 13, 1968, 13.

44. Louis Walinsky,  ‘Now We Must Fear Our Friends’: Victorious Israel’s Look and Mood, New Republic, July 8, 1967, 10.

45. Michael Walzer and Martin Peretz, Israel Is Not Vietnam, Ramparts, July 1967, 11–14.

46. Ibid.

47. I. F. Stone, The Future of Israel, Ramparts, July 1967, 41–44.

48. I. F. Stone, Holy War, review of Le conflit israélo-arabe, ed. Claude Lanzmann, New York Review of Books 9, no. 2 (August 3, 1967), http://www.nybooks.com/articles/archives/1967/aug/03/holy-war/?pagination=false.

49. Kwame Ture (formerly known as Stokely Carmichael) and Charles V. Hamilton, Black Power: The Politics of Liberation (New York: Vintage Books, 1992), 1, 5. The epigraph is from I. F. Stone, People without a Country, review of The Negro American, ed. Talcott Parsons and Kenneth B. Clark, New York Review of Books 7, no. 2 (August 18, 1966), http://www.nybooks.com/articles/archives/1966/aug/18/people-without-a-country/.

50. On the relationship of the Black Power movement to Israel and Palestine, see Keith Feldman, A Shadow over Palestine: The Imperial Life of Race in America (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2015), 59–102; Alex Lubin, Geographies of Liberation: The Making of an Afro-Arab Political Imaginary (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2014), 111–141; Lewis Young, American Blacks and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, Journal of Palestine Studies 2, no. 1 (1972): 70–85; Salim Yaqub,  ‘Our Declaration of Independence’: African Americans, Arab Americans, and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1967–1979, Mashriq and Mahjar 3, no. 1 (2015): 12–29; Eric Sundquist, Strangers in the Land: Blacks, Jews, and Post-Holocaust America (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2005), 310–380; Cheryl Lynn Greenberg, Troubling the Waters: Black-Jewish Relations in the American Century (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2006), 205–250.

51. Quoted in Feldman, Shadow over Palestine, 59–60.

52. Quoted in Melani McAlister, Epic Encounters: Culture, Media, and U.S. Interests in the Middle East since 1945 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005), 113.

53. Gene Roberts, S.N.C.C. Charges Israel Atrocities, New York Times, August 15, 1967, 1; Kathleen Teltsch, S.N.C.C. Criticized for Israel Stand, New York Times, August 16, 1967, 28. For analysis of the SNCC newsletter and ensuing controversy, see Clayborne Carson, In Struggle: SNCC and the Black Awakening of the 1960s (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1995), 265–269; Feldman, Shadow over Palestine, 71–80.

54. SNCC and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, editorial, The Movement 3, no. 9 (September 1967): 2.

55. Quotations from Lubin, Geographies of Liberation, 122–123; Young, American Blacks, 80.

56. An Appeal by Black Americans for United States Support for Israel, New York Times, June 28, 1970, 5. See also Lubin, Geographies of Liberation, 118.

57. An Appeal by Black Americans against United States Support for the Zionist Government of Israel, New York Times, November 1, 1970, 172. See also Marjorie Feld, Nations Divided: American Jews and the Struggle over Apartheid (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014), 63–86; Sasha Polakow-Suransky, The Unspoken Alliance: Israel’s Secret Relationship with Apartheid South Africa (New York: Pantheon, 2010).

58. Dick Edwards, Black Man in Israel: Reason for Trip—II, New York Amsterdam News, January 31, 1970, 1; Edwards, Black Man in Israel: Abba Eban on Arabs, New York Amsterdam News, February 28, 1970, 2.

59. Stanley Meisler, S. Africa Jews Caught between Two Cultures, Los Angeles Times, November 25, 1968, 1; C. L. Sulzberger, Strange Nonalliance, New York Times, April 30, 1971, 39; Martin Peretz, Israel, South Africa and a ‘Preposterous Analogy,’  letter to editor, New York Times, May 17, 1971, 34.

60. Let There Be Peace, editorial, New York Times, June 11, 1967, 206; The Ugly Face of War, editorial, Washington Post, June 13, 1967, A18; The Guerrilla Threat in the Middle East, Time, December 14, 1968, 29.

61. Joseph Kraft, Israel Considers a Homeland for Its Palestinian Arabs, Washington Post, September 14, 1967, A21; Bitter Pill, editorial, Washington Post, October 22, 1967, B6; Flora Lewis, Arabs’ Own Efforts Forced Israel into Expansionism, Washington Post, September 15, 1967, A21.

62. Joseph Alsop,  ‘No Problems, No Trouble’ on West Bank, but for How Long?, Los Angeles Times, September 19, 1967, A5.

63. Joseph Alsop, Hussein Visit to U.S. Indicates Hard Choice Ahead for Israel, Washington Post, November 13, 1967, A17; Alsop, Israel Joy in Victory Dimmed by Schism in Soul over Future, Washington Post, September 8, 1967, A21; Alsop, Moshe Dayan Faces Issue of Israel’s Million Arabs, Washington Post, September 11, 1967, A21; Alsop, No Problems, No Trouble, A5.

64. Joseph Alsop, "Eshkol Insists Jorrdan [sic] Bank Is Israel’s Security Border," Washington Post, September 13, 1967, A21; Alsop, Israel Joy in Victory, A21; Alsop, Failure to Face Facts Has Blunted Negro Aid Plans, Los Angeles Times, August 1, 1967, A5; Alsop, Matter of Fact … For God’s Sake (and Ours), Washington Post, August 4, 1967, A19.

65. Joseph Alsop, The Non-Modernism of Israel, Los Angeles Times, September 21, 1967, B5; Alsop, "Eshkol Insists Jorrdan [sic] Bank Is Israel’s Security Border. Alsop’s critique of Israel’s occupation lasted only as long as it fulfilled a Cold War imperative. As the upheavals of the late 1960s abated at home, and Nixon armed Israel as a regional proxy, Alsop discarded the link from southern Africa to Israel and America and replaced it with a rigid dichotomy between superpowers. He also advocated selling Israel the most advanced weapons to protect it from destruction—by Soviet proxies. He came to see America’s global power as necessary for maintaining Israel’s military might and protecting it from genocide. Alsop therefore attacked antiwar liberals (especially I. F. Stone) who criticized Israel, on the grounds that they were abetting an assault on American power and will. Joseph Alsop, Now Is Time for Plain Talk on Israel and American Jews," Washington Post, February 11, 1970, A21.

66. The Guerrilla Threat in the Middle East, 35; Paul Thomas Chamberlin, The Global Offensive: The United States, the Palestine Liberation Organization, and the Making of the Post–Cold War Order (New York: Oxford University Press, 2012).

67. The Guerrilla Threat in the Middle East, 36.

68. Ibid., 29.

69. William Tuohy, Poverty, Hope Fill Palestinian Camp, Washington Post, March 13, 1969, F1.

70. Train Black Panthers, Arab Commandos Say, Los Angeles Times, February 1, 1970, F12.

71. The Guerrilla Threat in the Middle East, 35.

72. Gavin Young, Commandos Who Raid the Borders of Israel Are New Heroes of the Arab World, Washington Post, November 7, 1968, F6.

73. William Tuohy, Lebanese Camps Spawn Commandos, Los Angeles Times, December 14, 1969, F4; Tuohy, Poverty, Hope Fill Palestinian Camp, F1.

74. Dana Adams Schmidt, Commandos Are Now the Heroes of the Arab World, New York Times, December 27, 1968, 3; The Guerrilla Threat in the Middle East, 32; Marshall Frady, On Jordan’s Banks: An American Innocent in the Middle East, Part II, Harper’s Magazine, November 1970, 109.

75. Dana Adams Schmidt, Sensational Claims Win Recruits for Palestinian Commando Unit, New York Times, September 17, 1969, 12. In his book Armageddon in the Middle East (New York: New York Times Co., 1974), Schmidt attributed this philosophy to "Dr. George Habash, the PFLP founder, and his most brilliant ideologist, Ghassan Kanafani, editor until his assassination in 1972 of al-Hadaf" (163).

76. Georgie Anne Geyer, The Palestinian Refugees: A New Breed: Smart, Skilled, Fanatical, New Republic, November 21, 1970, 14, 15, 16, 18.

77. Schmidt, Armageddon, 152, 18.

78. Zalin B. Grant, Commando Revolution: A Hundred Years War in the Middle East? New Republic, January 24, 1970, 11.

79. Walter Laqueur, The Middle East Is Potentially More Dangerous than Vietnam, New York Times Magazine, June 5, 1968, SM40.

80. Dana Adams Schmidt, An Arab Guerrilla Chief Emerges, New York Times, March 4, 1969, 6.

81. Peter Jennings, Palestine—New State of Mind, ABC News, New York, 1970.

82. Palestine: A Case of Right v. Right, Time, December 21, 1970, 30–31; Stone, Holy War.

83. James Feron, Israel Concerned over Guerrillas, New York Times, March 9, 1969, 9.

84. Interview with Frank Giles of the Sunday Times, reprinted as Golda Meir Scorns Soviets, Washington Post, June 16, 1969, 2.

85. The Guerrilla Threat in the Middle East, 35.

86. Alfred Friendly, Anti-Israeli Guerrillas Are Mostly a Nuisance, Washington Post, March 16, 1969, 35.

87. Philip Ben, Americans, Not Arabs, Worry Israelis, New Republic, April 6, 1968, 12.

88. The U.S. and the Skyjackers: Where Power Is Vulnerable, Time, September 21, 1970, 29–30.

89. Ibid.

90. Murder in Munich, editorial, New York Times, September 6, 1972, 44; Stephen Rosenfeld, Terror a Tactic of Many Aspects, Washington Post, September 8, 1972, A22; David S. Broder, Munich and Vietnam, Washington Post, September 10, 1972, B7.

91. Israel’s New War, Time, September 25, 1972, 28.

92. Ibid.

93. Robert Alden, Policy Shift by U.S. at U.N., New York Times, September 12, 1972, 10. The first veto, which Great Britain joined, was in 1970, against a resolution calling for the isolation of Rhodesia and condemning Britain for not using force against Rhodesia’s white government.

