[이학영 칼럼] "윤석열 정부에 화 난다"는 이들에게
이학영 논설고문기자 스크랩
입력2022.07.19
헛발질 연속 미국 에너지정책
스리랑카 봉기 부른 농업대란
이념원리주의 눈 먼 지도자 탓
한국의 전력체계와 일자리 위기
원인과 전말 제대로 살펴야
이학영 논설고문
“어른이 돌아왔다.” 작년 1월 조 바이든 미국 대통령이 집권하면서 호기롭게 한 말이다. 잦은 기행으로 구설수에 올랐던 전임자를 빗대 자신의 안정감 있는 이미지를 내세운 말이었다. 그로부터 1년 반이 지난 지금, 그의 신세가 초라하기 짝이 없다. 엊그제 사우디아라비아에서 빈손으로 귀국한 장면이 압권이다. 사우디 왕실에 유가 안정을 위한 석유 증산을 요청하러 갔지만 원하던 답을 듣지 못했다. 세계 최대 산유국 자리에 올랐던 미국의 대통령이 해외로 ‘증산 구걸 여행’을 다닌다는 것 자체가 황당한 일이다. 상황을 그렇게 만든 장본인이 바이든이다.
그는 취임과 동시에 ‘기후 변화에 대응할 탄소중립 조기 달성’을 내걸고 자국 내 석유생산을 억눌렀다. 전문가들의 경고가 잇따랐다. 가장 앞선 친환경 산유 기술을 갖춘 미국이 석유생산을 줄이면 탄소배출이 훨씬 심각한 다른 나라 석유에 더 의존해야 할 게 뻔해서였다. 그들의 예고대로 상황이 돌아갔다. 바이든 발(發) 에너지 대재앙은 지도자가 이념원리주의에 빠져 현실에 눈감을 때 어떤 일이 일어나는지 생생하게 보여준다.
스리랑카의 국민 봉기 배경에도 엉터리 이념원리주의가 똬리를 틀고 있다. 국제 공급망 타격으로 연료와 식품 의약품 등 생활필수품이 바닥난 게 소요사태 원인이라지만, 유독 이 나라만 큰 곤경을 겪는 데는 이유가 있다. 퇴임한 고타바야 라자팍사 전 대통령의 과격한 녹색원리주의가 주범이다. 미국 시민권자로 ‘선진적인’ 미국 환경생태운동가들의 열렬한 추종자였던 그는 2019년 집권하자마자 나라 전체를 녹색운동 실험무대로 만들었다.
작년 4월 스리랑카를 ‘100% 유기농국가’로 만들겠다고 선언한 게 그 절정이다. ‘실론티’로 유명한 차와 쌀, 옥수수 등 농산물을 수출하던 나라가 갑작스레 농약과 화학비료 사용을 전면 중단한 결과는 자명했다. 작물이 제대로 자라지 못하고 질병까지 번지면서 수확량이 절반으로 줄고, 주요 농산물값이 한 달 새 20% 이상 치솟았다. 자기 나라 농민과 소비자들이 날벼락을 맞았지만 라자팍사는 국제 생태원리주의자들의 ‘대 스타’가 됐다. 국민들이 도탄에 빠지건 말건 자신에게 쏟아진 국제 환경단체 사회관계망의 ‘#PoisonFree #PoisonCartelFree(독약카르텔 해방자)’ 따위 찬사와 환호에 취했다.
이념원리주의에 빠져 국민들을 생고생시키고 있는 바이든과 라자팍사에게서 한국의 문재인 전 대통령 모습이 비친다. 문 전 대통령은 임기 내내 탈(脫)원전을 밀어붙이더니 작년에는 “2030년까지 탄소 배출량을 2018년 대비 40% 줄이겠다”는 계획을 국제회의 무대에서 폼 나게 발표했다. 산업구조가 제조업 중심인 나라의 대통령이 획기적인 탄소저감 기술이 요원하고, 원자력 발전까지 내친 상황에서 어떻게 그런 목표를 이룰 것인지는 ‘다음, 그다음 정권의 몫’으로 떠넘긴 채.
그럴듯한 명분으로 포장하고 현실과 지속가능성을 외면한 정책의 피해는 두고두고 국민 모두에게 돌아갈 수밖에 없다. 최근 예고된 단계적 전기요금 인상이 단적인 예다. 문재인 정부가 탈원전 강행에 따른 발전비용 상승을 감추기 위해 임기 내 전기요금을 묶어놓았지만 더는 원가 압박을 가릴 수 없게 된 것이다. 에너지정책만 그런 게 아니다. ‘나라다운 나라, 든든한 대통령’을 자임하며 문재인 정부가 밀어붙인 각종 이념원리주의 정책이 하나둘씩 실상을 드러내고 있다. 엊그제 세계은행이 “한국 기업들이 2017년부터 3년간 3만5000개가 넘는 일자리를 국내에서 해외로 옮겼다”며 무리한 최저임금 인상 등 단시간에 강화된 노동규제를 원인으로 지목한 것도 그런 경우다. 국민 삶의 질을 결정하는 두 핵심 요인, 물가와 일자리가 문재인 정부 시절의 ‘이념 대못’에 어떻게 발목 잡혀 있는지를 제대로 짚어봐야 하는 이유다.
문 정부 뒤를 이은 윤석열 정부에 “실망했다”는 사람들이 많다. 출범한 지 두 달 남짓에 불과한데 지지율이 30%대 초반으로까지 곤두박질했다. 여러 요인이 제시되고 있지만, 줄어든 일자리와 치솟는 물가로 국민들의 삶이 힘겨워진 게 기저 원인일 것이다. 당장 숙제를 풀어야 하는 건 당연히 현 정부의 몫이지만, 왜 그렇게까지 됐는지 문제의 전말과 근본 원인을 눈 부릅뜨고 따져봐야 한다. 그래야 온전하고 성숙한 민주주의가 작동한다.
좋아요26싫어요7후속기사 원해요1
'국민영웅→탈주자' 스리랑카 대통령…"국가를 가족기업처럼 운영"
기사등록 2022/07/14
https://mobile.newsis.com/view.html?ar_id=NISX20220714_0001942984#_enliple
고타바야 라자팍사 대통령, 족벌주의로 위기 자초
막대한 차입 등 경제 실정도 국민 신뢰 잃는데 한몫
[콜롬보(스리랑카)=AP/뉴시스]고타바야 라자팍사 스리랑카 대통령 자료사진. 2022.07.14.
서울=뉴시스] 박준호 기자 = 고타바야 라자팍사 스리랑카 대통령이 국가 최고지도자에서 해외로 도피하는 탈주자 신세가 된 것을 놓고, 전문가들은 라자팍사스의 흥망성쇠를 시작으로 마지막 한 번에 무엇이 잘못되었는지 생각해보는 것이 좋을 것이라고 지적했다고 CNN이 13일(현지시간) 보도했다.
