2026-10-09

천명 天命- 위키백과, Mandate of Heaven

천명 - 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전

천명

위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전.
다른 뜻에 대해서는 천명 (동음이의) 문서를 참고하십시오.

천명(天命, 영어: Mandate of Heaven)은 하늘에서 부여받은 명령 또는 운명을 뜻하는 단어이다.[1]

동양권에서 천명이라는 단어는 은나라 또는 주나라에 대한 문헌에서 등장한다. 은나라(殷)와 주나라(周)는 모두 신의 의지에 의거한 미래를 예측하는 신권정치를 실시하였다. 다만, 은나라에서 모든 현상은 불변하는 신(神)의 의지로 결정되고, 군주는 주술적(呪術的)인 점을 침으로써 그것을 예견하는 데 그치는 개념이었다. 주나라는 인간이 나면서부터 하늘이 부여한 운명이 있지만, 그것이 곧 불변하지는 않다고 보았다. 즉, 덕행을 쌓고 노력하여 천명을 호전시킬 수 있고, 태만하면 천명을 다할 수 없다고 보았다. 군주는 덕행을 쌓아야 하고 폭군이 나타나면 이를 넘어뜨릴 수 있어야 한다.[1]

방벌(放伐)이란 걸(桀) · 주(紂) 등의 폭군을 쳐부수는 것이다. 선양(禪讓)이란 요(堯)가 유덕한 순(舜)에게, 다시 순이 우(禹)에게 제위를 양보한 것처럼 양위하는 현상이다. 성(姓)을 교체하고 천명(天命)을 다시 정립하는 것이 역성혁명(易姓革命)이며, 은나라를 타도하여 주나라가 성립한 것을 정당화하는 단어로 사용되기도 하였다.[1]

같이 보기

각주

참고 문헌


==

天命

出典: フリー百科事典『ウィキペディア（Wikipedia）』

天命（てんめい）とは、天から与えられた命令のこと[1]である。

天から人間に与えられた、一生をかけてやり遂げなければならない命令のこと。また、人がこの世に生を授けられる因となった、天からの命令のことである。命数[2]。

概要

現在では「天命」は大きく分けて２つの意味で用いられている。ひとつは《天から与えられた使命》という意味で、これは《天あるいは天帝の命令》ということである。もうひとつは、人間の力ではいかんともしがたい《運命》や《宿命》を意味し、天から与えられた宿命ないしは寿命を意味する。天命の原義は前者の《天の命令》の意味であったが、それが転じて《運命》の意味を持つようになったという[3]。

現代人が天命という言葉の意味を理解するには、まず「命」という文字・言葉の意味を理解する必要がある。「命」という文字は、元来は「令」と書かれたのだが、これはもともと甲骨文や金文資料においてはとても重い意味で使用されており、上に立つ者が自分の持つ権限の一部を下の者に委譲して、自分に代わって実行するようにと命令する行為と、その際に言われる言葉が「命」と呼ばれたのである[1]。

天から命を受けている、とする思想は現代では「受命思想」とも呼ばれるが、この思想の成立は殷から周（紀元前1046年ごろ-紀元前256年）への王朝交代と結びつけて考えられている[4]。『黄土を拓いた人びと』の著者・三田村泰助によると、殷の王の正統性は帝または上帝と呼ばれる最高神の直系子孫であると称していた点にあった。その血筋ゆえに王は帝の助力を得る資格があるとされ、その手段が占いであった。

西周時代には、政治的な側面が強調されつつ、天命という思想が確立した[1]。それは以下のようなものである。

天帝は、周王を自分の元子（＝長男）として認知し、その周王に天命を降ろしてこの地上世界の統治をゆだねた[1]。

周王が天下を統治する権限は天からの命令を背景にしているとされたのである。また、天から元子として認知されているのだから周王は「天子」と名乗ることができた[1]。そして周王は、天から授かったこの命、統治の権限を小さく分けて臣下たちに与えた[1]。すなわち職務として与えることで、実際的な統治をおこなわせたのである[1]。このように、西周では、国家は上から下へと命が階層的に分与される構造によって成り立つようになった[1]。西周の後半の時期に遺された冊命金文にも、周王が臣下たちに《命》を分与するときの儀式が詳細に記述されている[1]。