94. James Naughton, Ford Pledges to Resist the Third World in the U.N., New York Times, July 1, 1975, 3.

95. Speech to the United Nations General Assembly, by U.S. Ambassador to the UN Daniel Patrick Moynihan, November 10, 1975, in Gil Troy, Moynihan’s Moment: America’s Fight against Zionism as Racism (New York: Oxford University Press, 2012), 275–280. See also Feldman, Shadow over Palestine, 23–43.

96. Moynihan, Speech to the United Nations General Assembly.

97. Quoted in Troy, Moynihan’s Moment, 102.

98. Quoted in Feldman, Shadow over Palestine, 54.

99. Responses to Moynihan quoted in Troy, Moynihan’s Moment, 176, 8, 103.

100. Response to Terror, editorial, New York Times, July 5, 1976, 10; A Victory over Terrorism, editorial, Washington Post, July 6, 1976, A16; William Stevenson, 90 Minutes at Entebbe (New York: Bantam Books, 1976); Entebbe Derby, Time, July 26, 1976, 86; see also McAlister, Epic Encounters, 183–186.

101. Stevenson, 90 Minutes at Entebbe, ix. For the image of soldiers singing, see Raid on Entebbe, directed by Irving Kershner, 1977.

102. William F. Buckley Jr., Israel to the Rescue—of the U.S., That Is! Los Angeles Times, June 12, 1967; Israel Acting like U.S. Used to Act, Reagan Says, Los Angeles Times, July 6, 1976, A16; Comment: Thirty-Six Minutes, New Republic, July 17, 1976, 7; A Legend Is Born, New York Times, July 6, 1967, 23.

103. Response to Terror, 10; The Israeli Commando Force: Faceless, Swift, and Deadly, Washington Post, July 5, 1976, A4.

104. Stevenson, 90 Minutes at Entebbe, i; Comment: Thirty-Six Minutes; Vindication for the Israelis, Time, July 26, 1976, 46; Response to Terror.

4. Not the Israel We Have Seen in the Past

1. NBC Nightly News, August 2, 1982.

2. Martin Peretz, Lebanon Eyewitness, New Republic, August 2, 1982, 15–23.

3. Edward Said, Permission to Narrate, review of Israel in Lebanon: The Report of the International Commission, by Sean MacBride [etc.], London Review of Books 6, no. 3 (1984): 13–17.

4. For historical accounts of the war, see Ze’ev Schiff and Ehud Ya’ari, Israel’s Lebanon War (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1984); Rashid Khalidi, Under Siege: PLO Decisionmaking during the 1982 War (1985; repr., New York: Columbia University Press, 2014); Robert Fisk, Pity the Nation: The Abduction of Lebanon (New York: Nation Books, 2002), 199–442; Avi Shlaim, The Iron Wall: Israel and the Arab World (New York: Norton, 2001), 384–423.

5. On the first week of the invasion, see Roger Morris, Beirut—and the Press—under Siege, Columbia Journalism Review, November / December 1982, 24–25; William A. Dorman and Mansour Farhang, The U.S. Press and Lebanon, SAIS Review 3, no. 1 (1983): 65–81; Edmund Ghareeb, ed., Split Vision: The Portrayal of Arabs in the American Media (Washington, D.C.: American–Arab Affairs Council, 1983), 169–175, 299–319.

6. ABC report as quoted in Trudy Rubin, Lebanon: The (Censored) Price of War, Christian Science Monitor, June 16, 1982, 23; James LeMoyne et al., Suffer the Children, Newsweek, June 28, 1982, 26. For sample press reports from Sidon, see Edward Cody, Once Lively and Lawless, Sidon Now Is Occupied and Hungry: Sidon Is a Ghostly Captive, Washington Post, June 11, 1982, A17; David K. Shipler, In Lebanon, White Flags Fly amid the Misery and Rubble, New York Times, June 15, 1982, A1; Eric Pace, In Sidon, 80 More Bodies for a Vast Bulldozed Pit, New York Times, June 17, 1982, A21.

7. Dorman and Farhang, The U.S. Press and Lebanon, 70–73; David K. Shipler, Israelis Say Siege Will Not Drag On, New York Times, June 29, 1982, A8.

8. David K. Shipler, Piles of Rubble Were the Homes of Palestinians, New York Times, July 3, 1982, 1.

9. Israelis Are Censoring Accounts of Invasion, New York Times, June 9, 1982, A19. For sample of censorship notice, see David K. Shipler, At School in Tyre, Guns and Rockets, New York Times, June 17, 1982, A20; Sally Bedell, 3 Networks in Dispute with Israel, New York Times, June 25, 1982, C8; NBC Nightly News, June 26, 1986. On the Arafat interview, see Israel Says ABC Violated Military Censorship Ban, Washington Post, June 23, 1982, A20; Israel Bars ABC-TV from Using Satellite after Arafat Interview, Los Angeles Times, June 23, 1982, B12.

10. On the accessibility of Beirut, see Dorman and Farhang, The U.S. Press and Lebanon, 74; Edward Cody and Pnina Ramati, Covering the Invasion of Lebanon, Washington Journalism Review (September 1982): 19; Fisk, Pity the Nation, 407–408.

11. NBC Nightly News, July 2, 1982.

12. Thomas Friedman, Palestinians Say Invaders Are Seeking to Destroy P.L.O. and Idea of a State, New York Times, June 9, 1982, A18.

13. Jonathan Randal, Getting Stuck in Lebanon: Begin May Become as Trapped as the PLO he’s surrounded, Washington Post, July 18, 1982, p. B5; NBC Nightly News, August 11, 1982.

14. John Chancellor, NBC Nightly News, August 2; William E. Farrell, Dazed Refugees Deluge a Graceful Park in Beirut, New York Times, June 30, 1982, A1; Morris, Beirut—and the Press—under Siege, 29; John Brecher et al., Beirut: A City in Agony, Newsweek, August 16, 1982, 10–11.

15. NBC Nightly News, July 9, 1982.

16. Quoted in Morris, Beirut—and the Press—under Siege, 30.

17. Angus Deming et al., Special Report: Where Do They Go From Here? Newsweek, August 16, 1982, 16–22.

18. Morris, Beirut—and the Press—under Siege, 30.

19. Dorman and Farhang, The U.S. Press and Lebanon, 73.

20. CBS example in Joshua Muravchik, Misreporting Lebanon, Policy Review 23 (Winter 1983): 11–66, at 44; NBC Nightly News, August 13, 1982.

21. Philip Geyelin, Lebanon—1958 and Now, Washington Post, August 3, 1982, A17.

22. David Lamb, War Has Cost Israel Its Underdog Image, Los Angeles Times, June 30, 1982, 6; Edward Cody, "Palestinian Captives Are Problem for Israel, Washington Post, June 22, 1982, A14; Glenn Frankel,  ‘Battle over the Truth’ Rages, Washington Post, July 18, 1982, A1; Alfred Friendly, Israel: Recollections and Regrets, Washington Post, June 29, 1982, A17.

23. Lamb, War Has Cost Israel Its Underdog Image.

24. David K. Shipler, Some Israelis Fear Their Vietnam Is Lebanon, New York Times, June 27, 1982, 149.

25. Nat Hentoff, The Silence of American Jews, Village Voice, June 29, 1982, 7–8; Paul L. Montgomery, Discord among U.S. Jews over Israel Seems to Grow, New York Times, July 15, 1982, A16.

26. Stone quoted in Montgomery, Discord among U.S. Jews, A16; Nathan Glazer and Seymour Martin Lipset, Israel Isn’t Threatened: The War’s Ill-Advised, New York Times, June 30, 1982, A23. The ad, entitled A Call to Peace, is quoted in Steven T. Rosenthal, Irreconcilable Differences? The Waning of the American Jewish Love Affair with Israel (Hanover, NH: University Press of New England, 2001), 67.

27. Richard Cohen, Israel, Washington Post, June 27, 1982, B1.

28. Cohen, Israel; Hentoff, Silence of American Jews, 8. At the height of the bombing of Beirut, the New York Times reminded its readers of an older Zionist dream of a progressive social experiment by publishing a long magazine article by the Israeli writer Amos Oz: Has Israel Altered Its Vision? New York Times Magazine, July 11, 1982, SM1.

29. For contemporary accounts, see Thomas L. Friedman, The Beirut Massacre: The Four Days, New York Times, September 26, 1982, 1, 19–22; William Smith, Harry Kelly, and Robert Slater, The Verdict Is Guilty, Time, February 21, 1983, 36–45. For a comprehensive history, see Bayan Nuwayhed al-Hout, Sabra and Shatila: September 1982 (London: Pluto Press, 2004).

30. George F. Will, Israel Should Show ‘a Decent Respect,’  Washington Post, September 23, 1982, A27.

31. Time, September 27, 1982; Newsweek, October 4, 1982.

32. Newsweek Poll: Israel Loses Ground, Newsweek, October 4, 1982.

33. Wolf Blitzer, Distraught Friends, Jerusalem Post, September 24, 1982, 18, reprinted in The Beirut Massacre: Press Profile, 2nd ed. (New York: Claremont Research and Publications, 1984), 51. See also Barry Sussman, Beirut Massacre Sours American Views on Israel, Washington Post, September 29, 1982, A1.

34. David K. Shipler, Post Mortem: The Massacre Brings on a Crisis of Faith for Israelis, New York Times, September 26, 1982, E1; Anthony Lewis, The End of a Policy, New York Times, September 20, 1982, A15; The Horror in Beirut, New Republic, October 11, 1982, 7–8.

35. Arthur Hertzberg, Begin Must Go, New York Times, September 26, 1982, E19. See also The Horror, and the Shame, New York Times, September 21, 1982, A26.

36. Meg Greenfield, How to Defend Israel, Washington Post, September 29, 1982, A23; The Conscience of Israel, Christian Science Monitor, September 28, 1982, 24; Israel’s Soul, and Security, New York Times, September 26, 1982, E18.

37. Richard Cohen, Proportion, Washington Post, June 10, 1982, B1; Greenfield, How to Defend Israel.

38. Israel Finds Its Voice, New York Times, September 29, 1982, A26; All the Facts and Factors, Washington Post, September 30, 1982, A22.