고타바야 라자팍사는 한때 유혈 내전에서 분리주의세력을 물리치면서 국가의 영웅으로 여겨졌으나, 13일 이른 시간, 궁지에 몰리자 동이 트기 전 군용기에 올라 서둘러 수도 콜롬보를 떠나 몰디브로 도피했다. 국민들의 신뢰를 잃기 전까지 지난 20년 동안 철권통치를 해왔던 라자팍사의 출국은 스리랑카에는 역사적인 순간이다.
영국 싱크탱크인 ODI글로벌의 가네샨 비그나라야 선임연구원은 "고타바야 라자팍사가 스리랑카에서 공군기를 타고 탈출하는 모습은 이 가문의 몰락을 상징한다"고 말했다.
CNN에 따르면 라자팍사는 가족 중 첫 대통령이 아니었다. 그의 친형 마힌다 라자팍사는 2005년 대통령에 당선돼 26년간 지속된 스리랑카의 무장 반군 단체 '타밀일람 해방 호랑이(Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam)'와의 내전에서 승리하며 거의 전설적인 지위를 얻었다.
이 승리로 마힌다 라자팍사는 정치적 자본을 무궁무진하게 끌어 모을 수 있게 됐고, 그는 10년 동안 권력을 장악했다. 그는 흔히 '아파치'라고 불리며, 그가 지나갈 때 사람들은 종종 절을 하고 그가 아플 때 걱정하곤 했다.
마힌다 라자팍사는 대부분 임기 동안 그의 형제들을 요직에 임명하고 스리랑카 국가를 '가족기업'처럼 운영했다. 예컨대 국방부 장관은 고타바야 라자팍사, 경제개발부 장관은 바질 라자팍사, 국회의장은 차말 라자팍사를 임명하는 식이었다.
[콜롬보=AP/뉴시스] 11일(현지시간) 스리랑카 콜롬보의 고타바야 라자팍사 대통령 관저에 시위대가 모여 있다. 스리랑카는 경제난에 분노한 시위대가 대통령 관저를 점령한 가운데 야당 지도자들이 사임 의사를 밝힌 대통령의 후임을 정하지 못해 이틀째 정치적 공백에 빠져 있다. 2022.07.11.
족벌주의에 대한 불만에도 불구하고, 라자팍사 형제들은 여전히 인기가 있었다. 스리랑카는 정부가 공공 서비스에 자금을 대기 위해 해외에서 막대한 차입금을 빌린 덕분에 수년간 성장을 거듭했다. 하지만 좋은 시간은 오래가지 않았다.
내전은 마힌다 라자팍사의 전설을 만들어 내는 데 큰 역할을 했지만, 마힌다 라자팍사 몰락의 첫 징후도 담고 있었다.
유엔 보고서(2011년)는 스리랑카의 정부군이 민간인에 대한 의도적인 포격, 즉결 처형, 성폭행, 그리고 피해를 입은 지역사회로의 식량·의약품 접근을 차단하는 등 학대에 책임이 있다고 명시했다. 유엔 보고서는 "신뢰할 수 있는 많은 소식통들이 민간인 사망자가 4만명에 달했을 것으로 추정했다"고 밝혔다.
마힌다 라자팍사 정부는 이 보고서 내용을 강력 부인했지만, 문제점들은 늘어나기 시작했다. 인권에 대한 우려는 전쟁을 넘어섰다. 정적들은 마힌다 라자팍사가 극우 불교 단체들을 암묵적으로 승인했다고 비난했고, 스리랑카의 이슬람족과 소수민족인 타밀족은 그들의 공동체에 대한 광범위한 탄압을 두려워했다.
동시에, 경제적 문제의 징후가 나타나면서 마힌다 대통령의 정실주의에 대한 분노도 함께 커졌다.
[콜롬보=AP/뉴시스] 코타바야 라자팍사 대통령 하야를 요구하는 시위대가 10일(현지시간) 스리랑카 콜롬보 대통령 관저에 난입해 있다. 2022.07.11.
2015년까지 스리랑카는 중국에 80억 달러의 빚을 졌고 스리랑카 정부 관리들은 중국과 다른 국가에 빚을 져 누적된 외채가 국내총생산(GDP)의 94%를 차지할 것이라고 예측했다. 그 해 대통령 선거에서 마힌다 라자팍사는 낙선했다.
그럼에도 라자팍사 일가는 다시 구사일생했다. 2019년 4월 이슬람 무장세력은 교회와 특급호텔에서 연쇄 폭탄 테러로 최소 290명의 목숨을 앗아갔다. 패닉 상태에 빠진 국민들은 내전을 승리로 이끈, 국가 안보에 관한 입증된 기록을 가진, 라자팍사 일가를 다시 찾았다.
그 해 11월, 고타바야 라자팍사가 스리랑카의 새 대통령으로 선출됐다. 그리고 그의 형처럼, 고타바야 역시 통치를 가족 문제로 여겼다. 고타바야 라자팍사 대통령의 재임 시절에도 경제 운용에 대한 의구심이 커지면서 균열이 생기기 시작했다.
전문가들은 스리랑카의 경제 문제가 전적으로 정부의 잘못은 아니지만 일련의 실정들이 스리랑카의 문제를 더욱 악화시켰다고 지적한다.
스리랑카 내 싱크탱크인 아드보카타 연구소의 무르타자 자페르지 소장은 "스리랑카가 공공 서비스에 자금을 대기 위해 시작한 막대한 차입 열풍은 스리랑카 경제에 대한 일련의 타격과 동시에 일어났다"고 말했다.
[콜롬보=AP/뉴시스] 13일(현지시간) 스리랑카 콜롬보의 대통령 관저 앞에서 시위대가 시위하고 있다. 대통령의 국외 도피에 분노한 시위대는 라닐 위크레메싱게 총리의 퇴진도 요구하고 있으며 스리랑카 정부는 국가 비상사태를 선포했다. 2022.07.13.
막대한 적자에 직면한 라자팍사는 경제를 부양하기 위해 세금을 삭감했다. 그러나 이러한 조치는 역효과를 낳았고 정부 세입에도 타격을 입혔다.
그 후 신용평가사들은 스리랑카를 디폴트 수준에 가까운 수준으로 강등시켰다. 이는 스리랑카가 해외 시장에 접근할 수 없게 된 것을 의미한다. 결국 스리랑카는 정부 부채를 갚기 위해 외환보유고를 사용하면서 연료와 기타 필수품의 수입에도 영향을 미쳐 가격을 급등시켰다.
한때 라자팍사를 사랑했던 국민들은 가족을 먹여 살리거나 차량에 연료를 공급할 수 없다는 것을 알게 되었다. 이제 연료를 얻기 위해서는 몇 시간씩 줄을 서야 하고, 기다리는 동안 종종 경찰이나 군대와 충돌하기도 한다. 슈퍼마켓 진열대는 텅 비었고, 의약품은 위험할 정도로 공급이 부족해지고 있다.
결국 수개월 동안 분노해온 스리랑카 국민들은 고타바야와 마힌다 두 형제가 경제를 잘못 운영했다고 비난하며 거리로 뛰쳐나왔다.
당초 시위는 평화적으로 시작됐지만 지난 5월 폭력적으로 변하면서 마힌다가 총리직에서 물러나게 됐다. 그러나 그의 결정은 좌절감을 가라앉히는데 별 도움이 되지 않았고, 그의 동생은 대통령으로서 권력을 유지했다.
