Japan’s ‘Comfort Women’ And Historical Memory: The Neo-Nationalist Counter-Attack
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Abstract
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This paper explores the contentious issue of 'comfort women' in the context of Japan's historical memory and the rise of neo-nationalist perspectives that seek to revise this narrative. The discourse surrounding 'comfort women', marked by debates on terminology, state involvement, and representation, reflects broader tensions in Japanese society regarding nationalism and historical accountability. Through analysis of recent works and viewpoints from neo-nationalists, the chapter highlights the impact of these narratives on the understanding and memorialization of the Asia-Pacific War.
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3
Japan’s ‘Comfort Women’
and Historical Memory: The
Neo-nationalist Counter-attack
YONSON AHN
INTRODUCTION
A
mong the controversies and conflicts over interpreting Japan’s Second
World War history (sometimes referred to as the Asia-Pacific War,
1931–45) is the debate over the issue of ‘comfort women’. Since 1970,
and particularly since the 1990s, numerous studies on the ‘comfort
women’ have sustained remembrance of the issue in Japan, Korea and
across the English-speaking world. This body of literature examined the
involvement of the Japanese state, the role of nationalism, sexual vio-
lence, colonialism and transnational feminism. In response, Japanese neo-
nationalists, known as ‘historical revisionists’ in Japan, since the 1990s
have attempted to erase this issue from public memory. This nation-
alist ‘historical revisionism’ (rekishi shu
–
seishugi) ‘proposes to replace the
“masochistic” view of “leftist” historians (jigyaku shikan) by a “bright” his-
torical narrative as the basis for a “healthy nationalism” or patriotism’.
1
Japan’s neo-nationalists set out explicitly to ‘preserve the national essence
(kokutai)’, for example, ‘to honour the special (dokutoku) values, traditions
and the culture of their country’.
2
Authors working within this framework
include Fujioka Nobukatsu,
3
Watanabe Sho
–
ichi,
4
Nishio Kanji,
5
Sakamoto
Takao,
6
Nakamura Akira,
7
Hosaka Masayasu,
8
Nishioka Tsutomu,
9
Hata
Ikuhiko,
10
Kusaka Kimihito,
11
Okazaki Hisahiko and cartoonist Kobayashi
Yoshinori.
12
These authors have challenged the literature on the ‘comfort
women’ with respect to the following issues:
1. the terminology of the ‘comfort women’
2. state involvement in the ‘comfort station’ project
3. credibility of narratives of former ‘comfort women’
4. reference to ‘comfort women’ in school textbooks
5. identifying the ‘comfort women’ as prostitutes
6. universality of the existence of military brothels
7. ‘presentism’.
This chapter investigates the themes raised in recent works of ‘historical
revisionism’ and analyses the representation of ‘comfort women’ in
neo-nationalist discourse in Japan. In doing so, it also examines the way
Japanese neo-nationalists represent the ‘comfort women’ in their recon-
struction of the memory of the Asia-Pacific War.
TERMINOLOGY OF ‘COMFORT WOMEN’
To begin, the very term ‘comfort women’ (ianfu) is questioned by
authors such as Fujioka Nobukatsu and Watanabe Sho
–
ichi.
13
The full
expression, ju
–
gun ianfu, literally means ‘comfort women who followed
the military.’ Fujioka argues that ju
–
gun is a reference to gunzoku, that is,
civilians who had official status in the military.
14
Fujioka and Watanabe
claim that the women had no such official status in the military but
were ‘paid prostitutes’ taken by traffickers who served ‘client soldiers’.
15
The neo-nationalists as a group seek to distance the state and the mili-
tary from the ‘comfort women’ by insisting that they had no official sta-
tus in the military, a question to which we return below. The heart of
the problem, however, lies not only with the inappropriate use of the
term ju
–
gun, but also ianfu which means ‘comfort women’, since the term
ianfu describes the women’s experience in a euphemistic way. Yet, the
improper use of the term ianfu has been conveniently ignored by the
neo-nationalists.
Some mainstream liberal activists and scholars who have worked on,
or written about, this issue also reject the term ju
–
gun ianfu because of the
euphemism in the term ianfu, ‘comfort women’. They prefer to refer to
the women as ‘sex slaves’ (seidorei), based on the slavelike conditions
(such as detention, confinement and lack of autonomy) under which
the women were forced into sexual servitude. For example, a report
from the United Nations Human Rights Committee by Radhika
Coomaraswamy in February 1996 described the ‘comfort women’ as ‘sex
slaves’.