39. Morris, Beirut—and the Press—under Siege, 23.

40. For criticism of media coverage, see Peretz, Lebanon Eyewitness; Norman Podhoretz, J’Accuse, Commentary, September 1982, 21–31; Pear Sheffy Gefen, Behind the Lie in Lebanon, Jerusalem Post, October 29, 1982, 5; Marvin Maurer and Peter E. Goldman, Lessons of the Lebanese Campaign, Midstream, April 1983, 44–52; Muravchik, Misreporting Lebanon; Frank Gervasi, Media Coverage: The War in Lebanon, Center for International Studies, 1983, 1–29; Dan Bavly and Eliahu Salpeter, Fire in Beirut: Israel’s War in Lebanon with the PLO (New York: Stein and Day, 1984), 135–150; Ze’ev Chafets, Double Vision: How the Press Distorts America’s View of the Middle East (New York: William Morrow, 1985). On the Washington Post’s invitation to the director of the Jewish Community Council of Greater Washington, see R. J. McCloskey, Open to Criticism, Washington Post, October 6, 1982. Quotation from ADL study (Anti-Defamation League of B’nai B’rith, Television Network Coverage of the War in Lebanon, unpublished study prepared by Garth-Furth International, New York, October, 1982) is from Noam Chomsky, The Fateful Triangle: The United States, Israel and the Palestinians (Boston: South End Press, 1983), 285. For excerpts of this study, see Landrum R. Bolling, ed., Reporters under Fire: U.S. Media Coverage of Conflicts in Lebanon and Central America (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1985). See also Tony Schwartz, A.D.L. Criticizes TV over Coverage of Lebanon, New York Times, October 21, 1982, C30.

41. "America-Israel Dialogue—Hasbara: Israel’s Public Image: Problems and Remedies," American Jewish Congress Monthly, 51, no. 2–3 (1984): 3.

42. Ibid., 7.

43. Peretz, Lebanon Eyewitness; Arnold Foster, The Media’s Most Disgraceful Hour, Penthouse 15, no. 6 (February 1984): 116–120; Chafets, Double Vision, 127–154.

44. Podhoretz, J’Accuse. The essay was also printed on October 24, 1982, in the New York Times and the Los Angeles Times. For

influential formulations of the new anti-Semitism from the Anti-Defamation League, see Arnold Foster and Benjamin R. Epstein, The New Anti-Semitism (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1974), and Nathan Perlmutter and Ruth Ann Perlmutter, The Real Anti-Semitism in America (New York: Arbor House, 1982). On the trope of the Jew among nations, see Norman Finkelstein, Beyond Chutzpah: On the Misuse of Anti-Semitism and the Abuse of History (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005), 32–65.

45. Podhoretz, J’Accuse, 23.

46. Ibid., 22, 25. Podhoretz did find one suitable analogy: But if we are looking for analogies, a better one than any fished up in recent weeks would be the invasion of France by allied troops in World War II. The purpose was not to conquer France but to liberate it from its German conquerors, just as the purpose of the Israelis in 1982 was to liberate Lebanon from the PLO (25).

47. Ibid., 22, 25, 26.

48. Ibid., 28, 29

49. Ibid., 29–30 (emphasis in original).

50. Norman Podhoretz, Why We Were in Vietnam (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1982), 210; Podhoretz, J’Accuse, 30 (emphasis in original).

51. Podhoretz, J’Accuse, 30, 31.

52. On CAMERA’s history and activities since 1982 see its website, http://www.camera.org/.

53. On comparative critiques of media coverage in Lebanon and Central America see Bolling, Reporters under Fire; Mike Hoyt, The Mozote Massacre, Columbia Journalism Review 31, no. 5 (January 1993): 31–34.

54. Edward Tivnan, The Lobby: Jewish Political Power and American Foreign Policy (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1987), 178. The need to control the public narrative and produce knowledge about Israel that serves its interests was seen as too important by key members of AIPAC to be left to their overt advocacy role. In 1984, a group of AIPAC leaders started a new think tank, the Washington Institute for Near East Policy (WINEP), naming as its executive director Martyn Indyk, who had previously worked in the AIPAC research department. Its purpose was not to sell Israel’s policy but to define the agenda in a way that’s conducive to Israeli interests (quoted in Jonathan J. Goldberg, Jewish Power: Inside the American Jewish Establishment [New York: Basic Books, 1996], 221). On the founding of WINEP, see M. J. Rosenberg, Does PBS Know That ‘The Washington Institute’ Was Founded by AIPAC? Huffpost, May 25, 2011, https://www.huffingtonpost.com/mj-rosenberg/does-pbs-know-that-washin_b_533808.html. In 1982, AIPAC started publishing a series of papers that documented this case for Israeli power, with titles like Strategic Value of Israel, Israel and the U.S. Airforce, Israeli Medical Support for the U.S. Armed Forces, and U.S. Procurement of Israeli Defense Goods and Services.

55. Amy Kaufman Goott et al., The Campaign to Discredit Israel (Washington, D.C.: American Israel Public Affairs Committee, 1983); Jonathan Kessler and Jeff Schwaber, The AIPAC College Guide: Exposing the Anti-Israel Campaign on Campus (Washington, D.C.: American Israel Public Affairs Committee, 1984); Pro-Arab Propaganda in America: Vehicles and Voices: A Handbook (New York: Anti-Defamation League of B’nai B’rith, 1983).

56. Pro-Arab Propaganda in America, 1.

57. Goott et al., Campaign to Discredit Israel, 14–15.

58. Ibid., viii, 14–16.

59. Kessler and Schwaber, AIPAC College Guide, v, 22, 55 (emphasis in original).

60. Zachary Lockman, Contending Visions of the Middle East: The History and Politics of Orientalism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), 254–255; David K. Shipler, On Middle East Policy, a Major Influence, New York Times, January 30, 1985, 1; Anthony Lewis, No Moderates Allowed, New York Times, December 22, 1983, A21; Kenneth Bialkin, A Palestinian Professor Unqualified to Be Called a Moderate, letter to the editor, New York Times, January 12, 1984, A30; Anthony Lewis, Protocols of Palestine, New York Times, January 16, 1985, A15; Kenneth Bialkin, Of Khalidi and the Anti-Defamation League, letter to the editor, New York Times, January 23, 1984, A20.

61. Joan Peters, From Time Immemorial: The Origins of the Arab-Jewish Conflict over Palestine (New York: Harper and Row, 1984).

62. Avi Shlaim, The Debate about 1948, International Journal of Middle East Studies 27, no. 3 (1995): 287–304.

63. Peters, From Time Immemorial, 173.

64. The universal rejection of Peters’s scholarship by professional historians has never fully buried her book, which remains alive on the right today. On CAMERA’s website, the book appears in a bibliography for its Adopt a Library Project, which advocates donating to libraries solid works presenting reliable information to counteract the more readily available volumes by Edward Said, Noam Chomsky and other extreme detractors of Israel. See http://www.camera.org/index.asp?x_context=2&x_article=704#list; http://www.camera.org/index.asp?x_context=53.

65. Sidney Zion, Scoop! review of From Time Immemorial, by Joan Peters, National Review, October 5, 1984, 47.

66. Norman G. Finkelstein, "Disinformation and the Palestine Question: The Not-So-Strange Case of Joan Peters’s From Time Immemorial," in Blaming the Victims: Spurious Scholarship and the Palestinian Question, ed. Edward W. Said and Christopher Hitchens (New York: Verso, 1988), 33–69; Porath quoted in Colin Campbell, Dispute Flares over Book on Claims to Palestine, New York Times, November 28, 1985, C16; Yehoshua Porath, Mrs. Peters’s Palestine, review of From Time Immemorial, by Joan Peters, New York Review of Books 32, nos. 21 and 22 (January 16, 1986); Edward Said, Conspiracy of Praise, in Said and Hitchens, Blaming the Victims, 30; Anthony Lewis, There Were No Indians, New York Times, January 13, 1986, A15.

67. Leon Uris, The Haj (New York: Bantam, 1984). Uris did not invent these stereotypes. He credited his knowledge to meetings with the distinguished Princeton historian Bernard Lewis, whom Peters also acknowledged, and to the huge influence of Raphael Patai’s book The Arab Mind. Lewis espoused an influential view of Islam as a monolithic and unchanging civilization inherently antagonistic to modernity, as embodied in the Judeo-Christian West. Patai’s book was based on ideas of the supposed essential irrationality of Arab culture and displayed a prurient interest in sexuality. See Ira B. Nadel, Leon Uris: Life of a Best Seller (Austin: University of Texas

Press, 2010), 245–256.

68. Quoted in Mark A. Tessler, A History of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, 2nd ed. (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2009), 701.

69. David K. Shipler, Arab and Jew: Wounded Spirits in a Promised Land (New York: Random House, 1986); Thomas L. Friedman, From Beirut to Jerusalem (New York: Anchor, 1989).

70. Shipler, Arab and Jew, 77, 16.

71. Friedman, From Beirut to Jerusalem, 73, 164.

72. Ibid., 159; Shipler, Arab and Jew, 74–75.

73. Friedman, From Beirut to Jerusalem, 163.

74. Shipler, Arab and Jew, 378–380.

75. Ibid., 254–255.

76. Friedman, From Beirut to Jerusalem, 361–363.

77. Ibid., 360, 391, 345. On the casualty figures for the intifada, see https://www.btselem.org/statistics/first_intifada_tables.

78. Thomas L. Friedman, How Long Can Israel Deny Its Civil War? New York Times, December 27, 1987, E3.

79. Friedman, From Beirut to Jerusalem, 391, 392.

80. Quoted in Friedman, From Beirut to Jerusalem, 403.

81. Friedman, From Beirut to Jerusalem, 421.

82. Ibid., 488, 450.

83. Shipler, Arab and Jew, 111, 159–160, 33, 63, 332–333.

84. Ibid., 500–502, 511.

85. Ronald Sanders, What Strangers, Whose Gates, review of Arab and Jew, by David K. Shipler, New York Times, September 28, 1986, BR1; Gary Abrams, Pulitzer Winner Shipler Reflects on ‘Arab and Jew,’  Los Angeles Times, April 20, 1987, F1.

86. Friedman, From Beirut to Jerusalem, 499, 509.

87. PBS Producing Program to Offset Criticism of ‘Days of Rage’ Film, Jewish Telegraphic Agency, August 3, 1989, https://www.jta.org/1989/08/03/archive/pbs-producing-program-to-offset-criticism-of-days-of-rage-film. On the controversy, see B. J. Bullert, Public Television: Politics and the Battle over Documentary Film (Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1997), 63–90.