몇 주 동안 고타바야는 일가가 무너지는 것을 내키지 않는 듯 계속 매달렸다. 그러나 한때 브로커들을 접대하던 호화로운 그의 집은 반짝이는 수영장에서 더위를 피하고 넓은 잔디밭에서 피크닉을 즐기는 국민들에 의해 점령되었기 때문에 그는 궁극적으로 선택의 여지가 없었다. 비그나라야 선임연구원이 지적했듯이, 그 이미지는 한 시대의 종말과 딱 맞았다고 CNN은 전했다.
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고타바야 라자팍사
고타바야 라자팍사 ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්ෂ கோட்டாபய ராஜபக்ஸ | |
고타바야 라자팍사 (2019년) | |
스리랑카의 제8대 대통령 | |
---|---|
임기 | 2019년 11월 18일~2022년 7월 13일 |
총리 | 마힌다 라자팍사 라닐 위크레마싱헤 |
전임: 마이트리팔라 시리세나(제7대) 후임: 라닐 위크레마싱헤(제-대) | |
신상정보 | |
국적 | 스리랑카 |
출생일 | 1949년 6월 20일(73세) |
출생지 | 실론 자치령 마타라 구 |
정당 | 스리랑카 인민전선 |
배우자 | 이오마 우데니 라자팍사 |
자녀 | 다민다 마노즈 (아들) 세반디 (며느리) |
종교 | 불교 |
낸다세나 고타바야 라자팍사(싱할라어: නන්දසේන ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්ෂ, 타밀어: நந்தசேன கோட்டாபய ராஜபக், 영어: Gotabaya Rajapaksa, 1949년 6월 20일 ~ )는 스리랑카의 정치인으로, 2019년부터 제8대 스리랑카의 대통령을 역임했다. 앞서 2005년부터 2015년까지 형 마힌다 라자팍사 전 대통령의 행정으로 국방부 도시개발부 장관을 지내며 스리랑카 국군을 이끌고 스리랑카 내전이 종식된 타밀 호랑이의 군사패배를 이끌었다.
남부주 출신의 저명한 정치 가정에서 태어난 라자팍사는 콜롬보 아난다 칼리지에서 교육을 받았고 1971년 4월 스리랑카 군대에 입대했다. 육군 훈련 센터인 디야탈라와에서 기초 훈련을 받은 후, 그는 신호 장교로 임관하였고, 이후 여러 보병 연대로 옮겨졌다. 그는 스리랑카 내전 초기에 정예 가자 연대와 함께 바다라마치 작전, 스트라이크 하드 작전, 티비다 발라야 작전 등 여러 주요 공세에 참여했으며 1987년부터 1989년까지 JVP 반란 기간 동안 반동 작전을 수행했다.
그는 군대에서 조기 은퇴를 하고 정보기술 분야로 옮긴 뒤 1998년 미국으로 이민을 갔다. 그는 2005년 스리랑카로 돌아와 그의 형제를 보좌했으며, 형제의 행정부에서 국방장관으로 임명되었다. 그의 재임 기간 동안 스리랑카 군은 2009년 스리랑카 내전을 성공적으로 마무리 짓고 타밀 호랑이를 물리치고 지도자 벨루필라이 프라바카란을 죽였다. 그는 2006년 12월 타밀 호랑이의 자살 폭탄 테러범에 의한 암살 시도의 표적이 되었다. 전쟁이 끝난 후, 라자팍사는 많은 도시 개발 프로젝트를 시작했다. 그는 2015년 대선에서 형이 패배한 후 물러났다.
2018년에는 친민족주의, 경제발전, 안보플랫폼을 내걸고 경선에 성공한 2019년 대선 후보로 떠올랐다. 그는 스리랑카 대통령으로 군 출신이 처음 선출된 인물이며, 이전에 선출된 적이 없는 대통령으로 선출된 최초의 인물이기도 하다.[1] 대통령 재임 기간 동안, 그는 수정헌법 20조를 통해 대통령 권한을 증가시켰고 라자팍사 가문의 구성원들이 여러 권력에 임명되면서 족벌주의가 대두되었고, 코로나19 범유행의 시작 동안 나라를 이끌었다.
경제적 실정으로 인해 스리랑카는 파산하게 되었고, 이로 인해 스리랑카는 1948년 독립 이후 처음으로 채무 불이행을 선언하게 되었다. 이 경제 위기는 부족과 인플레이션을 야기했고, 2022년 스리랑카 시위와 정치적 위기를 초래했다. 라자팍사 정부는 비상사태를 선포하여 군부가 민간인을 체포하고, 통행금지령을 내리고, 소셜 미디어를 제한하고, 시위자와 언론인을 폭행하고, 온라인 활동가를 체포하는 것을 허용했다. 고타바야 라자팍사는 퇴진을 거부했고, 평화적인 시위자들에 대한 마힌다 라자팍사의 충신들의 조직적인 공격이 있은 후, 정부는 시위가 격렬해지자 장갑차에 군을 배치했다.[2][3][4] 7월 13일 라자팍사는 스리랑카를 떠나 라닐 위크레마싱헤 총리를 대통령 권한대행으로 임명했다.[5] 2022년 7월 14일, 라자팍사는 공식적으로 사임했다.[6]
초기 생애[편집]
고타바야 라자팍사는 9남매 중 5남매로 마타라 구 팔라투와에서 태어났으며[7], 함반토타 남부 농촌 지역의 웨라케티야에서 자랐다. 그는 스리랑카의 유명한 정치 가문 출신이다. 그의 아버지 D. A. 라자팍사는 위제야난다 다하나야케 정부에서 저명한 정치인, 독립 선동가, 의회 의원, 부의장, 농토 내각 장관이었다. 그의 형인 마힌다 라자팍사는 1970년 24세의 나이로 스리랑카 자유당의 당원으로 처음 선출되었으며, 2001년 야당 대표, 2004년 총리, 2005년 스리랑카 대통령이 되면서 점차 당을 통해 부상했다. 그의 또 다른 형인 카말 라자팍사와 바질 라자팍사도 현 국회의원이다. 그는 콜롬보 아난다 칼리지에서 초등 및 중등 교육을 받았다.[8]
사생활[편집]
은퇴 후, 그는 콜롬보 대학교에서 정보 기술을 전공하는 대학원 졸업장을 받았고[9] 1992년에 마케팅 매니저로서 콜롬보에 기반을 둔 IT 회사인 인포매틱스 이후 1998년 미국으로 이주하여 로스엔젤레스의 로욜라 로스쿨[10]에서 시스템 통합자와 유닉스 솔라리스 관리자로 일했다.[11]
역대 선거 결과[편집]
선거명 | 직책명 | 대수 | 정당 | 득표율 | 득표수 | 결과 | 당락 |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
2019년 선거 | 스리랑카의 대통령 | 8대 | 스리랑카 인민전선 | 52.25% | 6,924,255표 | 1위 |
각주[편집]
- ↑ “Sri Lankan President Gotabaya, the first person with military credentials to be elected as President”. Al Jazeera. 2019년 11월 26일에 확인함.