ただし、元子として天命を受けた者であっても、その者が徳を失ってしまった時は、天帝は元子として認知しなくなり、別の有徳者を探して、その者に新しく天命を降ろす、とされた[1]。「命が革まる（あらたまる）」ということから、革命と言われるようになった[1]。これが革命(かくめい）という表現に込められている思想である。

上記のように、もともと天命という思想は、王朝や家系の盛衰にかかわるものであったが、そこでは全ての人に一部分とは言え天命が分与されているとされていたことから、やがて「天命がひとりひとりの人間の運命をも支配している」ともされるようになった[1]。ちょうど天命が王朝の命運を決定しているように、ひとりの人の人生の長短も人生のできごとの良否も天命によって定められている、と考えられるようになったのである[1]。かくして「命」の語が寿命や運命をも意味するようになったわけである[1]。

なお『論語』には孔子（紀元前551年‐紀元前479年）の言葉として「五十而知天命」（五十にして天命を知る）という表現があるが、上述のように天命は使命と運命の両方の意味で用いられているので、論語のこの表現を巡って、《運命》や《宿命》（自分にはこれだけしかできない）ということを意味しているのか、それとも《使命》（自分は人生でこれだけはしなければならない）を意味しているのかで解釈が分かれているという[3]。

その他

脚注

  1. 小南一郎「天命」『哲学・思想 事典』岩波書店、1998年。
  2. 広辞苑 第五版 【命数】（2）天から授けられた運命。
  3. 日原利国「天命」『世界大百科事典』平凡社、1988年。
  4. 三田村泰助『生活の世界歴史(2) 黄土を拓いた人びと』河出文庫、河出書房新社、1991年

参考文献

  • 金谷治・訳注『論語』岩波文庫、1999年改訂
  • 金谷治・訳注『大学・中庸』岩波文庫、1998年
  • 佐藤貢悦『古代中国天命思想の展開』学文社、1996年

関連項目

比較
  • 福音宣教 （西欧のキリスト教における《ミッション》（＝使命）という概念）
  • 王権神授説（西欧での思想。天命思想と細部では異なっている点がある）
  • 帝権移譲論 (中世ヨーロッパ以降の史学史での概念)

外部リンク

==

천명

출처 : 무료 백과 사전 "Wikipedia (Wikipedia)"

천명 (天命)이란 하늘 로부터 주어진 명령을 말한다 [ 1 ] .

하늘 에서 인간 에게 주신, 일생을 걸어 해야 할 명령. 또 사람이 이 세상에 삶을 줄 수 있는 원인이 된 하늘로부터의 명령이다. 명수 [ 2 ] .

개요

현재는 「천명」은 크게 나누어 2개의 의미로 이용되고 있다. 하나는 《하늘에서 주어진 사명》이라는 의미로, 이것은 《하늘 혹은 천제 의 명령》이라는 것이다. 또 하나는 인간의 힘으로는 굉장히 어려운《운명》이나《숙명》을 의미하며, 하늘로부터 주어진 숙명 또는 수명을 의미한다. 천명의 원리는 전자의 《하늘의 명령》의 의미였지만, 그것이 돌아서 《운명》의 의미를 갖게 되었다고 한다 [ 3 ] .

현대인이 천명이라는 말의 의미를 이해하기 위해서는 우선 '생명'이라는 문자·말의 의미를 이해할 필요가 있다. ‘목숨’이라는 문자는 원래는 ‘령’이라고 적혀 있었는데, 이것은 원래 갑골문 이나 금문 자료에 있어서는 무거운 의미로 사용되고 있으며, 위에 서는 자가 자신이 가진 권한의 일부를 아래 사람에게 위양하여 자신을 대신하여 실행하라고 명령하는 행위라고 그렇게 말하는 말이 ‘ 명 ’

하늘로부터 생명을 받고 있다고 하는 사상은 현대에서는 「수명사상」이라고도 불리지만, 이 사상의 성립은 잔치 에서 주 (기원전 1046년경-기원전 256년)로의 왕조교대와 연결되어 생각되고 있다 [ 4 ] . '황토를 개척한 사람들'의 저자 미타무라 야스스케 에 따르면, 순의 왕의 정통성은 제 또는 상제라고 불리는 최고신의 직계 자손이라고 칭하고 있던 점에 있었다. 그 혈근 때문에 왕은 황제의 조력을 얻을 자격이 있다고 여겨져 그 수단이 운세 였다.