16
I use the term ‘comfort women’ here in order to record the
euphemistic and subtle implications of the term as well as to address the
international debate which has principally been conducted on the basis
of the term.
In Korea, the term cho ˘ngsindae
17
—the Women’s Volunteer Labour
Corps, teishintai in Japanese—has generally been used to frame the
experience of the ‘comfort women’. Cho ˘ngsindae were mobilized osten-
sibly to work in various sectors to support the war. This mobilization
was conducted on the basis of Imperial Japan’s Manpower Mobilization
Japan’s ‘Comfort Women’ and Historical Memory 33
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In this introductory essay to the special issue of The Asia-Pacific Journal: Japan Focus on "The Comfort Women as Public History," we analyze the turn since the early 2000s towards "heritagization" of this controversial issue. After reviewing the political, cultural and historiographical background to ongoing disputes over "comfort women," we examine how the reframing of this issue as "heritage" has been accompanied by increasing entanglement with the global politics of atrocity commemoration, and associated tropes. Prominent among such tropes is the claim that commemoration fosters "peace". However, following recent critical scholarship on this issue, and drawing on the papers that comprise this special issue, we question any necessary equation between heritagization and reconciliation. When done badly, the drive to commemorate a contentious issue as public history can exacerbate rather than resolve division and hatred. We therefore emphasise the need for representation of comfort women as public history to pay due regard to nuance and complexity, for example regarding the depiction of victims versus perpetrators; the transnational dimension of the system; and its relationship with the broader history of gender politics and the sexual subjugation of women.
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Yeong-ae Yamashita
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Almost twenty years have passed since Korean women first began to raise the issue of comfort women before public opinion in the early 1990’s. During this time, the issue has become part of the larger stream of the international women’s movement, and has come to be viewed as part of the sexual violence occurring in areas of military unrest worldwide. Also during this time, women throughout Asia who have survived their ordeals as comfort women have finally begun to speak out about their experiences after maintaining a long silence since the war. Among these survivors, however, Japanese women still maintain their silence. Despite the fact that many of the women forced to serve as comfort women for the Japanese military were in fact of Japanese origin, these women have not been addressed in the effort to identify survivors or in support movements. 1 In fact, Japanese survivors had already begun to speak out as early as the 1980’s, before the support movement for comfort women had come i...
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‘Comfort Women’ and Japan’s National Responsibility'
Ranjoo S Herr
In Melissa Nobles and Jun-Hyeok Kwak (Eds.), Historical Reconciliation and Inherited Responsibility, 2013
Abstract: The issue of “comfort women,” who were forced to serve as sex slaves for the Japanese Imperial Army during the imperial expansion of the Japanese Empire into the Asian continent in the 1930s and 40s, has been severely contested since its reemergence in early 1990s. The Korean Council, the feminist advocacy group for Korean former comfort women, has emphasized the national responsibility of the current Japanese government to correct the wrongs committed by its direct predecessor, the Japanese Empire, and demanded an official apology as well as proper legal reparation toward former comfort women. Feminists, both Korean and international, and the Japanese government have criticized the Korean Council for its unapologetically nationalist stance, arguing that Korean nationalism damages the international feminist coalition on this issue. I argue that not only is the Korean Council’s nationalist position compatible with feminism, but also that the issue of comfort women is an ideal case in which feminism and nationalism can be reconciled.
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Justice for the Japanese wartime ‘comfort women’: A contemporary campaign against military sexual violence, or prostitution?