- ↑ “How a powerful dynasty bankrupted Sri Lanka in 30 months”. 《www.aljazeera.com》 (영어). 2022년 7월 6일에 원본 문서에서 보존된 문서. 2022년 5월 11일에 확인함.
- ↑ “Sri Lanka issues 'shoot-on-sight' order to quell unrest”. 《www.aljazeera.com》 (영어). 2022년 5월 11일에 원본 문서에서 보존된 문서. 2022년 5월 11일에 확인함.
- ↑ Wallen, Joe (2022년 5월 11일). “Sri Lanka's president refuses to stand down as rumours swirl of a military coup”. 《The Telegraph》. 2022년 5월 11일에 원본 문서에서 보존된 문서. 2022년 5월 11일에 확인함.
- ↑ “Gotabaya Rajapaksa appoints Ranil Wickremesinghe as Sri Lankan president”. 《Tamil Guardian》. 2022년 7월 13일. 2022년 7월 13일에 원본 문서에서 보존된 문서. 2022년 7월 13일에 확인함.
- ↑ “President Gotabaya Rajapaksa Resigns”. Hiru News. 2022년 7월 14일. 2022년 7월 14일에 원본 문서에서 보존된 문서. 2022년 7월 14일에 확인함.
- ↑ Press Trust of India (2019년 11월 17일). “Gotabaya Rajapaksa: Controversial 'war hero' who ended Sri Lanka's 3-decade-long bloody civil conflict”. 《The Hindu》. 2019년 11월 19일에 확인함.
- ↑ Meteoric rise of Ananda's patriotic sons, Rasika SOMARATNA, Daily News, Retrieved 4 May 2015
- ↑ A legend of our times – Opinion, Archived 26 June 2012 - 웨이백 머신.. Defence.lk. Retrieved on 9 July 2012.
- ↑ “The Honourable Gotabaya Rajapaksa”. 2015년 1월 28일에 원본 문서에서 보존된 문서. 2015년 1월 24일에 확인함.
- ↑ 1 Gotabaya Rajapaksha-Talk at "Tech Colloquium" organised by Microsoft - 유튜브. Retrieved on 9 July 2012.
외부 링크[편집]
Gotabaya Rajapaksa
Lieutenant Colonel Nandasena Gotabaya Rajapaksa RWP RSP (Sinhala: නන්දසේන ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්ෂ; Tamil: நந்தசேன கோட்டாபய ராஜபக்ஸ; born 20 June 1949) is a former Sri Lankan military officer and politician, who served as the eighth President of Sri Lanka from 2019 until his resignation on 14 July 2022. Rajapaksa fled to Singapore via the Maldives in self-exile on the 14th of July 2022.[6] He previously served as Secretary to the Ministry of Defence and Ministry Urban Development from 2005 to 2015 under the administration of his elder brother former President Mahinda Rajapaksa, during the final phase of the Sri Lankan Civil War.
Born to a political family from the Southern Province, Rajapaksa was educated at Ananda College, Colombo and joined the Ceylon Army in April 1971. Following basic training at the Army Training Centre, Diyatalawa, he was commissioned as signals officer and later transferred to several infantry regiments.[citation needed] He saw active service in the early stages of the Sri Lankan Civil War with the elite Gajaba Regiment, taking part in several major offensives such as the Vadamarachi Operation, Operation Strike Hard and Operation Thrividha Balaya, as well as counter-insurgency operations during the 1987–1989 JVP insurrection.
Rajapaksa took early retirement from the army and moved into the field of information technology, before immigrating to the United States in 1998. He returned to Sri Lanka in 2005, to assist his brother in his presidential campaign and was appointed Defence Secretary in his brother's administration. During his tenure the Sri Lankan Armed Forces successfully concluded the Sri Lankan Civil War defeating the Tamil Tigers and killing its leader, Velupillai Prabhakaran in 2009. He was a target of an assassination attempt in December 2006 by a Tamil Tiger suicide bomber. Following the war, Rajapaksa initiated many urban development projects. He stepped down following the defeat of his brother in the 2015 presidential election.
Rajapaksa emerged as the SLPP candidate for the 2019 presidential election, which he successfully contested on a pro-nationalistic, economic development and national security platform. He was the first president of Sri Lanka with military background and also the first elected president who had never held an elected office before.[7] During his presidency, he increased his presidential powers through the 20th Amendment and nepotism rose as members of the Rajapaksa family were appointed to several positions of power, and led the country during the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic. Economic mismanagement drove the country to bankruptcy, causing Sri Lanka to declare default for the first time since gaining independence in 1948. This economic crisis caused shortages and inflation, leading to the 2022 Sri Lankan protests and political crisis; the Rajapaksa administration responded by declaring a state of emergency, which allowed the military to arrest civilians, imposing curfews, restricting social media, assaulting protesters and journalists, and arresting online activists. Gotabaya Rajapaksa refused to step down, and after an organized attack by loyalists of Mahinda Rajapaksa against peaceful protestors, the government deployed the military in armoured vehicles with shoot-on-sight orders after protests became violent.[8][9][10] On 13 July, Rajapaksa fled the country to the Maldives via a military aircraft[11][12] and appointed Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe as the Acting President to exercise Presidential duties during his absence from Sri Lanka.[13] On 14 July 2022, Rajapaksa officially sent his resignation from Singapore.[14]
Early life and education
Nandasena Gotabaya Rajapaksa[15] was born in Palatuwa in the Matara District,[16] as the fifth of nine siblings, and was brought up in Weeraketiya in the southern rural district of Hambantota. He hails from a well-known political family in Sri Lanka. His father, D. A. Rajapaksa, was a prominent politician, independence agitator, Member of Parliament, Deputy Speaker and Cabinet Minister of Agriculture and Land in Wijeyananda Dahanayake's government. His elder brother, Mahinda Rajapaksa was first elected to parliament as a member of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party at the age of 24 in 1970, who gradually rose through the party ranks becoming the Leader of the Opposition in 2001, Prime Minister in 2004 and the President of Sri Lanka in 2005. Two of his other brothers, Chamal Rajapaksa and Basil Rajapaksa, are also current Members of Parliament. He obtained his primary and secondary education at Ananda College, Colombo.[17]
Military career (1971–1991)
Early career
This section needs additional citations for verification. (April 2020) |