서주시대에는 정치적인 측면이 강조되면서 천명이라는 사상이 확립되었다 [ 1 ] . 그것은 다음과 같습니다.

천제 는, 주왕을 자신의 모토코(= 장남 )로서 인지하고, 그 주왕에게 천명을 내려 이 지상 세계의 통치를 맡았다 [ 1 ] .

주왕이 천하 를 통치하는 권한은 하늘로부터의 명령을 배경으로 하고 있다고 여겨진 것이다. 또, 하늘로부터 모토코로서 인지되고 있기 때문에 주왕은 「텐코」라고 자칭할 수 있었다 [ 1 ] . 그리고 주왕은 하늘에서 받은 이 생명, 통치의 권한을 작게 나누어 신하들에게 주었다 [ 1 ] . 즉 직무로서 주는 것으로, 실제적인 통치를 행하게 된 것이다 [ 1 ] . 이와 같이 서주에서는 국가는 위에서 아래로 생명이 계층적으로 분여되는 구조에 의해 성립하게 되었다 [ 1 ] . 서주 후반 시기에 남겨진 책명 금문에도 주왕이 신하들에게 《생명》을 분여할 때의 의식이 상세하게 기술되어 있다 [ 1 ] .

다만, 원자로서 천명을 받은 자라도 그 자가 덕 을 잃어버렸을 때는 천제는 원자로서 인지하지 않게 되고, 다른 유덕자를 찾아 그 사람에게 새롭게 천명을 내린다고 여겨졌다 [ 1 ] . "생명이 혁명된다"라는 점에서 혁명이라고 불리게 되었다 [ 1 ] . 이것이 혁명 (かくめい)이라는 표현에 담겨 있는 사상이다.

위와 같이 원래 천명이라는 사상은 왕조나 가계의 성쇠에 관계되는 것이었지만, 거기서는 모든 사람에게 일부라고는 해도 천명이 분여되어 있다고 여겨졌기 때문에 이윽고 「천명이 한 사람 한 사람의 운명을 지배하고 있다 」 라고도 되었다 . 단지 천명이 왕조 의 명운을 결정하고 있는 것처럼, 한 사람의 인생 의 장단도 인생의 사건의 양부도 천명에 의해 정해져 있다고 생각되게 된 것이다 [ 1 ] . 따라서 "생명"의 말이 수명 과 운명 을 의미하게 된 것이다 [ 1 ] .

덧붙여 『논어』에는 공자 (기원전 551년-기원전 479년)의 말로서 「50이치 천명」( 50으로 천명을 아는 )이라는 표현이 있지만, 전술한 바와 같이 천명은 사명과 운명의 양쪽의 의미로 사용되고 있으므로, 논어의 이 표현을 둘러싸고 《운명》이나 《숙명》(자신에게는 이것 밖에 할 수 없다)라는 것을 의미하고 있는지, 아니면 《사명》(자신은 인생에서 이것만은 해야 한다)을 의미하는지로 해석이 나뉘어 있다고 한다 . 3 ] .

==

Mandate of Heaven

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Mandate of Heaven
An infographic showing the dynastic cycle of the Chinese dynasties, including the Mandate of Heaven
Traditional Chinese天命
Simplified Chinese天命
Literal meaning"Heaven's command"
Transcriptions

The Mandate of Heaven (Chinese: 天命; pinyin: Tiānmìng; Wade–Giles: T'ien1-ming4; lit. 'Heaven's command') is a Chinese political doctrine that was used in Ancient China and Imperial China to legitimize the rule of the king or emperor of China.[1] According to this doctrine, Heaven (天, Tian) bestows its mandate[a] on a virtuous ruler, called the Son of Heaven (天子, Tianzi), who is the supreme universal monarch that will rule the world (天下, Tianxia; "[all] under heaven").[3] If a ruler was overthrown, this was interpreted as an indication that the ruler and his dynasty were unworthy and had lost the Mandate.[4] It was also a common belief that natural disasters such as famine and flood were divine retributions bearing signs of Heaven's displeasure with the ruler, so there would often be revolts following major disasters as the people saw these calamities as signs that the Mandate of Heaven had been withdrawn.[5]

The Mandate of Heaven does not require a legitimate ruler to be of noble birth. Chinese dynasties such as the Han and Ming were founded by men of common origins, but they were seen as having succeeded because they had gained the Mandate of Heaven. Retaining the mandate is contingent on the just and able performance of the rulers and their heirs.