88. Walter Goodman, Two Views of Mideast Conflict: A Delicate Balance for PBS, New York Times, May 29, 1989, 40.

89. Jo Franklin-Trout, It’s a Fair Honest Film, New York Times, September 6, 1989, A25.

90. Edward Said, The Question of Palestine (1979; New York: Vintage, 1992); Noam Chomsky, The Fateful Triangle: The United States, Israel and the Palestinians (Boston: South End Press, 1983).

5. The Future Holocaust

1. On the development of the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, see Edward Linenthal, Preserving Memory: The Struggle to Create America’s Holocaust Museum (New York: Columbia University Press, 1995); Judith Miller, One, by One, by One: Facing the Holocaust (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1990), 220–275. For Carter’s speech and Begin’s response, see 30th Anniversary of the State of Israel Remarks of the President and Prime Minister Menachem Begin at a White House Reception, May 1, 1978, in Gerhard Peters and John T. Woolley, The American Presidency Project, http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=30730.

2. Oswald Johnston, Israeli Denounces Group as ‘Huns,’  Los Angeles Times, August 10, 1977, B1.

3. On the political context of Carter’s announcement see Linenthal, Preserving Memory, 17–20. On the first time an American president used the phrase Palestinian homeland, see William Quandt, Peace Process: American Diplomacy and the Arab-Israeli Conflict since 1967 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005), 182. On American Jewish discontent with Carter, see James Perry, American Jews and Jimmy Carter, Wall Street Journal, March 2, 1978, 20; Judith Miller, Holocaust Museum: A Troubled Start, New York Times, April 22, 1990, 34; Edward Tivnan, The Lobby: Jewish Political Power and American Foreign Policy (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1987), 98–134.

4. 30th Anniversary of the State of Israel Remarks of the President and Prime Minister Begin.

5. On Nixon’s reluctance to visit Yad Vashem, see Noam Kochavi, Nixon and Israel: Forging a Conservative Partnership (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2010), 71. On Johnson, see Steven Spiegel, The Other Arab-Israeli Conflict: Making America’s Middle East Policy from Truman to Reagan (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1985), 123–124.

6. Peter Novick, The Holocaust in American Life (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1999); Linenthal, Preserving Memory, 5–11. Hasia Diner argues against the claim that American Jews did not address the Holocaust until the 1970s but does acknowledge that Holocaust memorialization shifted from local Jewish communities to a national scale at that time, in We Remember with Reverence and Love: American Jews and the Myth of Silence after the Holocaust, 1945–1962 (New York: New York University Press, 2009). On American fear of nuclear attacks, see Paul Boyer, By the Bomb’s Early Light: American Thought and Culture at the Dawn of the Atomic Age (New York: Pantheon, 1985). My argument is indebted to Novick’s seminal study, but the major shift I see in the 1970s is not only that Jewish organizations evoked the Holocaust to support Israel, as he argues, but that the temporal significance of the Holocaust changes from past event to future threat.

7. On Israel’s national uses of the Holocaust, see Tom Segev, The Seventh Million: The Israelis and the Holocaust, trans. Haim Watzman (New York: Holt, 1991); Idith Zertal, Israel’s Holocaust and the Politics of Nationhood (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005). On the fear in the weeks before the Six-Day War, see Tom Segev, 1967: Israel, the War, and the Year That Transformed the Middle East (New York: Metropolitan Books, 2007), 283–387.

8. Novick, The Holocaust in American Life, 146–160; Arnold Forster and Benjamin Epstein, The New Anti-Semitism (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1974). Some scholars regard 1967 as the turning point in Holocaust consciousness among American Jews: see Norman Finkelstein, The Holocaust Industry: Reflections on the Exploitation of Jewish Suffering (London: Verso, 2000), 16–32; J. J. Goldberg, Jewish

Power: Inside the American Jewish Establishment (New York: Basic Books, 1996), 144–147; Michael Berenbaum, Is the Holocaust Being Exploited? Midstream 50, no. 3 (2004): 2–9.

9. Segev, The Seventh Million, 396–400.

10. David K. Shipler, Begin Defends Raid, Pledges to Thwart a New ‘Holocaust,’  New York Times, June 10, 1981, 1.

11. For letter to Reagan, see Yoram Kessel, Israel Isn’t Ready to Cope with the Issue of Palestinians, Even if PLO Alters Tack, Wall Street Journal, August 6, 1982, 6. Some Israeli Holocaust survivors and intellectuals objected to Begin’s use of these Holocaust analogies; see Benny Morris, Righteous Victims: A History of the Zionist-Arab Conflict, 1881–1998 (New York: Knopf, 2001), 514–516.

12. David K. Shipler, Begin Is Optimistic All Foreign Units Will Quit Lebanon, New York Times, August 29, 1982, 1.

13. Begin on Begin: Soon I’ll Retire to Write My Book, Wall Street Journal, July 9, 1982, 1.

14. David K. Shipler, In Israel, Anguish over the Moral Questions, New York Times, September 24, 1982, A1. Peter Novick argued that Begin’s promiscuous use of Holocaust imagery discredited that usage, and that in the 1980s, particularly after the intifada, the Holocaust frame became implausible, except for the far right (The Holocaust in American Life, 162–165). I contend, on the contrary, that the Holocaust became more important as a means to convey Israel’s vulnerability precisely at the time that its military power was increasing.

15. Holocaust, produced by Robert Berger and Herbert Brodkin, broadcast April 16–19, 1978, National Broadcasting Company. On this miniseries, see Judith Doneson, The Holocaust in American Film (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 2002), 141–196; Jeffrey Shandler, While America Watches: Televising the Holocaust (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999), 155–181; John De Vito and Fran Tropea, Epic Television Miniseries: A Critical History (Jefferson, NC: McFarland, 2010), 42–52.

16. Gerald Green, Holocaust (New York: Bantam Books, 1978), 3; American Jewish Committee, NBC’s ‘Holocaust’ Program: A Nationwide Survey among Viewers and Nonviewers (1978), 42. For an overview of the publicity and the responses to the miniseries, see Sander A. Diamond,  ‘Holocaust’ Film’s Impact on Americans, Patterns of Prejudice 12, no. 4 (1978): 1–19; Human Relations Catalogue Printed, American Israelite, September 7, 1978, 16. Quotations from Lutheran magazine in Diamond,  ‘Holocaust’ Film’s Impact, 9.

17. Lesson of the Holocaust, Near East Report, April 19, 1978, 65.

18. AIPAC Policy Statement, Near East Report, June 17, 1983, 98.

19. Elie Wiesel, The Holocaust: Beginning or End? April 24, 1979, in Report to the President, President’s Commission on the Holocaust, September 27, 1979, 30–31, reprinted by United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, June 2005, https://www.ushmm.org/m/pdfs/20050707-presidents-commission-holocaust.pdf.

20. Address by President Jimmy Carter, April 24, 1979, in Report to the President, President’s Commission, 26–27. The Senate had long dragged its feet on ratifying this UN Convention, drafted in 1948, because of fear that it would be used against segregation and lynching in the United States. See Barbara J. Keys, Reclaiming American Virtue: The Human Rights Revolution of the 1970s (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2014), 23–26; Mark Philip Bradley, The World Reimagined: Americans and Human Rights in the Twentieth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2016), 110–112.

21. Remarks of the President at the Presentation of the Final Report of the President’s Commission on the Holocaust, in Report to the President, President’s Commission, 35.

22. See, for example, Samantha Powers, A Problem from Hell: America and the Age of Genocide (New York: Harper Collins, 2002), xxi. Powers refers to the Holocaust Museum and the vows of four presidents to prevent the recurrence of genocide, and concludes that the forward-looking, consoling refrain of ‘never again,’ a testament to America’s can-do spirit, never grappled with the fact that the country had done nothing, practically or politically, to prepare itself to respond to genocide. The commitment proved hollow in the face of actual slaughter.

23. Meir Kahane, Never Again! A Program for Survival (New York: Pyramid Books, 1972); John Kifner, Meir Kahane, 58, Israeli Militant and Founder of the Jewish Defense League, New York Times, November 6, 1990, B13. On the invention of the slogan, see Gal Beckerman, When They Come for Us, We’ll Be Gone: The Epic Struggle to Save Soviet Jewry (New York: Houghton Mifflin, 2010), loc. 3551 of 11879, Kindle.

24. Robert Meister, After Evil: A Politics of Human Rights (New York: Columbia University Press, 2011), 192–206.

25. Alan Mintz, Popular Culture and the Shaping of Holocaust Memory in America (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2012), 10, 21, 161; Elie Wiesel, Presentation of the Report of the President’s Commission on the Holocaust to the President of the United States, in Report to the President, President’s Commission, 34.

26. Elie Wiesel, To a Young Palestinian Arab, in A Jew Today (New York: Vintage, 1979), 122–127. On Wiesel’s attitude toward Israel and the Palestinians, see Mark Chmiel, Elie Wiesel and the Politics of Moral Leadership (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2001), 79–114.

27. Segev, The Seventh Million, 401.

28. Eric Levin, Holocaust Survivor Elie Wiesel Decries a Rising Tide of Anti-Semitism at Home and Abroad, People, November 29, 1982. Wiesel was one of the authors whose responses were collected in the New York Times after the massacre at Sabra and Shatila (Prominent U.S. Jews Support Israel, but Some Criticize Begin and Sharon, September 22, 1982, A16), but his statement is hard to decipher. He acknowledged feeling darkness and sadness, said that he did not blame the Israelis, and stated enigmatically: Perhaps if we had told the story more convincingly, if we had prevented the cheapening and trivialization of what was and remains a unique catastrophe, things would not have happened his way.

29. Caryle Murphy, The Holocaust: A Gathering of Survivors; Holocaust Survivors to Rally Here, Washington Post, April 9, 1983, 1.

30. Wolf Blitzer, Between Washington and Jerusalem: A Reporter’s Notebook (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985), 9–10.

31. Dody Tsiantar,  ‘A Holocaust of One’: 800 Hear Klinghoffer Eulogized in N.Y., Washington Post, October 22, 1985, A25.

32. Mark A. Tessler, A History of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, 2nd ed. (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2009), 481.

33. Press Release—Peace 1986, Nobelprize.org, Nobel Media, October 14, 1986, http://www.nobelprize.org/nobel_prizes/peace/laureates/1986/press.html.