Rajapaksa joined the Sri Lankan Army as a Cadet Officer on 26 April 1971, when Sri Lanka was still a dominion of the British Commonwealth and was in the midst of the 1971 JVP insurrection. Following his basic officer training at the Army Training Centre, Diyatalawa in its 4th intake, he was commissioned as a Second Lieutenant on 26 May 1972, in the Sri Lanka Signals Corps. Soon after he was sent for the signal young officers course at the Military College of Signals, Rawalpindi. On his return, he was assigned as the signals officer to the Task Force Anti Illicit Immigration, based at its headquarters in Palaly, under the command of Colonel Tissa Weeratunga. In April 1974, he was promoted to Lieutenant and in October he transferred to the Sri Lanka Sinha Regiment as an infantry officer. In April 1975, he attended the infantry young officers course at the School of Infantry and Tactics, Queta. Returning in June, he was assigned as the battalion intelligence officer at the Echelon Barracks in Colombo and was promoted to Captain in April 1977. Following the change of government in the 1977 general election, he was transferred to the Army Training Centre, Diyatalawa as an officer instructor in August 1977. In January 1978, he was appointed Grade III Staff Officer of A branch, handling administration of the Diyatalawa Garrison. During this time he attended the senior staff and tactics course at the Panagoda Cantonment and took part in preparing a report on encroachment of state lands in the north and eastern provinces for the Defense Ministry. Thereafter in 1980, he joined the newly formed Rajarata Rifles as its adjutant under its first commanding officer Lieutenant Colonel V. K. Nanayakkara. Rajapaksa played a major role in establishing the regimental headquarters of the newly formed regiment at Saliyapura. That year he attended the Counter-Insurgency and Jungle Warfare School, Assam and in 1982 he was selected to attended the Command and Staff course at Defence Services Staff College in Wellington in India, gaining psc qualification and a MSc in Defence and Strategic Studies from the University of Madras.[18]
Gajaba Regiment
While Rajapaksa was at staff college in India, the Rajarata Rifles were amalgamated with the Vijayabahu Infantry Regiment and the Gajaba Regiment was formed. Having been transferred to the Gajaba Regiment, on his return to the island, he was appointed second-in-command of the 1st Battalion, Gajaba Regiment (1GR) under the command of Lieutenant Colonel Vijaya Wimalaratne, instead of the traditional staff appointment that followed the returning officer from staff college. Following retraining, the 1st Battalion was deployed to the Jaffna peninsula between 1983 and 1984 and again 1985 with the escalation of the Sri Lankan Civil War. During this time he commanded detachments of his battalion based in Jaffna and at Elephant Pass. In 1985 he led an ad hoc unit made up of new recruits that successfully ambushed a LTTE raiding party, for which he was awarded commendation from the President J.R. Jayewardene in the first combat award ceremony. He took part in Operation Liberation commanding the 1GR, the offensive mounted to liberate Vadamarachi from LTTE in 1987. In July 1987, the 1GR was transferred to Colombo and Rajapaksa assisted Colonel Wimalaratne in securing Colombo with the outset of the second JVP insurrection until his battalion was transferred to Trincomalee in October 1987. In December 1987, Rajapaksa appointed a Grade II Staff Officer at Army Headquarters in the training branch under Colonel C. H. Fernando, Director of Training. In 1988, he attended the advanced infantry officers course at the United States Army Infantry School, Fort Benning. He was promoted to Lieutenant Colonel while in course and returned to his staff appointment at Army Headquarters in January 1989. In July 1989, he was appointed commanding officer of the 1st Battalion, Gajaba Regiment. Soon after the 1GR was moved to Matale and Rajapaksa was appointment as the military coordinating officer of the Matale District at the height of the 1987–1989 JVP insurrection undertaking counter insurgency operations in the district and remained in that capacity until end of the insurrection in December 1989. During 1990, he commanded 1GR in Weli Oya, serving as the military coordinating officer for the Weli Oya sector under the command of Brigadier Janaka Perera and with 1 GR took part in the Operation "Strike Hard" and Operation Thrividha Balaya in Jaffna under the command of Major General Denzil Kobbekaduwa. In January 1991, he was appointed Deputy Commandant of the Sir John Kotelawala Defence Academy and held the position until his early retirement from the army on 1 November 1991.[19]
Immigration to the United States
Following his retirement, he read for a postgraduate diploma in information technology from the University of Colombo[20] and joined Informatics, an IT firm based in Colombo as a Marketing Manager in 1992. He subsequently migrated to the United States in 1998 and worked at Loyola Law School[21] in Los Angeles, U.S., as a Systems Integrator and Unix Solaris Administrator.[22]
Secretary to the Ministry of Defence and Urban Development (2005–2015)
In order to assist his brother's presidential election campaign, Rajapaksa returned to Sri Lanka from the United States in 2005. He re obtained citizenship of Sri Lanka but kept his US citizenship. Gotabaya Rajapaksa was appointed to the post of Permanent Secretary of the Ministry of Defence in November 2005 by newly elected President Mahinda Rajapaksa. In this capacity, he oversaw the military operation which eventually defeated the LTTE in May 2009.
With his position, Rajapaksa also pursued projects like the Colombo Beautification Project, which revitalised public centers and parks in Colombo,[23] as well as many other development projects focused on places such as Battaramulla Diyatha Uyana, Ape Gama Park, Wetland Park, Nugegoda, Arcade Independence Square, Weras Ganga Park and Defence Headquarters Complex.[24][25][26][27] In 2011, the Ministry of Defense was renamed to the Ministry of Defense and Urban Development, having absorbed responsibilities related to urban development.[28] Results of his work were remarkable as Colombo became to the top of the list of fast developing cities in the world in 2015 by an annual travel study by MasterCard.[29]
Assassination attempt
On 1 December 2006, at approximately 10:35 an assassin attempted to drive an explosive-laden auto-rikshaw into Rajapaksa's motorcade as it traveled through Kollupitiya, Colombo. The Sri Lanka Army Commandos guarding him obstructed the vehicle carrying the explosives before it reached Rajapakse's vehicle and two commandos were instantly killed. Rajapaksa escaped unhurt.[30] The LTTE were blamed for the attack.[30]
Karuna defection
Gotabaya is credited with using the Karuna faction effectively during the war to defeat the LTTE.[citation needed] The former LTTE commander Vinayagamoorthi Muralitharan, better known as Colonel Karuna, told British authorities that Rajapaksa was instrumental in arranging for him to be issued with a false diplomatic passport so that he could flee to Britain in September 2007. These allegations were denied by the Sri Lankan Foreign Minister Rohitha Bogollagama at the time,[31] and later by Rajapaksa.