Corollary to the concept of the Mandate of Heaven was the right of rebellion against an unjust ruler. The Mandate of Heaven was often invoked by philosophers and scholars in China as a way to curtail the abuse of power by the ruler, in a system that had few other checks. Chinese historians interpreted a successful revolt as evidence that Heaven had withdrawn its mandate from the ruler. Throughout Chinese history, times of poverty and natural disasters were often taken as signs that Heaven considered the incumbent ruler unjust and thus in need of replacement. The classical statement of the legitimacy of rebellion against an unjust ruler, found in the Mencius, was often edited out of that text.

The concept of the Mandate of Heaven also extends to the ruler's family having divine rights[1] and was first used to support the rule of the kings of the Zhou dynasty to legitimize their overthrow of the earlier Shang dynasty. It was used throughout the history of China to legitimize the successful overthrow and installation of new dynasties, including by non-Han dynasties such as the Qing dynasty. The Mandate of Heaven has been called the Zhou dynasty's most important contribution to Chinese political thought,[6] but it coexisted and interfaced with other theories of sovereign legitimacy, including abdication to the worthy and five phases theory.

History

Transition between the Shang and the Zhou

The prosperous Shang dynasty saw its rule filled with multiple outstanding accomplishments. Notably, the dynasty lasted for a considerable time during which 31 kings ruled over an extended period of 17 generations. The rule of the Shang kings has been described as hegemonic. Royal authority flowed from the person of the king, enforced by his military. Neighbouring clans were allied through marriage and adopted into the Shang ancestral temple.[7]

A poem about the last years of the Shang dynasty reads "Heaven sends down death and disorder; famine comes repeatedly."[8] Paleoclimatic data show a long-term period of cooling in the northern hemisphere, which reached its maximum right around the fall of the Shang.[9]

In 1059 BCE, two unusual celestial phenomena took place: in May, the densest clustering in five hundred years' time of the five planets visible to the naked eye could be seen in the constellation of Cancer, and a few seasons later Halley's Comet appeared.[10] One or more of these[11] was interpreted by the powerful Lord of Zhou as a visible sign indicating supernatural approval.[12] Early records, such as the inscription on the Da Yu ding, employ language more descriptive than theoretical: "the great command in the sky" (天有大令).[13][b]

Although both the Shang and Zhou claimed divine ancestry,[14] the Zhou were the first to use the concept of the Mandate of Heaven to explain their right to assume rule and presumed that the only way to hold the mandate was to rule well in the eyes of Heaven. They also stated that the Shang came into power because the Xia had lost their mandate, which had then been bestowed upon the Shang, leading to the fall of the Xia and the rise of the Shang.[15] The Xia gave precedent and legitimacy to the Zhou's own rebellion.[16] No Western Zhou bronze inscriptions mention the Xia, or any other dynasty preceding the Shang.[17] The Zhou believed that the Shang ruling house had become morally corrupt and that the Shang leaders' loss of virtue entitled their own house to take over.[18] The overthrow of the Shang Dynasty, they said, was in accordance with the mandate given by Heaven. Even at the time of the inauguration ritual of third-generation King Kang of Zhou, the royal command read out to the new king explicitly stated the belief that Heaven had changed its mandate.[19]

In the political theory of the Zhou, legitimate authority flowed directly from Heaven to their founding dynast, King Wen. Although he did not live to see the Zhou conquest of Shang, his legitimacy passed to his heirs.[20] Early on in the dynasty, there was some debate as to whether Heaven's mandate had fallen to the senior sons of King Wen's line, or to the house of Zhou as a group, as exemplified by an exchange surviving in the classic Book of Documents.[21]

Eastern Zhou

The Zhou dynasty was marked by early success and expansion until the death on campaign of King Kang's successor, King Zhao of Zhou.[22] During the ensuing centuries, central authority waned overall, driven by socioeconomic pressures. This culminated in a succession crisis which saw the aristocracy split between two competing candidates for a number of years. When the crisis resolved, the royal house retained only a tiny amount of land and no real military power. This marked the beginning of the Eastern Zhou. During the decline of the royal house, although real power was wrested from their grasp, their divine legitimacy was not brought into question, and even with the king reduced to something of a figurehead, his prestige remained supreme as Heaven's eldest son.[23]