34. Elie Wiesel, The Nobel Address, in Wiesel, From Kingdom of Memory: Reminiscences (New York: Summit, 1990), 233. This version of the speech differs slightly from the written transcript available on the Nobel website (Elie Wiesel—Acceptance Speech, http://www.nobelprize.org/nobel_prizes/peace/laureates/1986/wiesel-acceptance_en.html). The version in the book is closer to the actual speech delivered at the ceremony (https://www.nobelprize.org/mediaplayer/index.php?id=2028).

35. Elie Wiesel, A Mideast Peace—Is It Impossible? New York Times, June 23, 1988, 23. See also Chmiel, Elie Wiesel, 105–108; Palestinian’s Poem Unnerves Israelis, New York Times, April 5, 1988, A18.

36. Anthony Lewis, A Chance to Talk, New York Times, June 23, 1988, 23; Arthur Hertzberg, An Open Letter to Elie Wiesel, New York Review of Books, August 18, 1988, 14.

37. Berenbaum quoted in Edward Norden, Yes and No to the Holocaust Museums, Commentary, August 1, 1993, 23–32. See also Michael Berenbaum, High Intensity Jewishness or We Wither Away, Sh’ma, October 19, 1990, 146–148; Michael Berenbaum, Will Israel Divide Where It Once United? Sh’ma, May 1, 1987, 102–104.

38. Michael Berenbaum, After Tragedy and Triumph: Essays in Modern Jewish Thought and the American Experience (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 20, 11.

39. On the Americanization of the Holocaust, see, e.g., Alvin H. Rosenfeld, The Americanization of the Holocaust, Commentary, June 1, 1995, 35–40; Hilene Flanzbaum, ed., Americanization of the Holocaust (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1999); Tim Cole, Selling the Holocaust: From Auschwitz to Schindler: How History Is Bought, Packaged, and Sold (New York: Routledge, 2000); James Young, The Texture of Memory: Holocaust Memorials and Meaning (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1993); David B. MacDonald, Identity Politics in the Age of Genocide: The Holocaust and Historical Representation (London: Routledge, 2008), 13–58; Novick, The Holocaust in American Life, 207–238. See also the influential article by sociologist Jeffrey Alexander, The Social Construction of Moral Universals and the responses to it, in Jeffrey Alexander, Remembering the Holocaust: A Debate (New York: Oxford University Press, 2009).

40. Controversies continued about the relation of the Holocaust Museum to the politics of Israel and Palestine. See Linenthal, Preserving Memory, 258; Marilyn Henry, A House Divided, Jerusalem Post, July 17, 1998, 8. Holocaust scholar John Roth wrote about the controversy that involved him in Holocaust Politics (Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox, 2001).

41. William J. Clinton, Remarks at the Dedication of the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, April 22, 1993, in Peters and Woolley, The American Presidency Project, http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=46468.

42. Ibid.

43. The Holocaust Museum dedication on April 23, 1993, can be viewed at https://www.c-span.org/video/?39949-1/holocaust-memorial-museum-dedication.

44. On chronicles of liberation as a framework for journalists in 1945, see Barbie Zelizer, Remembering to Forget: Holocaust Memory through the Camera’s Eye (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998), 63–68. On the disorienting encounter of soldiers with the death camps, see Robert Abzug, Inside the Vicious Heart: Americans and the Liberation of Nazi Concentration Camps (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987), 21–44.

45. Jimmy Carter, Proclamation 4652: Days of Remembrance of Victims of the Holocaust, April 28 and 29, 1979, April 2, 1979, in Peters and Woolley, The American Presidency Project, http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=32137.

46. Ronald Reagan, Remarks at the First Annual Commemoration of the Days of Remembrance of Victims of the Holocaust, April 30, 1981, in Peters and Woolley, The American Presidency Project, http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=43761.

47. Ronald Reagan, Remarks at a White House Ceremony Commemorating the Day of Remembrance of Victims of the Holocaust, April 20, 1982, in Peters and Woolley, The American Presidency Project, http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=42425.

48. Ronald Reagan, Remarks at the Site of the Future Holocaust Memorial Museum, October 5, 1988, in Peters and Woolley, The American Presidency Project, http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=34970. Reagan’s relationship to the Holocaust is best remembered for the controversy that erupted when he agreed to lay a wreath at a German military cemetery in Bitburg. Elie Wiesel exhorted Reagan to change his plans during a televised ceremony conferring on Wiesel the Congressional Gold Medal. For an overview of the controversy and commentaries see Geoffrey Hartman, ed., Bitburg in Moral and Political Perspective (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2000); on Wiesel’s involvement, see Chmiel, Elie Wiesel, 131–137. For Wiesel’s televised exhortation, see Elie Wiesel Receives Congressional Gold Medal, 131 Cong. Rec .S4431, April 22, 1985; for Wiesel’s remarks after the controversy, see Michael Elkin, Elie Wiesel’s Frame of Mind, Jewish Exponent, November 8, 1985, 89.

49. Days of Remembrance: A Department of Defense Guide for Annual Commemorative Observances (Washington, D.C.: Department of Defense, 1989), inside cover.

50. Quoted in Young, Texture of Memory, 321.

51. In The Social Construction of Moral Universals, Jeffrey Alexander argues that a historical transformation occurred in Holocaust memory in which a postwar progressive narrative about America’s triumph over Nazism was supplanted by a tragic universal narrative, in which everyone has come to acknowledge complicity in the evil that the Holocaust epitomizes. He sees this development as a growth in moral consciousness, which reflects the post-Vietnam disillusionment with American power. Alexander’s sequential narrative ignores the fact that the progressive narrative of America as liberator actually grew in importance in the 1980s and 1990s, at the same time that the universal narrative came into its own.

52. Quoted in David Hoogland Noon, "Operation Enduring Analogy: World War II, the War on Terror, and the Uses of Historical

Memory," Rhetoric and Public Affairs 7, no. 3 (2004): 345.

53. This description relies on my own visits and the guides to the exhibit on the museum’s website: https://www.ushmm.org/. See also Greig Crysler and Abidin Kusno, Angels in the Temple: The Aesthetic Construction of Citizenship at the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, Art Journal, 56, no. 1 (1997): 52–64; Jennifer Hansen-Glucklich, Holocaust Memory Reframed: Museums and the Challenges of Representation (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2014), locs. 1586–1774 of 6823, Kindle. Specifics of the exhibition have been altered at times.

54. For the different positions in this debate, see Michael J. Neufeld and Michael Berenbaum, eds., The Bombing of Auschwitz: Should the Allies Have Attempted It? (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 2000). The contention that the Allies should have bombed Auschwitz first achieved public notice with David Wyman’s 1978 essay in Commentary, Why Auschwitz Was Never Bombed, which he followed with The Abandonment of the Jews (New York: New Press, 2007). William D. Rubinstein rejects this thesis in The Myth of Refuge: Why the Democracies Could Not Have Saved More Jews from the Nazis (New York: Routledge, 1997).

55. Quoted in Linenthal, Preserving Memory, 218, who writes that the definite word ‘would’ instead of ‘might’ keeps visitors from appreciating an ongoing controversy, and makes an interpretive stance a statement of fact. The Museum’s online encyclopedia offers a more nuanced interpretation, mentioning the intense debate, and changing the wording to indicate more tentative speculation: https://www.ushmm.org/wlc/en/article.php?ModuleId=10008041.

56. Deborah Lipstadt, The Failure to Rescue and Contemporary American Jewish Historiography of the Holocaust, Judging from a Distance, in Neufeld and Berenbaum, Bombing of Auschwitz, 227–236.

57.  ‘This Time the World Acted’: Wiesel Hails Action in Kosovo, Jewish Telegraphic Agency, April 14, 1999, http://www.jta.org/1999/04/14/archive/this-time-the-world-acted-wiesel-hails-action-in-kosovo-2.

58. Jackie Calmes and Mark Lander, Obama Scolds G.O.P. Critics of Iran Policy: Backs Diplomatic Path over ‘Drums of War,’  New York Times, March 7, 2012, A1.

59. Carter quoted in Keys, Reclaiming American Virtue, 268.

60. Keys, Reclaiming American Virtue.

61. Byron Price,  ‘Cutting for Sign’: Museums and Western Revisionism, Western Historical Quarterly 24.2 (May 1993): 229–234.

62. Edward T. Linenthal and Tom Engelhardt, eds., History Wars: The Enola Gay and Other Battles for the American Past (New York: Macmillan, 1996).

63. Schindler’s List, directed by Steven Spielberg (Universal Pictures, 1993).

64. Spielberg quoted in David Ansen, Spielberg’s Obsession, Newsweek, December 19, 1993; James Young, Schindler’s List: Myth, Movie, and Memory, Village Voice, March 24, 1994, 24.

65. Omer Bartov, Spielberg’s Oskar, Hollywood Tries Evil, in Spielberg’s Holocaust: Critical Perspectives on Schindler’s List, ed. Yosefa Loshitzky (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1997), 45; Haim Bresheeth, "The Great Taboo Broken: Reflections on the Israeli Reception of Schindler’s List," in ibid., 205.

6. Apocalypse Soon

1. For overviews of Christian attitudes toward the Holy Land, see John Davis, The Landscape of Belief: Encountering the Holy Land in Nineteenth-Century American Art and Culture (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1996); Shalom L. Goldman, Zeal for Zion: Christians, Jews, and the Idea of the Promised Land (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2009); Melani McAlister, Epic Encounters: Culture, Media, and U.S. Interests in the Middle East, 1945–2000, rev. ed. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005), 13–20; Hilton Obenzinger, American Palestine: Melville, Twain, and the Holy Land Mania (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1999).

2. On the history of prophecy belief in America, see Paul Boyer, When Time Shall Be No More: Prophecy Belief in Modern American Culture (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992). On the contemporary belief in the end of days, see Nicholas Guyatt, Have a Nice Doomsday: Why Millions of Americans Are Looking Forward to the End of the World (New York: Harper Perennial, 2007).