Criticism of the United Nations and western countries
In June 2007, Rajapaksa was severely critical of the United Nations (UN) and of western governments. He accused the UN of having been infiltrated by terrorists "for 30 years or so", and as a result the UN was fed incorrect information. He also alleged that Britain and the EU were bullying Sri Lanka, and concluded that Sri Lanka "does not need them", and that they don't provide any significant amount of aid to the country.[32] Critics pointed out that in 1990 his brother Mahinda Rajapaksa was caught attempting to bring evidence of human rights violations in Sri Lanka to the United Nations Commission on Human Rights and the evidence was confiscated by the government during which Rajapaksa justified foreign intervention in Sri Lankan affairs. Mahinda Rajapaksa had also demanded western nations to limit and put conditions on foreign aid to Sri Lanka.[33][34]
Legal dispute with Lasantha Wickrematunge
In August 2007, Lasantha Wickrematunge published an exposé on a military contract for MiG aircraft.[35]involving the "duplicitous" purchase of the Mikoyan MiG-27 Ukrainian Fighter Aircraft between Gotabaya Rajapaksa, his cousin Udayanga Weeratunga and the Sri Lanka Air Force.[36] On 18 October 2007, attorney-at-law Ali Sabry (Sri Lankan politician) and Lawyer's representing Rajapaksa wrote to Wickrematunge threatening to sue him for defamation for Rs. 2 billion (€14 million) in damages.[37] On 22 February 2008, Rajapaksa filed a lawsuit for defamation against Wickrematunge [38] and Leader Publications, charging that the allegations made by Wickrematunge against Rajapaksa were defamatory. Rajapaksa asserted that his role of Defence Secretary "had been adversely affected due to Wickrematunge, creating adverse consequences to the war against the rebels in the battlefield." [39]
On 5 December 2008, a judge ordered Leader Publications not to publish any reports about Gotabaya Rajapaksa, for two weeks.[40][41]
Several Weeks later, Wickrematunge was assassinated days before he was to testify and give evidence in Court regarding the MiG deal.[42]
Wickrematunge's daughter has publicly held Rajapaksa responsible for the assassination.[43]
Alleged human rights violations
On 3 February 2009, Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa stated to the international media (in reference to the only hospital in the war front being shelled), that everything is a legitimate target if it is not within the safe zone the government has created and that all persons subject to attack by the armed forces were legitimate LTTE targets as there are no independent observers, only LTTE sympathisers, radio announcements were made and movement of civilians started a month and a half ago.[44][45]
As per WikiLeaks, General Sarath Fonseka who led the war against LTTE had accused Rajapaksa of ordering at the end of the war the shooting of any LTTE leaders who might try to surrender under flags of truce. Rajapaksa is alleged to have threatened to execute Fonseka if he revealed any war secrets.[46] [47] [48]
In an interview on the Sri Lanka TV channel Ada Derana on 16 March 2015, Rajapaksa stated that he is a citizen of the United States but cannot travel to the United States because of alleged war crimes charges against him.[49] Rajapaksa however visited the United States in 2016 and two Tamil groups have urged the United States government to arrest and prosecute him.[50] Sri Lankan government rejected to support the call to arrest Rajapaksa by Tamil groups.[51]
As reported by The Sunday Leader, Major General Prasad Samarasinghe, the former military spokesman and director of the Directorate of Media in the army, has been passing highly sensitive information to the US Embassy in Colombo on abductions. Many of those abducted were believed to have been individuals who had fallen foul of the Rajapaksa trio, Mahinda, Basil and Gotabaya. During her visit to the country, United Nations Human Rights Commissioner Navanetham Pillay expressed her disappointment over "white van" related disappearances reported in Colombo, and other parts of the country, which were not covered by the Commission of Inquiry on Disappearances set up by the government.[52][53][54]
Investigations on the 2008 abduction of journalist Keith Noyahr resulted in a White Van being discovered in 2017 March from a house at Piliyandala with connections to an Army Major that was believed to have been used for the abduction. Police believes that the van may have been used for other crimes as well as being part of the operation to murder Lasantha Wickrematunge.[55] A few weeks after the Keith noyahr abduction in 2008 Namal Perera a course coordinator at the Sri Lanka College of Journalism was violently attacked by a gang that came in the same White Van with a fake number plate and attempted to abduct him after attacking his car but was foiled by residents and heavy traffic. Namal Perera identified two of his would-be-killers Duminda Weeraratne and Hemachandra Perera in April 2017.[56]
Bandara Bulathwatte was a key suspect in the murder of Lasantha was given a diplomatic post in Thailand at the request of Gotabaya Rajapaksa near the 2010 presidential election. The letter sent bt Gotabaya was prepared in haste and even a bio data of Bulathwatte was not attached despite it being a requirement for him to get his visa and have the appointment regularised by the foreign ministry. But after the elections, Rajapaska requested his departure to be postponed claiming an urgent matter regarding national security. Technical evidence and telephone records have placed Bulathwatte at the location where Lasantha was killed as well as in the places where other journalists were attacked.[57] Investigations on assassinations, abductions and assaults on journalist after the fall of the Rajapaksa government revealed that Gotabaya directed a death squad to attack journalists that was outside the Army command structure during this time 17 journalists and media workers were killed and others were either assaulted or abducted.[58][59][60][61]
Nadarajah Raviraj, a well-known human-rights lawyer and a parliamentarian, was shot and killed in Colombo on 10 November 2006. At a magisterial hearing in Colombo on 26 February 2016, Liyanarachchi Abeyrathna, a former police officer attached to the State Intelligence Agency, stated that Gotabaya Rajapaksa paid Rs. 50 million to an organisation led by Colonel Karuna to murder Raviraj.[62][63]
Relationship with the media
Rajapaksa has been accused of threatening journalists on several occasions, including telling two journalists attached to the state-owned Lake House Publications that unless they stop criticising the armed forces "what will happen to you is beyond my control". When asked by the two journalists if he was threatening them, he replied "I am definitely not threatening your lives. Our services are appreciated by 99 per cent of the people. They love the Army Commander (General Sarath Fonseka) and the Army. There are Sri Lankan patriots who love us do and will do what is required if necessary."[64] In April 2007 he was accused of allegedly calling the editor of the Daily Mirror Champika Liyanaarachchi and threatening her, saying that she would escape reprisals only if she resigned.[65] He was also accused of threatening to "exterminate" the Daily Mirror journalist Uditha Jayasinghe for writing articles about the plight of civilian war casualties.[66][67][68]
A 5 December 2008 story from The New York Times quoted his news reporting position as "he insists that journalists should not be allowed to report anything that demoralises the war effort".[69]
In an editorial titled "A brother out of control" (16 August 2011), The Hindu raised the observation, "President Rajapaksa would be well advised to distance himself swiftly from his brother's stream-of-consciousness on sensitive issues that are not his business. This includes an outrageous comment that because a Tamil woman, an "LTTE cadre" who was a British national, interviewed in the Channel 4 documentary was "so attractive" but had been neither raped nor killed by Sri Lankan soldiers, the allegation of sexual assault by soldiers could not be true. For this statement alone, Mr. Gotabaya Rajapaksa must be taken to task."[70]
In May 2015, The Sunday Leader tendered an unconditional apology to Gotabaya Rajapaksa for a series of articles regarding the purchase of MIG 27 airplanes for the Sri Lanka Air Force.[71][72]
Alleged corruption
Sripathi Sooriyarachchi, assassinated journalist Lasantha Wickrematunge and others had accused Rajapaksa of corruption since 2006.[73][74] In 2015 Interpol provided further evidence to the Sri Lankan government on corrupt military procurements.[75][76][77][78] In March 2015, a Sri Lankan court imposed a travel ban on Rajapaksa over allegations he used a commercial floating armory as a private arsenal.[79][80] The travel ban was lifted by the court in December 2016.[81] UNP MP Mangala Samaraweera claimed that Gotabaya's son illegally occupied a house rented for a consulate in Los Angeles and caused millions of rupees in losses to the state.[82] Rajapaksa rejected the allegations regarding occupying a house rented for a consulate in LA.[83]
Private life
After the defeat of Mahinda Rajapaksa in the 2015 Presidential elections, he was replaced as Secretary of Defence by B. M. U. D. Basnayake a day after the new president was sworn in.[84]
Alleged assassination plot
In September 2018 Director of the Anti Corruption Movement revealed a conspiracy to assassinate President Maithripala Sirisena and former Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa because the duo are against the drug trade. CID of Sri Lanka Police investigated the issue.[85][86]
2019 presidential campaign
It was widely speculated and even claimed by several politicians that Gotabaya Rajapaksa would be contesting the 2020 elections. However, this was denied by Rajapaksa but claimed that he will accept if he was offered the candidacy.[87][88]
United States lawsuit
In April 2019, Lasantha Wickrematunge's daughter Ahimsa Wickrematunge filed a civil lawsuit against Gotabaya Rajapaksa in the state of California. Wickrematunge's daughter's lawsuit alleged that Rajapaksa was behind his death.[89] Rajapaksa, who was visiting the U.S to renounce his citizenship, was served legal documents outside a Trader Joe's parking lot in Pasadena.[90][91]
Rajapaksa arrived back to Sri Lanka from the United States[92] and was greeted by his supporters and members of the Buddhist Clergy who came to the Bandaranaike International Airport[93] to stand in solidarity with Rajapaksa. Due to the case filed against him, Rajapaksa's ability to renounce his citizenship was stalled. Rajapaksa alleged that the case filed against him by Wickrematunge's daughter was "politically motivated"[94] by the United National Party to stop him from contesting the Presidential Election that year.