However, there is epigraphic evidence that, in private, the rulers of the state of Qin (which would go on to conquer everyone else and become the first dynasty of the imperial era) held that their ancestors had received Heaven's mandate. As early as the 600s BCE, multiple inscriptions attest to this idea.[24] It is unclear whether the Qin rulers meant they believed they had celestial approval to replace the Zhou kings, whether they believed themselves the appointed heirs of the Zhou should the royal line come to an end,[25] or whether their receipt of Heaven's mandate was construed as issuing through the Zhou king to give them legitimate authority over their own lands.[26]

Qin and Han dynasties

When the Zhou dynasty did come to an end, Qin absorbed the remainder of their lands, as well as those of all their competitors. The Mandate of Heaven did not play a direct part in their public relations, going unmentioned in all surviving material.[27] The Qin dynasty was not long-lived: after the death of first emperor Qin Shihuang, widespread revolts by prisoners, peasants, unhappy soldiers, ambitious minor officials, and remnants of the recently defeated aristocracy rapidly ensured the downfall of the central government.[28] The ensuing Chu–Han contention ended with the success of Liu Bang and establishment of the Han dynasty.

Surviving historical documents from the Han dynasty paint the preceding Qin in a deeply unfavourable light, emphasising tyrannical policies, the incompetence of the second emperor, and giving an account of illegitimate birth for the first emperor.[29][30] In this portrayal, it is clear the Qin had lost the Mandate, if they had ever possessed it to begin with. It was an uncomfortable fact that Han founder Liu Bang rose to power from a background outside the aristocracy, and achieved victory through military accomplishments. To accommodate this, Liu Bang was ascribed a magical birth, and later a divine ancestry.[31][32]

When Wang Mang took power at the end of the western Han, he used the acceptance of the theory of Heaven's Mandate to his advantage. Auspicious unusual events were said to portend Heaven's choosing a new heir, so Wang fabricated omens indicating that Heaven had changed its mandate, and that it had chosen him.[33]

Following the restoration of the Han house to power, the Mandate of Heaven stood on uncertain grounds. Some theorists decoupled judgements of virtue from the mandate, seeing it primarily as inherited through ancestry, while others abandoned the concept altogether in favour of five phases theories.[34]

Era of disunity

The final Han emperor abdicated to the powerful minister Cao Pi in CE 220, and in this transfer of power the idea of Heaven's mandate played a large role. The court prognosticator Xu Zhi (許芝) enumerated in a lengthy memorandum the signs he had located in divinatory and historical texts showing that Cao Pi's Wei should succeed the Han.[35] A sequence of written statements by various officials followed, culminating in Emperor Xian of Han's formal announcement of abdication and Cao Pi's accession.[36] The announcement of abdication explicitly mentioned that the mandate of Heaven was not permanent, and no one argued that the virtue of the house of Han had not been in decline for some time.[37] In the eyes of these authors, Heaven's mandate followed virtue.[38] While the idea that Cao Wei was Heaven's legitimate successor predominated for several centuries, the alternate theory that Heaven's mandate instead fell to the rival state of Shu Han was first articulated by Xi Zuochi in the 300s,[39] and was universally accepted by the much later Song dynasty.[40]

The last Wei emperor abdicated in turn to the Western Jin. This dynasty soon lost control of northern China to non-Han ethnic groups, and in the literature of the southern dynasties that followed there began to appear an object called the State-Transmitting Seal. This magical talisman was the physical manifestation of Heaven's mandate, tied up in the fortunes of ruling families, allowing the exiled southern aristocracy to retain their sense of cultural superiority and maintain the validity of Heaven's mandate in the face of counterfactual political reality.[41]

Five Dynasties period

During the Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms Period, there was no dominant Chinese dynasty that ruled all of China. This created a problem for the Song dynasty that followed, as they wanted to legitimize their rule by establishing a clear transmission of the Mandate from the Tang through to the Song. The scholar-official Xue Juzheng compiled the Old History of the Five Dynasties (五代史) during the 960s and 970s, after the Song dynasty had taken northern China from the last of the Five Dynasties, the Later Zhou. A major purpose of the book was to establish justification for the transference of the Mandate of Heaven through these five dynasties and thus to the Song dynasty. He argued that these dynasties met certain vital criteria to be considered as having attained the Mandate of Heaven despite never having ruled all of China. One is that they all ruled the traditional Chinese heartland.