3. On Christian Zionism, see Yaakov Ariel, An Unusual Relationship: Evangelical Christians and Jews (New York: New York University Press, 2013); Caitlin Carenen, The Fervent Embrace: Liberal Protestants, Evangelicals, and Israel (New York: New York University Press, 2012); Victoria Clark, Allies for Armageddon: The Rise of Christian Zionism (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007); Samuel Goldman, God’s Country: Christian Zionism in America (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2018); Goldman, Zeal for Zion; Gershom Gorenberg, The End of Days: Fundamentalism and the Struggle for the Temple Mount (New York: Free Press, 2000); Grace Halsell, Prophecy and Politics: The Secret Alliance between Israel and the U.S. Christian Right (Chicago: Lawrence Hill, 1986); Robert O. Smith, More Desired Than Our Owne Salvation: The Roots of Christian Zionism (New York: Oxford University Press, 2013); Stephen Spector, Evangelicals and Israel: The Story of American Christian Zionism (New York: Oxford University Press, 2009); Timothy P. Weber, On the Road to Armageddon: How Evangelicals Became Israel’s Best Friend (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic, 2004).

4. David Brinn, Pat Boone’s Christmas Present to the Jews, Jerusalem Post, February 9, 2010, http://www.jpost.com/Arts-and-Culture/Music/Pat-Boones-Christmas-present-to-the-Jews.

5. Sam Sokol, Pat Boone Sells Land in Galilee to Evangelicals, Jerusalem Post, February 13, 2013, http://www.jpost.com/Features/In-Thespotlight/Pat-Boone-sells-land-in-Galilee-to-evangelicals.

6. Hal Lindsey with C. C. Carson, The Late Great Planet Earth (Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan, 1970).

7. Boyer, When Time Shall Be No More, 5–7, 126–128; Weber, On the Road to Armageddon, locs. 2572–2623 of 4795, Kindle.

8. Lindsey, The Late Great Planet Earth, 20.

9. Ibid., 43.

10. Premillennialism refers to the idea that Christ must come to earth before the dawning of one thousand years of peace (as opposed to postmillennialism—which holds that man’s good works would progressively lead to this utopian stage of human history).

Dispensationalism refers to the division of human history into biblical eras, in which Church history and the biblical history of the Jews are on separate trajectories, both of which will culminate in the final Messianic Age. Dispensationalist beliefs were codified in the enormously popular Scofield Reference Bible (1909), in which prophecy interpretations were printed alongside the biblical text, merging the two as a single whole. On Darby, Scofield, and premillennial dispensationalism, see Boyer, When Time Shall Be No More, 80–112, Clark, Allies for Armageddon, 73–92, Weber, On the Road to Armageddon, locs. 163–509 of 4795, Kindle.

11. Quoted in Goldman, God’s Country, loc. 1267 of 5604, Kindle.

12. On the Blackstone Memorial, see ibid., locs. 1236–3108; Clark, Allies for Armageddon, 92–97; Weber, On the Road to Armageddon, locs. 1358–1381 of 4795, Kindle; Hilton Obenzinger, In the Shadow of ‘God’s Sun-Dial’: The Construction of American Christian Zionism and the Blackstone Memorial, Stanford Electronic Humanities Review 5, no. 1 (Spring 1996), n.p., https://www.stanford.edu/group/SHR/5-1/text/obenzinger.html. On Christian Zionism and British imperial politics, see Clark, Allies for Armageddon, 92–97; Donald M. Lewis, The Origins of Christian Zionism: Lord Shaftesbury and Evangelical Support for a Jewish Homeland (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2010).

13. Quoted in Smith, More Desired Than Our Owne Salvation, 11.

14. Lindsey, The Late Great Planet Earth, 55–56; Gorenberg, The End of Days, 175–179.

15. Lindsey, The Late Great Planet Earth, 79.

16. Ibid., 166, 135, 144.

17. Ibid., 150, 44, 174.

18. Ibid., 111.

19. Ibid., 29.

20. Stu Weber, Tender Warrior: God’s Intention for Man (Colorado Springs, CO: Multnomah Books, 1993), 208–209.

21. Halsell, Prophecy and Politics, 122.

22. Hal Lindsey, A Prophetical Walk through the Holy Land (Eugene, OR: Harvest House, 1983), 190.

23. Hal Lindsey, The 1980s: Countdown to Armageddon (New York: Bantam Books, 1981), 157.

24. Tim LaHaye, The Battle for the Mind (Old Tappan, NJ: Fleming H. Revell, 1980), 217. On the Religious Right, see Darren Dochuk, From Bible Belt to Sun Belt: Plain-folk Religion, Grassroots Politics, and the Rise of Evangelical Conservatism (New York: Norton, 2010); Susan Friend Harding, The Book of Jerry Falwell: Fundamentalist Language and Politics (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2000); Michael Lienesch, Redeeming America: Piety and Politics in the New Christian Right (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1993).

25. Quoted in Clark, Allies for Armageddon, 187.

26. Quoted in William Martin, The Christian Right and American Foreign Policy, Foreign Policy 114 (Spring 1999): 72.

27. Mike Evans, Israel—America’s Key to Survival, rev ed. (Bedford, TX: Bedford Books, 1983). On Evans’s influence, see Daniel K. Eisenbud, The Bridge Builder, Jerusalem Post, June 14, 2012, http://www.jpost.com/Magazine/Features/The-bridge-builder; Bill Berkowitz, The Most Influential (and Self-Promotional) Christian Zionist You’ve Never Heard Of, Alternet, February 23, 2009, http://www.alternet.org/story/128353/the_most_influential_%28and_self-promotional%29_christian_zionist_you%27ve_never_heard_of.

28. Tim LaHaye, The Coming Peace in the Middle East (Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan, 1984), 169.

29. Jerry Falwell, Listen, America! (New York: Bantam, 1980), 98.

30. Ibid., 84.

31. This narrative underwrote Reagan’s Star Wars agenda of creating an impenetrable shield of nuclear defense missiles, which would protect America in fighting and winning a nuclear war. Blessing Israel, to Falwell and the Christian right, also meant blessing America with Reagan’s massive military buildup of nuclear and conventional arms.

32. LaHaye, The Battle for the Mind, 138.

33. LaHaye, The Coming Peace, 170.

34. John Hagee, Beginning of the End: The Assassination of Yitzhak Rabin and the Coming Antichrist (Nashville, TN: Thomas Nelson, 1996), 124; Robertson quoted in Michael Lind, Rev. Robertson’s Grand International Conspiracy Theory, New York Review of Books, February 2, 1995, http://www.nybooks.com/articles/archives/1995/feb/02/rev-robertsons-grand-international-conspiracy-theo/.

35. LaHaye, The Coming Peace, 60, 61.

36. Quoted in Evans, Israel, 120.

37. Tim LaHaye, quoted in Michelle Goldberg, Kingdom Coming: The Rise of Christian Nationalism (New York: Norton, 2006), 161.

38. LaHaye, The Coming Peace, 13.

39. Michael Standaert, Skipping towards Armageddon: The Politics and Propaganda of the Left Behind Novels and the LaHaye Empire (New York: Soft Skull Press, 2006), 13–14. On the popularity of the novels, see Craig Unger, American Rapture, Vanity Fair, December 2005, 204.

40. Tim LaHaye and Jerry B. Jenkins, Apollyon: The Destroyer Is Unleashed (Colorado Springs, CO: Tyndale, 1999), 2.

41. Melani McAlister, "Prophecy, Politics, and the Popular: The Left Behind Series and Christian Fundamentalism’s New World Order," South Atlantic Quarterly 102 (2003): 773–798.

42. LaHaye, The Coming Peace, 16, 170.

43. Tim LaHaye and Jerry B. Jenkins, The Mark: The Beast Rules the World (Colorado Springs, CO: Tyndale, 2000), 235.

44. Tim LaHaye and Jerry B. Jenkins, Desecration: Antichrist Takes the Throne (Colorado Springs, CO: Tyndale, 2001), 339.

45. Tim LaHaye and Jerry B. Jenkins, The Remnant: On the Brink of Armageddon (Colorado Springs, CO: Tyndale, 2002), 264, 225.

46. Ibid., 169, 174, 100.

47. Tim LaHaye and Jerry B. Jenkins, Armageddon: The Cosmic Battle of the Ages (Colorado Springs, CO: Tyndale, 2003), 339; Tim LaHaye and Jerry B. Jenkins, Glorious Appearing: The End of Days (Colorado Springs, CO: Tyndale, 2004), 28.

48. LaHaye and Jenkins, Glorious Appearing, 200.

49. LaHaye and Jenkins, Armageddon, 251.

50. LaHaye and Jenkins, Glorious Appearing, 273.

51. LaHaye and Jenkins, The Mark, 234.

52. Merrill Simon, Jerry Falwell and the Jews (Middle Village, NY: Jonathan David, 1984), 87–88.

53. Clark, Allies for Armageddon, 189.

54. Kenneth L. Woodward, Born Again! Newsweek, October 25, 1976, 68.

55. Quoted in Donald Wagner, Evangelicals and Israel: Theological Roots of a Political Alliance, The Christian Century, November 4, 1998, 1020–1026.

56. Clark, Allies for Armageddon, 189–192; Halsell, Prophecy and Politics, 73–74, 118–122.

57. Clark, Allies for Armageddon, 192. Falwell was fond of telling the story (which journalists and historians have repeated) that Begin called him with the news before letting Reagan know. Though Begin in fact only called him a few days later, the story indicates the pride that Falwell and other evangelical leaders expressed at being insiders with access to the highest echelons of government in Israel.

58. Evans, Israel, 9–11.

59. On Robertson and Falwell in Lebanon, see Clark, Allies for Armageddon, 193.

60. Falwell, Old Time Gospel Hour, November 7, 1982; transcript at http://crwsarchive.berkeley.edu/sites/default/files/shared/sourcedocs/1982-11.pdf, p. 13.

61. Sara Diamond, Spiritual Warfare: The Politics of the Christian Right (Boston: South End Press, 1989), 203.

62. Quoted in Irvine H. Anderson, Biblical Prophecy and Middle East Policy: The Promised Land, America and Israel, 1917–2002 (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2005), 123.

63. Hagee, Beginning of the End, 16.

64. Quotations from Clark, Allies for Armageddon, 192–193.

65. Quoted in Caitlin Stewart, Patriotism, National Identity, and Foreign Policy: The US–Israeli Alliance in the Twenty-First Century, in United States Foreign Policy and National Identity in the 21st Century, ed. Kenneth Christie (New York: Routledge, 2009), 58; Nate Perlmutter and Ruth Ann Perlmutter, The Real Anti-Semitism in America (New York: Arbor House, 1982), 156; Irving Kristol, The Political Dilemma of America’s Jews, Commentary, July 1984, 23–29.