On 21 October 2019, the United States District Court for the Central District of California granted Gotabaya Rajapaksa's motion to dismiss, finding that he was entitled to foreign official immunity for acts undertaken while serving as Secretary of Defense.[95]
On 27 February 2020, the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals granted Wickrematunge's daughter's request to vacate the District Court's ruling that Rajapaksa is entitled to foreign official immunity for acts committed while he was Secretary of Defense of Sri Lanka. The Ninth Circuit granted the request to dismiss the case without prejudice.[96]
On 11 August 2019, Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna led by former president Mahinda Rajapaksa announced that Rajapaksa will be their candidate for the 2019 Presidential election.[97] Rajapaksa campaigned on a pro-nationalistic, economic development and national security platform in which he gained 6,924,255 votes, which was 52.25% of the total cased votes and 1,360,016 votes majority over New Democratic Front candidate Sajith Premadasa. Rajapaksa won a majority in the predominant Sinhalese areas of the island which included the districts of Kalutara, Galle, Matara, Hambantota, Monaragala, Ratnapura, Badulla, Kurunegala, Puttalam, Gampaha, Kandy, Matale, Polonnaruwa Colombo, Kegalle and Anuradhapura, while Premadasa gained a majority in areas dominated by Tamil and Muslim minorities, which had been effected by the civil war.
Citizenship row
During the campaign, several political parties including then ruling United National Party accused him of having American citizenship and claimed that he stayed and lived in America for more than ten years and revealed that he was not a Sri Lankan citizen. Gotabaya was also pressured to not to contest at the Presidential elections because of holding dual citizenship. Further he was alleged to have carried a duplicate Sri Lankan passport with him and court cases were pending against him over the citizenship issue and the issue regarding his passport.[98] Former President and the elder brother of Gotabaya, Mahinda Rajapaksa was also accused of using his executive powers to grant his brother, the Sri Lankan citizenship after commencing his first term as president in November 2005. The judge of the Court of Appeal gave verdict on the former's pending court cases on 4 October 2019, dismissed the petition challenging Gotabaya's citizenship.[99][100] He was also allowed to contest at the elections but did not take part in the debate among Presidential candidates which was held on 5 October 2019, was also historically Sri Lanka's first-ever debate to have been conducted among Presidential candidates for an upcoming election.[101] Rajapaksa's name was included in the Quarterly Publication of Individuals Who Have Chosen to Expatriate for Q2 2020.[102]
Presidency (2019–2022)
Rajapaksa's inauguration took place at the Ruwanwelisaya in Anuradhapura on 18 November 2019. It is the first elected office Rajapaksa has held and he is the first non-career politician and former military officer to serve as president. Following the assumption of the office of president, he announced intentions to form a new government and taking over the portfolio of defence.[103] On 19 November 2019, following taking over assumed duties at the Presidential Secretariat, he appointed P. B. Jayasundera as Secretary to the President and Major General Kamal Gunaratne as Secretary of Defence, as well as a new Secretary of the Treasury and the Secretary to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.[104][105] On 20 November, Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe had agreed to resign for Rajapaksa to form a caretaker government until fresh parliamentary elections can be held after the President can constitutionally dissolve parliament in March 2020. On the same day, the presidential secretariat called for all provincial governors to tender their resignations.[106] On 21 November, he appointed his brother Mahinda Rajapaksa as Prime Minister following the resignation of Ranil Wickremesinghe and the day after appointed a 15 member Cabinet of Ministers.[107] Thus, Sri Lanka became only the second nation in the world after Poland to have a combination of brothers taking charge as president and Prime Minister of a country at the same occasion.[108] Following the protests calling for his resignation, Gotabaya Rajapaksa appointed a new Cabinet to pacify the protests. He took away the power from three of his relatives, ousting two of his brothers and his nephew from the Cabinet. Mahinda Rajapaksa was still the Prime Minister.[109][110]
COVID-19 pandemic
The COVID-19 pandemic in Sri Lanka started in March 2020. Rajapakse at first refused to lock down the country but later decided to impose a curfew when a number of cases began to rise.[111][112] Rajapaksa dissolved parliament on 2 March. The election was initially put on by Rajapakse on 25 April 2020, was then postponed by the election commission to 20 June 2020.[113][114][115] His administration is said to have caused the Sri Lankan economic and food crisis following his policies of tax reduction, money printing, and organic farming.