However, there were certain other areas where these dynasties all clearly fell short. The brutal behavior of Zhu Wen and his Later Liang was a source of considerable embarrassment, and thus there was pressure to exclude them from the Mandate. The following three dynasties, the Later Tang, Later Jin, and Later Han were all non-Han Chinese dynasties with rulers from the Shatuo ethnic minority. Additionally, none of them were able to defeat the powerful states to the south and unify the entire Chinese realm. However, Xue Juzheng concluded that the Mandate had indeed passed through each of the Five Dynasties, and thus onto the Song Dynasty when it conquered the last of those dynasties.[42]

The Mandate of Heaven was thought to emanate from the Dao, especially in the Song dynasty.[43]

Qing dynasty

The Qing dynasty was established by the Manchus who conquered China proper. Nurhaci, who was regarded the founding father of the Qing dynasty, was originally a vassal to the Ming dynasty and later rebelled against the Ming with the Seven Grievances. But according to the Qing rulers it was the peasant rebels led by Li Zicheng who overthrew the Ming, and so the Qing were not responsible for the destruction of the Ming dynasty. Instead, the Qing argued, they had obtained the Mandate of Heaven by defeating the many rebels and bandits that the Ming had failed to control and restoring stability to the empire.[44] Just as stability was a sign of Heaven's favor, difficulties were a sign of Heaven's displeasure. Thus, emperors in the Qing and earlier dynasties often interpreted natural disasters during their reigns as reasons to reflect on their failures to act and govern correctly.[45]

The right to rule and the right of rebellion

Mencius stated that:[46]

The people are of supreme importance; the altars of soil and grain come next; last comes the ruler. That is why he who gains the confidence of the multitudinous people will be Emperor... When a local lord endangers the altars of soil and grain, he should be replaced. When the sacrificial animals are sleek, the offerings are clean and the sacrifices are observed at due times, and yet floods and droughts come [by the agency of heaven], then the altars should be replaced.

— Mencius, 盡心下

Thus, the Mandate of Heaven does not confer an unconditional right to rule. To retain the Mandate of Heaven, a ruler's performance had to be just and effective and not excessively expand and maintain power outside the nation's borders.[47] The people retained a right to rebel.[48]: 39  Of the political philosophers of the Warring States period, Mencius was perhaps the most radically revolutionary, deliberately eliding any distinction between overthrowing a wicked ruler and punishing a common criminal.[49] The more conservative Xunzi, writing not much later, regarded rebellion as the apical manifestation of an unfit ruler's ineptitude, only justified if already inevitable.[50] Meanwhile, the authoritarian Han Feizi rejected entirely the concept of a just rebellion, going as far as denouncing such culture heroes as Tang of Shang and Wu of Zhou, rebels who founded successful empires.[51] By the time of the Han dynasty, the right to rebellion was a politically sensitive topic, as the Han rulers could neither deny their own history as being birthed in rebellion nor embrace the idea that they should themselves be overthrown.[52]

The right of rebellion against an unjust ruler has been a part of Chinese political philosophy ever since the Zhou dynasty, and the successful rebellion was interpreted by Chinese historians as evidence that divine approval had passed on to the successive dynasty. The Right of Rebellion is not coded into any official law. Rather, rebellion is always outlawed and severely punished; but is still a positive right grounded in the Chinese moral system. Often, it is used as a justification for actions to overthrow a previous dynasty after a rebellion has been successful and a new dynastic rule has been established. Since the winner is the one who determines who has obtained the Mandate of Heaven and who has lost it, some Chinese scholars consider it to be a sort of victor's justice, best characterized in the popular Chinese saying "The winner becomes king, the loser becomes outlaw" (Chinese: "成者爲王，敗者爲寇"). Due to this, it is considered that Chinese historical accounts of the fall of a dynasty and the rise of a new one must be handled with caution. Chinese traditional historical compilation methods produce accounts that tend to fit their account to the theory, emphasizing aspects tending to prove that the old dynasty lost the Mandate of Heaven and the new one gained it, and de-emphasizing other aspects.[citation needed]