66. These observations on parallels between conservative evangelicals and neoconservatives rely on Andrew J. Bacevich, The New American Militarism: How Americans Are Seduced by War (New York: Oxford University Press, 2005); Justin Vaïsse, Neoconservatism: The Biography of a Movement, trans. Arthur Goldhammer (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2010); David Bruce MacDonald, Thinking History, Fighting Evil: Neoconservatives and the Perils of Analogy (Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2009); John Ehrman, The Rise of Neoconservativism: Intellectuals and Foreign Affairs, 1945–1994 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1996); Gary Dorrien, The Neoconservative Mind: Politics, Culture, and the War of Ideology (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1993); and Jacob Heilbrunn, They Knew They Were Right: The Rise of the Neocons (New York: Doubleday, 2008).

67. Kristol, Political Dilemma of America’s Jews.

68. Lind, Rev. Robertson’s Grand International Conspiracy Theory; Clark, Allies for Armageddon, 195–196.

69. Clark, Allies for Armageddon, 217; Abraham H. Foxman, Why Evangelical Support for Israel Is a Good Thing, Jewish Telegraphic Agency, Daily News Bulletin, July 16, 2002. Ze’ev Chafets describes this post–9 / 11 alliance based on a common Islamic foe in A Match Made in Heaven: American Jews, Christian Zionists, and One Man’s Exploration of the Weird and Wonderful Judeo-Evangelical Alliance (New York: Harper Collins, 2007).

70. Falwell Brands Mohammed a ‘Terrorist,’  60 Minutes, CBS News, June 5, 2003, http://www.cbsnews.com/news/falwell-brands-mohammed-a-terrorist/.

7. Homeland Insecurities

1. George W. Bush, Address to the Joint Session of the 107th Congress, September 20, 2001, 65–73, https://georgewbush-whitehouse.archives.gov/infocus/bushrecord/documents/Selected_Speeches_George_W_Bush.pdf.

2. Gary Gerson quoted in Nancy Gibbs, If You Want to Humble an Empire, Time, September 14, 2001. For other examples, see Samuel G. Freedman, We’re All on the Front Lines Now, USA Today, September 13, 2001; Martin Peretz, Israel, the United States, and Evil, New Republic, September 24, 2001.

3. Jan Freeman, Existentially Speaking, Boston Globe, February 4, 2007.

4. David Frum and Richard Perle, An End to Evil: How to Win the War on Terror (New York: Random House, 2003), 7.

5. George F. Will, The End of Our Holiday from History, Washington Post, September 12, 2001, A31; Clyde Haberman, When the Unimaginable Happens and It’s Right Outside Your Window, New York Times, September 12, 2001, A10; James Bennet, The Israelis: Spilled Blood Is Seen as Bond That Draws Two Nations Closer, New York Times, September 12, 2001, A22; Bill Keller, America’s Emergency Line: 9/11, New York Times, September 12, 2001, A27; Bruce Hoffman, The Logic of Suicide Terrorism, Atlantic, June 2003, 40–47.

6. Keller, America’s Emergency Line; Dexter Filkins, The Forever War (New York: Knopf, 2008), 45; Carolyn Davis, This Day We Joined the Dangerous World, Philadelphia Inquirer, September 12, 2001, A27.

7. Quotations from Bennet, The Israelis. See also Brian Whitaker, Sharon Likens Arafat to Bin Laden, Guardian, September 14, 2001. For agreement with Sharon, see Alan Dershowitz, Bin Laden’s Inspiration, Jerusalem Post, November 10, 2005. For Arafat’s

refutation, see Ian Fisher, Arafat Disavows Bin Laden, Saying ‘He Never Helped Us,’  New York Times, December 16, 2002. For a rejection of the connection between the two men on pragmatic grounds, see Gerald Seib, Arafat Can’t Be Dealt with Like bin Laden Because There Isn’t Any Viable Alternative, Wall Street Journal, December 5, 2001.

8. Lisa Stampnitzky, Disciplining Terror: How Experts Invented Terrorism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013), 139–164.

9. Benjamin Netanyahu, Fighting Terrorism: How Democracies Can Defeat Domestic and International Terrorists (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1996). Peretz takes the same position in Israel, the United States, and Evil.

10. On the second intifada, see Mark A. Tessler, A History of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, 2nd ed. (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2009), 807–827.

11. Seth Ackerman, Al-Aqsa Intifada and the U.S. Media, Journal of Palestine Studies 30, no. 2 (2000–2001): 61–74; Barbie Zelizer, David Park, and David Gudelunas, "How Bias Shapes the News: Challenging The New York Times’ Status as a Newspaper of Record on the Middle East," Journalism 3 (2002): 283–307.

12. Lee Hockstader, Israelis Say U.S. Could Learn from Their Tactics, Washington Post, September 13, 2001, 13; Hockstader, Sharon Defies Bush’s Request for Peace Talks, Washington Post, September 16, 2001, 16.

13. Giuliani: Israel, U.S. Shoulder-to-Shoulder in Fight against Terror, Haaretz (via the Associated Press), December 9, 2001, http://www.haaretz.com/news/giuliani-israel-u-s-shoulder-to-shoulder-in-fight-against-terror-1.76912.

14. Charles Krauthammer, Banish Arafat Now, Washington Post, April 5, 2002, A23. On the convergence of the war on terror with the second intifada, see Derek Gregory, The Colonial Present: Afghanistan, Palestine, Iraq (Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2004), 107–143.

15. Stephen Graham, Laboratories of War: United States–Israeli Collaboration in Urban War and Securitization, Brown Journal of World Affairs 17, no. 1 (2010): 31–51 (marine quoted on 36); Seymour Hersh, Chain of Command: The Road from 9/11 to Abu Ghraib (New York: HarperCollins, 2004), 279–280; Chris McGreal, Send In the Bulldozers: What Israel Told Marines about Urban Battles, Guardian, April 2, 2003, https://www.theguardian.com/world/2003/apr/02/iraq.israel; Eric Fair, Consequence: A Memoir (New York: Henry Holt, 2016), 106 (reference to Palestinian chair); Steve Niva, Walling Off Iraq: Israel’s Imprint on U.S. Counterinsurgency Doctrine, Middle East Policy 15, no. 3 (2008): 67–79 (Iraqi protester quoted on 68).

16. President George W. Bush, Message to the Congress Transmitting Proposed Legislation to Create the Department of Homeland Security, June 18, 2002, http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=64050&st=&st1; Avi Dichter and Daniel Byman, Israel’s Lessons for Fighting Terrorists and Their Implications for the United States, Saban Center for Middle East Policy at the Brookings Institute, Analysis Paper no. 8, March 2006; Jeffrey A. Larsen and Tasha L. Pravecek, Comparative U.S.-Israeli Homeland Security, Maxwell Air Force Base, Alabama, USAF Counterproliferation Center, Air University, 2006, http://purl.access.gpo.gov/GPO/LPS105341; Thomas Henriksen, The Israeli Approach to Irregular Warfare and Implications for the United States, Joint Special Operations University Report 07-3 (Hurlburt Field, FL: JSOU Press, 2007), https://jsoupublic.socom.mil/publications/jsoupubs_2007.php, p. 1.

17. Michael Walzer, Just and Unjust Wars: A Moral Argument with Historical Illustrations (1977; repr., New York: Basic Books, 2015), 81–85; Stephen Graham, Cities under Siege: The New Military Urbanism (London: Verso, 2010), loc. 5583 of 10754, Kindle; Andrew Bacevich, How We Became Israel: Peace Means Dominion for Netanyahu—and Now for Us, American Conservative, September 10, 2012, 16.

18. Lisa Hajjar, International Humanitarian Law and ‘Wars On Terror’: A Comparative Analysis of Israeli and American Doctrines and Policies, Journal of Palestine Studies 36, no. 1 (2006): 32.

19. An Eye for an Eye, 60 Minutes, CBS News, November 20, 2001, https://www.cbsnews.com/news/an-eye-for-an-eye-20-11-2001/.

20. Munich, directed by Steven Spielberg (Universal Pictures, 2005); Michelle Goldberg, Steven Spielberg’s Controversial New Film: The War on ‘Munich,’  Spiegel Online, December 20, 2005, http://www.spiegel.de/international/steven-spielberg-s-controversial-new-film-the-war-on-munich-a-391525-druck.html.

21. Yosefa Loshitzky, "The Post-Holocaust Jew in the Age of ‘The War on Terror’: Steven Spielberg’s Munich," Journal of Palestine Studies 40, no. 2 (2011): 77–87.

22. David Brooks, What ‘Munich’ Left Out, New York Times, December 11, 2005, C13.

23. The book was written before 9/11. In The Kill Artist (New York: Random House, 2000), Allon does express remorse after an assassination, saying that it only felt good until you start to think you’re as bad as the people you’re killing (p. 82). However, by the fifth novel, The Prince of Fire (New York: Signet, 2005), Allon proudly describes filling a body with eleven bullets for every Jew murdered (pp. 88, 289), an item repeated in the novels that followed.

24. Bush, Address to the Joint Session of the 107th Congress, 68–69.

25. Fareed Zakaria, The Politics of Rage: Why Do They Hate Us? Newsweek, October 15, 2001, 22.

26. Mary-Jayne McKay, Falwell Brands Mohammed a ‘Terrorist’: Conservative Christian Says Founder of Islam Set a Bad Example, 60 Minutes, CBS News, June 5, 2003, http://www.cbsnews.com/news/falwell-brands-mohammed-a-terrorist/; John Hagee, Jerusalem Countdown: A Warning to the World (Lake Mary, FL: FrontLine, 2006), 42, 193; Chuck Missler, Prophecy 20 / 20: Profiling the Future through the Lens of Scripture (Nashville, TN: Nelson Books, 2006), 148 (emphasis in original). See also Stephen Fink, Fear under Construction: Islamophobia within American Christian Zionism, Islamophobia Studies Journal 2, no. 1 (2014): 26–43.