2020 Sri Lankan parliamentary election
General Election was held on 5 August 2020. Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) was able to secure a landslide victory in the election claiming the majority winning 145 seats out of 225 seats. The main opposition party Samagi Jana Balawegaya won just 54 seats. SLPP victory is mainly owing to the predominant success in curbing the COVID-19 pandemic and due to the negative publicity about the UNP-led government, which was accused of a major intelligence failure triggered by the aftermath of the 2019 Easter attacks.[116][117]
Environmental Policy and Deforestation
The Sri Lankan government under President Gotabaya transferred the administration of non-protected forests, known as "other state forests" (OSF), to regional authorities, in a controversial circular,[118][119] with a view to releasing them for agriculture and development. The move was claimed to be a part of government efforts to boost domestic food production, but has been criticized by environmental activists as government-backed deforestation and implied permission-granting for unregulated logging concessions in high biodiversity areas.[120][121][122]
Agricultural catastrophe
In April 2021, Rajapaksa "declared that the entire country would immediately switch to organic farming", yet as of February 2022, still "a majority of farmers say they received no training in organic techniques".[123] The 2021 rice harvest failed, leading to a $1.2 billion emergency food aid program, a $200 million income-support program, and "huge sums to import hundreds of thousands of tons of rice".[123] Rajapaksa's "sudden and disastrous turn toward organic farming" was panned in international media and the policies were scaled back before the year was over.[124][125] By April 2022, the government had reversed its decision and was seeking a US$ 700 million loan from the World Bank to revive the agricultural sector by providing it with imported agrochemicals following a massive drop production in the "Maha" season.[126]
Economic crisis and downfall
Rajapaksa administration introduced massive tax cuts in late 2019,[127] which lead to a drop in government revenue that was soon compounded with the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic, which saw the island nation losing its lucrative USD 3 billion tourism industry that put 200,000 out of work in 2020 and most of 2021. Although the export sector picked up by 2021 and tourism started picking up, it appeared that Sri Lanka was facing its most severe economic crisis since its independence in 1948 due to the loss of revenue from tax cuts, rampant money printing and unsustainable borrowings. By end of 2021, Sri Lanka was facing a debt crisis with a possibility of sovereign default. In early 2022, the Rajapaksa administration avoided debt restructuring apposing an IMF bailout in favour of a homegrown solution for the debt crisis. This strategy depleted foreign currency reserves and gold reserves in an effort to bolster the Sri Lankan Rupee and repayment of sovereign bonds, the central bank free floated of the currency in early March which saw a 30% depreciation of the Rupee against the dollar in days following major shortages of fuel, food and medicine.[128][129][130] According to a poll conducted by Verité Research in March 2022 the government's approval rating had fallen to just 10% as a result of the crisis.[131] The Rajapaksa administration reached out the IMF in March as public protests increased in the face of shortages of electricity, fuel, cooking gas, medicine and food, with an IMF report published in late March reported that Sri Lanka was facing an solvency problem with unsustainable debt.[132] The administration has been heavily leaning on friendly countries such as China and India for cash swaps, credit lines and loans to import essentials and debt service, in turn facing accusations of making strategic concessions to these countries.[133][134] Following severe shortages of fuel, the state owned Ceylon Electricity Board was forced to implement 10–13 hour power cuts across the island in late March. This triggered popular protests in parts of the island and on the night of 31 March, protesters charged at Rajapaksa's private residence in Mirihana which turned violent, resulting in the police dispersing the crowds and declaring a curfew till dawn.[135] On 3 April, the entire cabinet of ministers resigned and Rajapaksa offered to form a national government with the other political parties in parliament, which was turned down.
On 18 April, Rajapaksa appointed 17 new cabinet members, selected among his party members. This move was seen as a sign of Rajapaksa's lack of willingness to listen and adhere to the protesters' demands.[136]
Resignation and exile
On 9 July 2022, Rajapaksa fled his official residence in Colombo prior to protesters breaking through police barricades and entering the premises.[137] Protesters were seen occupying the mansion, even swimming in the president's pool.[138] Later that evening the Speaker of the Parliament confirmed that the president would resign his office on 13 July 2022.[139] On 11 July, the Prime Minister's Office also reconfirmed it.[140] On 9 and 10 July, Rajapaksa's whereabouts were unknown to the public until Sri Lankan military sources told the BBC on 11 July, that the President was on a Navy vessel in Sri Lankan waters.[141][142][143] Later that day, Speaker of the Parliament announced that the President still is in the country.[144] It was later revealed that Rajapaksa and his wife and evacuated from President's House on morning of 9 July by the Sri Lanka Navy and had boarded SLNS Gajabahu which then departed Colombo habour and sailed within Sri Lankan territorial waters allowing Rajapaksa maintain communications while being safely out of reach of the protestes.[145] On 12 July, it was reported that Rajapaksa was blocked from leaving the country by immigration staff at Bandaranaike International Airport[146] and his visa request for United States was rejected.[147]
In the morning of 13 July, Rajapaksa left Sri Lanka via an Antonov An-32 military transport aircraft of the Sri Lanka Air Force to Maldives.[148] There were protests in Maldives upon his arrival.[149] While in Maldives, he issued a gazette stating that he is "unable to exercise, perform and discharge the powers, duties and functions of the Office of the President" by reason of his absence from Sri Lanka and appointed Ranil Wickremesinghe as acting president under Article 37 (1) of the constitution of Sri Lanka.[13] However, Rajapaksa was yet to officially resign from presidency on 13 July as he had previously announced on 9 July. On 14 July, Rajapaksa left Maldives for Singapore via a Saudi Airlines flight.[150][151][152] Singapore's Ministry of Foreign Affairs said in a statement that Rajapaksa had been allowed entry into Singapore on a private visit, and that he had neither asked for nor been granted any asylum.[153][154] Later that day, President Rajapaksa sent his resignation letter to the Speaker of the Parliament through email, formally announcing his resignation.[155] Rajapaksa would be the first Sri Lankan president to resign in the middle of his term.
In his resignation letter which was formally read out at the parliament on 16 July, he had stated:
Honours and awards
Decorations and medals
During his 20 years of military service, Rajapaksa has received medals from three Presidents of Sri Lanka, J.R. Jayewardene, Ranasinghe Premadasa and D.B. Wijetunga. These include the gallantry medals, Rana Wickrama Padakkama and Rana Sura Padakkama, service medals and campaign medals. He received the Eastern Humanitarian Operations Medal and the Northern Humanitarian Operations Medal during his tenor as Defense Secretary.[157]
Ribbon | Name | Date awarded |
---|---|---|
Rana Wickrama Padakkama (RWP) | 1994 | |
Rana Sura Padakkama (RSP) | 1994 | |
Desha Putra Sammanaya | 1994 | |
Eastern Humanitarian Operations Medal (with clasp) | 2010 | |
Northern Humanitarian Operations Medal (with clasp) | 2010 | |
Purna Bhumi Padakkama | 1984 | |
North and East Operations Medal | 1986 | |
Vadamarachchi Operation Medal | 1987 | |
Sri Lanka Armed Services Long Service Medal | 1984 | |
President's Inauguration Medal | 1978 |
Honorary degrees
Gotabaya Rajapaksa received an Honorary Doctorate, a Doctor of Letters from the University of Colombo on 6 September 2009, along with his brother President Mahinda Rajapaksa following public acclaim as a war hero.[158][159][160]
Environmental awards
In July 2020, he was awarded the Zero carbon certificate for conducting his election campaign representing SLPP in eco-friendly manner.[161] His election campaign became the first zero carbon election campaign in the world.[162]
See also
- Eelam War IV
- List of attacks attributed to the LTTE
- List of political families in Sri Lanka
- List of Sri Lankan non-career Permanent Secretaries
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Further reading
- Army, Sri Lanka. (1st Edition – October 1999). Sri Lanka Army: 50 Years On, 1949–1999, Colombo: Sri Lanka Army. 932 p., ISBN 955-8089-02-8
- The Broken Palmyra – The Tamil Crisis in Sri Lanka: An Inside Account. The Sri Lanka Studies Institute, Claremont, CA, 1990. By Hoole, R., Somasundaram, D., Sritharan K., and Rajini Thiranagama. (Also available online, Note from the publishers & book review)
- War and Peace in Sri Lanka: With a Post-Accord Report From Jaffna. ISBN 955-26-0001-4/ISBN 978-955-26-0001-2, Institute of Fundamental Studies, Sri Lanka; 1 edition (1 October 1987), By Rohan Gunaratna.
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