Caroline Norma
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De-national" Coalition Against Japan's Gendered Necropolitics: The "Comfort Women" Justice Movement in San Francisco and Geography of Resistance
Tomomi Kinukawa
Feminist Formations 33.3 (2021): 138-172, 2021
In order to counter the far-right Japanese Government's historical revisionism ("denialism") and make the Government of Japan (GOJ) officially apologize to survivors of Japanese Military Sexual Slavery System (JMSSS) (1932–1945), it is essential to understand JMSSS in global configuration of racial and gender power. In transpacific colonialism, Japan has been granted impunity from its accountability for JMSSS, and presented itself as victim of white supremacy, being singled out for allegedly universal problems of sexual violence and war-time prostitution. Rather than understanding JMSSS as exception to modernity, a temporary rise of fascism, or war-time hysteria, this paper condemns JMSSS and its denial as gendered necropolitics, politics of death and terror inherent to Japan's modern sovereignty. Japan's gendered necropolitics involves differential gendered racialization, hypersexualization, and ungendering against its colonial others, whose non-being is prerequisite to Japan's sovereignty. To challenge Japan's abuse of its sovereign power and to counter necropower, we, proponents of the "Comfort Women" justice movement, forged what I call a de-national, decolonial feminist coalition for collective self-determination, to share, beyond national borders, political tools and resources. This paper helps expand the de-national coalition through providing theoretical foundation for connecting decolonial movements and highlighting geography of resistance.
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Tomomi Yamaguchi
Georgetown Journal of Asian Affairs, 2020
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Integrity of Memory: 'Comfort Women' in Focus - Reflections on the Symposium at Marquette University
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The WWHRM in Seoul is a renovated formerly private residence. The yellow butterflies put up by the visitors symbolize the lost innocence of victims. (This and other WWHRM photos in this article by Eunah Lee.) The invisibility of the museum in a largely residential area: Can you find the yellow placard in the shape of an arrow? The following is a series of reflections upon Integrity of Memory: 'Comfort Women' in Focus, which took place on 1 May 2015 at Marquette University. Readers will find out, first, what motivated me – neither historian nor East Asianist – but someone in philosophy-to take up this project. Secondly, I will report on how the symposium proceeded and was received by the Marquette community. Subsequently, I will talk about the phenomenology of the " apology contention. " Lastly, I will share how I came to incorporate the " comfort woman " issue into my ethics and epistemology course as a case study. 1. Prelude In 2014, the " House of Sharing " for the former " comfort women " in South Korea was reshaped into The War and Women's Human Rights Museum. The opening of the WWHRM was a big achievement after almost 10 years of preparation, yet the current location tells a lot about past challenges the museum project faced. Initially, it was thought the museum would be located adjacent to a memorial museum dedicated to those who fought for the nation's independence against Imperial Japan. However, organizers had to find a new location due to the long time indifference and insensibility of their compatriots towards the " comfort women. " Critics said that because these women were used to satisfy the sexual desires of the enemy during colonial occupation, they were not as important as those who sacrificed their lives for national independence and therefore did not deserve the same kind of honoring. This ongoing controversy and, more seriously, the widespread neglect of these women may explain the difficulty of establishing the museum, the lack of support in its preparation, and finally, the invisibility of its current location – a residential area in Seoul. The story behind the WWHRM aptly illustrates the double injury inflicted on these women and the complexity of the issue even in the victims' own country. This is precisely what kept the women from coming forward for half a century: they feared that they would be regarded as prostitutes whose very existence would besmirch the honor of their family and nation. The first time I learned about the plight of the " comfort women " was in the late 90s when I was working as a student reporter at college. I thought to myself, " If a woman is raped once, it's hugely damaging; if twice, perhaps even more so; but what does it mean for a young woman about my age to be raped 50 times a day for years in confinement? " I observed groups of feminist students attending the weekly Wednesday Demonstration in front of the Japanese Embassy in Seoul. They were discussing the need and the means to preserve their memories. It was not long after these " comfort women " had come forward publicly in the early 90s. At that time there was a palpable sense of optimism amongst intellectuals and activists that the victims' voices would be heard and their demands officially met someday. At the least, their suffering was finally made public after 50 years of oblivion. As I stood on the balcony of the museum in the summer of 2014, I was proud of the fruits of two decades of activists' labor. At the same time, however, as I looked at the names of the deceased " comfort women " inscribed on the bricks – each one a tiny monument – I could not wrap my mind around the fact that the majority of the " comfort women " who were determined to fight then are now gone without getting the " official apology " from the Japanese government they had demanded. (I will elaborate more on this question in section 3.) To make matters worse, the renewed intensity of " comfort woman " denialism in the last decade has turned the clock back in the face of their demands for justice.
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===
Japan’s ‘Comfort Women’ And Historical Memory: The Neo-Nationalist Counter-Attack
Yonson Ahn
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