In the 20th and 21st centuries, Confucianist elements of student rebellions often claimed the Mandate of Heaven has been forfeited, as demonstrated by their large-scale activism, with notable instances including the 2014 Sunflower Student Movement in Taiwan and the 2014 and 2019 Hong Kong protests.[53][54]

In imperial times, Chinese emperors invoked de by striving to be good influences and performing rituals to benefit their status and keep the Mandate of Heaven.[55] Also, the Mandate could not be given to several emperors or rulers at once.[56]

Influence

Because of China's influence in medieval times, the concept of the Mandate of Heaven spread to other East Asian countries as a justification for rule by divine political legitimacy.[57] In Korea, the kingdom of Goguryeo, one of the Three Kingdoms of Korea, adopted the Chinese concept of tianxia which was based on Mandate of Heaven, however in Goguryeo it was changed to be based on divine ancestry. In the Goguryeo story, Jumong was born to Hye Moss, the son of the Emperor, and Yu Hwa, the daughter of Habaek, the god of water. When Yuhwa was pregnant, she entrusted her body to the king of Buyeo and laid an egg, and the person who came out of the egg was Jumong. When Jumong, who was born of eggs, grew up and performed various strange tricks, the sons of King Buyeo became jealous, and Jumong eventually fled Buyeo and built a country called Goguryeo.[58] This is a case in which Goguryeo claimed the legitimacy of expelling Buyeo under the command of heaven by setting him as the son of God. Silla is similar to Goguryeo. According to Silla's founding story, there was no king in the area where Silla was located, but the sixth degree and its sixth degree held a meeting of painters and ruled. They wanted a monarchy in which a king existed rather than the current political system, but one day they found an egg near a well and one was born out of it. It is said that the village chiefs named him Park Hyuk-geose and appointed him king to create the present Silla.[citation needed] the earliest records are from Joseon Dynasty, which made the Mandate of Heaven an enduring state ideology.[59]

The ideology was also adopted in Vietnam, known in Vietnamese as Thiên mệnh (Chữ Hán: 天命). A divine mandate gave the Vietnamese emperor the right to rule, based not on his lineage but on his competence to govern.[60] The later and more centralized Vietnamese dynasties adopted Confucianism as the state ideology, which led to the creation of a Vietnamese tributary system in Southeast Asia that was modeled after the Chinese Sinocentric system in East Asia.[61]

In Japan, the title "Son of Heaven" was interpreted literally where the monarch was referred to as a demigod, deity, or "living god", chosen by the gods and goddesses of heaven.[62] Eventually, the Japanese government found the concept ideologically problematic, preferring not to have divine political legitimacy that was conditional and that could be withdrawn. The Japanese Taihō Code, formulated in 703, was largely an adaptation of the governmental system of the Tang dynasty, but the Mandate of Heaven was specifically omitted.[citation needed]

Recently, China historians have noted that the ruler's Mandate of Heaven had a more local equivalent, which applied to county magistrates and prefects in Ming times. It is called the "Minor Mandate" or 小天命.[63]

See also

References

Notes

  1. The "mandate" of Heaven's Mandate is the same word (命) the sovereign used to appoint an aristocratic relative to rule a regional state. In this sense the relation between Heaven and the sovereign was analogous to the relation between the sovereign and the regional lord.[2]
  2. The early word here for "command" (令; líng) had either not yet diverged from the modern version (命; mìng) or was written to express the same word.