27. Christopher Hitchens, Defending Islamofascism: It’s a Valid Term, Slate, October 22, 2007, http://www.slate.com/articles/news_and_politics/fighting_words/2007/10/defending_islamofascism.html; Bush: U.S. at War with ‘Islamic Fascists,’  CNN.com, August 10, 2006, http://www.cnn.com/2006/POLITICS/08/10/washington.terror.plot/. For a discussion of the term Islamofascism, see Katha Pollitt, Wrong War, Wrong Word, Nation, August 24, 2006, https://www.thenation.com/article/wrong-war-wrong-word/; Fred Halliday, Shocked and Awed: A Dictionary of the War on Terror (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2010), 185–187.

28. Boteach quoted in Brian Klug, Being Jewish and Doing Justice: Bringing Argument to Life (London: Vallentine Mitchell, 2012), 69; Natan Sharansky, On Hating the Jews, Commentary, November 1, 2003, 26–34; Daniel Goldhagen, Globalization of Antisemitism, Forward, May 2, 2003, http://forward.com/opinion/8736/the-globalization-of-antisemitism/; Andrei Markovits, Uncouth Nation: Why Europe Dislikes America (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2007). The link between anti-Semitism and anti-Americanism became part of the U.S. State Department’s 2005 Report on Global Anti-Semitism. The first section of the executive summary ends with the statement that Global anti-Semitism in recent years has had four main sources. The fourth source is described as Criticism of both the United States and globalization that spills over to Israel, and to Jews in general who are identified with both. See Anti-Semitism in the United States: Report on Global Anti-Semitism, U.S. Department of State, January 5, 2005, executive summary, part 1, https://2009-2017.state.gov/j/drl/rls/40258.htm.

29. Josef Joffe, The Demons of Europe, Commentary, January 1, 2004, 29–34. Markovits repurposes the phrase twin brothers from André Glucksmann: see Uncouth Nation, 150–200. For further discussion of the relationship between anti-Americanism and anti-Semitism, see Alvin Rosenfeld, Anti-Americanism and Anti-Semitism: A New Frontier of Bigotry, American Jewish Committee, July 1, 2003, http://www.ajc.org/site/apps/nlnet/content3.aspx?c=7oJILSPwFfJSG&b=8449851&ct=12484851.

30. Larsen and Pravecek, Comparative U.S.-Israeli Homeland Security, 43, 67, 69.

31. James Traub, The Dark History of Defending ‘The Homeland,’  New York Times Magazine, April 5, 2016, https://nyti.ms/2pCAuCX. For more on the meanings of homeland, see my article Homeland Insecurities: Reflections on Language and Space, Radical History Review 85 (2003): 82–93.

32. Michelle Malkin, Candidates Ignore ‘Security Moms,’ at Their Peril, op-ed, USA Today, July 20, 2004, https://usatoday30.usatoday.com/news/opinion/editorials/2004-07-20-malkin_x.htm; Inderpal Grewal,  ‘Security Moms’ in the Early Twentieth-Century United States: The Gender of Security in Neo-liberalism, Women’s Studies Quarterly, 34, nos. 1–2 (2006): 25–39; Alberto Gonzales, Nothing Improper, Washington Post, April 15, 2007, B07.

33. National Commission on Terrorist Attacks upon the United States, The 9/11 Commission Report (New York: Norton, 2004), 362.

34. Homeland, Showtime Networks, http://www.sho.com/homeland; Traub, The Dark History of Defending ‘The Homeland.’ 

35. NCIS, CBS, https://www.cbs.com/shows/ncis/. On the popularity of the character Ziva David, see Mike Hale, Sugar and Spice and Vicious Beatings, New York Times, March 10, 2011, 6.

36. For JINSA, see the brochure Empowering Law Enforcement Protecting America, which discusses the Homeland Security Program (formerly known as the Law Enforcement Exchange Program [LEEP]), at http://www.jinsa.org/files/LEEPbookletforweb.pdf. For ADL, see website for National Counter-Terrorism Seminar in Israel, https://www.adl.org/who-we-are/our-organization/signature-programs/law-enforcement-training/counter-terrorism-seminar. See also Max Blumenthal, From Occupation to ‘Occupy’: The Israelification of American Domestic Security, Al-Akhbar English, December 2, 2011, https://english.al-akhbar.com/node/2178.

37. LEEP, Empowering Law Enforcement Protecting America.

38. Sari Horwitz, Israeli Experts Teach Police on Terrorism, Washington Post, June 12, 2005, C01.

39. LEEP, Empowering Law Enforcement Protecting America; Anemone quoted in Hoffman, The Logic of Suicide Terrorism.

40. LEEP, Empowering Law Enforcement Protecting America.

41. Andrea Adelson, Lessons from Israel, Jewish Journal, October 3, 2002. For matrix of control, see Jeff Halper, The 94 Percent Solution: A Matrix of Control, Middle East Report 216 (Fall 2000): 14–19.

42. Rebecca Anna Stoil, Dichter’s Tour Fosters Bonds with US Marshals, Jerusalem Post, October 18, 2006, 4.

43. Sarah Kershaw, Suicide Bombings Bring Urgency to Police in U.S., New York Times, July 25, 2005, A14; Travis Hudson, AP Investigation: With CIA Help, NYPD Moves Covertly in Muslim Areas Post-9/11, Dallas News, August 24, 2011. On the Israeli inspiration for the Demographics Unit, see Matt Apuzzo and Adam Goldman, Enemies Within: Inside the NYPD’s Secret Spying Unit and bin Laden’s Final Plot against America (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2013), 73. See also Horwitz, Israeli Experts Teach Police on Terrorism; Blumenthal, From Occupation to ‘Occupy.’ 

44. Kershaw, Suicide Bombings Bring Urgency; Horwitz, Israeli Experts Teach Police on Terrorism.

45. H. J. Reza, Arming Marines with Know-How for Staying Alive, Los Angeles Times, October 24, 2005.

46. Daniel K. Eisenbud, U.S. Police Delegation Visits Israel to Learn Counter-terrorism Techniques, Jerusalem Post, September 9, 2016, 4; for the Star of David, see JINSA Launches Law Enforcement Exchange, JINSA Online, September 6, 2002, http://www.jinsa.org/events-programs/law-enforcement-exchange-program-leep/jinsa-launches-law-enforcement-exchange; for the emotional force experienced by American law enforcement, see Horwitz, Israeli Experts Teach Police on Terrorism.

47. ADL, Law Enforcement and Society: Lessons on the Holocaust, http://dc.adl.org/law-enforcement-and-society/; United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, Law Enforcement, https://www.ushmm.org/professionals-and-student-leaders/law-enforcement.

48. On the consortium between Boeing and Elbit, and quotation, see Israeli Technology to Keep US Borders Safe, Israel21c, October 15, 2008, https://www.israel21c.org/israeli-technology-to-keep-us-borders-safe/. On the southern border drones, see Elbit UAVs patrolling Arizona-Mexico Border, Globes, June 28, 2004, http://www.globes.co.il/en/article-809421. On Elbit Systems’s 2014 and 2018 contracts, see Kathleen Miller, Israel’s Elbit Wins U.S. Border Work after Boeing Dumped, Bloomberg Technology, February 27, 2014, https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2014-02-27/israel-s-elbit-wins-u-s-border-surveillance-contract; U.S. Customs and Border Protection Certifies Elbit Systems of America’s In-fill Radar and Tower System, PR Newswire, February 1, 2018, https://www.prnewswire.com/news-releases/us-customs-and-border-protection-certifies-elbit-systems-of-americas-in-fill-radar-and-tower-system-300591799.html.

49. Naomi Klein, Laboratory for a Fortressed World, The Nation, July 2, 2007, 9; Thomas Friedman, Israel Discovers Oil, New York Times, June 10, 2007, C15.

50. Darryl Li, The Gaza Strip as Laboratory: Notes in the Wake of Disengagement, Journal of Palestine Studies 35, no. 2 (2006): 38–55.

51. Yotam Feldman, The Lab: Filmmaker’s View, Al-Jazeera, May 8, 2014, https://www.aljazeera.com/programmes/witness/2014/05/lab-20145475423526313.html; Jonathan Cook,  ‘The Lab’: Israel Tests Weapons, Tactics on Captive Palestinian Population, Washington Report on Middle Eastern Affairs, September 2013, 16–17.

52. Jeff Halper, War against the People: Israel, The Palestinians and Global Pacification (London: Pluto Press, 2015), loc. 2855 of 9372, Kindle.

53. Quoted in Cook, The Lab, 17.

54. Klein, Laboratory for a Fortressed World.

55. Dan Senor and Saul Singer, Start-Up Nation: The Story of Israel’s Economic Miracle (New York: Hachette, 2009).

56. Rajiv Chandrasekaran, Imperial Life in the Emerald City: Inside Iraq’s Green Zone (New York: Knopf, 2006), 144–147.

57. Senor and Singer, Start-Up Nation, 8, 61.

58. Ibid., 53.

59. Ibid., 48.

60. Ibid., 150.

61. Ibid., 81.

62. Ibid., 228 (bracketed phrase in original).

63. Ibid., 229, 235.

Conclusion

1. Jeffrey Goldberg, Obama on Zionism and Hamas, Atlantic, May 12, 2008.

2. Tessa Stuart, Why Trump Calls for Racial Profiling after Attacks, Rolling Stone, September 19, 2016; Tracy Wilkinson, Trump Says Walls Work: ‘Just ask Israel,’  Los Angeles Times, February 8, 2017.

3. Alan Rappeport, Donald Trump Calls Himself ‘Lifelong Supporter’ of Israel, First Draft newsletter, New York Times, March 21, 2016, https://www.nytimes.com/politics/first-draft/2016/03/21/donald-trump-calls-himself-lifelong-supporter-of-israel/.

4. Peter Beinart, The Crisis of Zionism (New York: Macmillan, 2012).

5. Christina Maza, Support for Israel among Young Evangelicals Drops Despite Biblical Teachings on Jewish Homeland, Newsweek, December 5, 2017.

6. Promoting Human Rights by Ending Israeli Military Detention of Palestinian Children Act, H.R. 4391, 115th Congress, 1st Session (2017).

7. Nikki Haley’s Jerusalem Speech at UN—Full Speech, UN Watch, December 10, 2017, https://www.unwatch.org/nikki-haleys-jerusalem-speech-un-full-text/.

8. World War Z, directed by Marc Foster (Paramount Pictures, 2013). The film is based on the book World War Z: An Oral History of the Zombie War, by Max Brooks (New York: Random House, 2006).

Previous Chapter

Next Chapter