Citations

  1. Harari (2015), p. 219.
  2. von Falkenhausen (1996), p. 9.
  3. Ebrey 2010, p. 179.
  4. Nylan (2007), p. 75.
  5. Szczepanski, Kallie. "What Is the Mandate of Heaven in China?". About Education. Archived from the original on October 8, 2014. Retrieved December 4, 2015.
  6. Chen (2002), p. 291.
  7. Li (2008), pp. 26–27.
  8. Chittick (2003), p. 174.
  9. Hinsch (1988), p. 139.
  10. Pankenier (1995), pp. 123–124, 129.
  11. Allan (2007), p. 38.
  12. Li (2008), pp. 30–31.
  13. Allan (2007), p. 39.
  14. Allan (2007), pp. 13, 33.
  15. Zhao (2009).
  16. Pines (2008), p. 3.
  17. Allan (2007), p. 40.
  18. Song (2019), pp. 515–516.
  19. Shaughnessy (1989), p. 54.
  20. Li (2008), pp. 294–295.
  21. Shaughnessy (1993), pp. 58–59.
  22. Li (2008), p. 34.
  23. Pines (2004), p. 23.
  24. Pines (2006), pp. 18–21.
  25. Pines (2006), p. 19.
  26. Pines (2004), p. 16.
  27. Pines (2008), p. 22.
  28. Dull (1983), pp. 313–317.
  29. Sørensen (2010), p. 15.
  30. Goldin (2000), pp. 78–79.
  31. Wang (2001), p. 20.
  32. Nylan (2007), p. 72.
  33. Sukhu (2006), p. 120.
  34. Sukhu (2006), p. 133.
  35. Chen and Pei, vol. 2, pp. 63–64.
  36. Chen and Pei, vol. 2, pp. 62–75.
  37. Chen and Pei, vol. 2, pp. 62, 66–68.
  38. Farmer (2001), pp. 51–52.
  39. Chittick (1998), p. 48.
  40. Yong (1782), vol. 45, p. 17.
  41. Rogers (1968), pp. 61–62.
  42. Mote (1999), pp. 8–10.
  43. Harl, Kenneth W. (2023). Empires of the Steppes: A History of the Nomadic Tribes Who Shaped Civilization. United States: Hanover Square Press. p. 272. ISBN 978-1-335-42927-8.
  44. Mote (1999), p. 819.
  45. Mote (1999), p. 637.
  46. Mencius. (2004). Mencius. Lau, D.C. (Dim Cheuk) (Rev. ed.). London: Penguin. ISBN 978-0140449716. OCLC 56648867.
  47. Cartwright, Mark (2017-07-25). "Mandate of Heaven". World History Encyclopedia. Retrieved 2023-04-28.
  48. Marquis, Christopher; Qiao, Kunyuan (2022). Mao and Markets: The Communist Roots of Chinese Enterprise. New Haven: Yale University Press. doi:10.2307/j.ctv3006z6k. ISBN 978-0-300-26883-6. JSTOR j.ctv3006z6k. OCLC 1348572572. S2CID 253067190.
  49. Pines (2008), pp. 15–16.
  50. Pines (2008), pp. 19–20.
  51. Pines (2008), pp. 20–22.
  52. Pines (2008), p. 24.
  53. Ming-sho Ho, Challenging Beijing's Mandate of Heaven: Taiwan's Sunflower Movement and Hong Kong's Umbrella Movement (Temple University Press, 2019).
  54. Thomas B. Gold, "Occupy Central/Sunflower: Popular Resistance in Greater China." Foreign Policy Research Institute E-Notes (Oct. 2014) online Archived 2019-10-30 at the Wayback Machine
  55. Stefon, Matt. "de". Encyclopedia Britannica. Retrieved 2023-04-23.
  56. Harari (2015), p. 220.
  57. Jenkins, Brian. "Why the North Vietnamese will keep fighting" (PDF). RAND. Archived (PDF) from the original on March 4, 2016. Retrieved December 5, 2015.
  58. 김, 열규, "동명왕 신화", 한국민족문화대백과사전 [Encyclopedia of Korean Culture] (in Korean), Academy of Korean Studies, retrieved 2024-03-25
  59. "South Korea's President Lost the 'Mandate of Heaven'". Archived from the original on 2017-12-01. Retrieved 2017-11-30.
  60. Woodside 1971, p. 9.
  61. Woodside 1971, pp. 234–237.
  62. Dull 1990, p. 59.
  63. Sarah Schneewind, Shrines to Living Men in the Ming Political Cosmos , Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Asia Center, 2018, Chapter 9

Sources

Further reading

  • T'ang Chün-i (1962). "The T'ien Ming [Heavenly Ordinance] in Pre-Ch'in China". Philosophy East and West. 11 (4). University of Hawaiʻi Press: 195–218. doi:10.2307/1397023. JSTOR 1397023.
  • T'ang Chün-i (1962). "The T'ien Ming [Heavenly Ordinance] in Pre-Ch'in China II". Philosophy East and West. 12 (1). University of Hawaiʻi Press: 29–49. doi:10.2307/1397244. JSTOR 1397244.
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